Статті в журналах: "Sociology of international expertise"

1

Varfolomeev, A. A., O. P. Ivanov, I. V. Surma, and Yu A. Trefilova. "Russian System of Foreign Policy Expertise." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 266–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-266-292.

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Abstract: The article considers the system of foreign policy expertise as an independent subject of research. The authors note the positive aspects of competitive analysis of the external nvironment, which allows one to level out the asymmetry of political and economic cultures within a given country, as well as to smooth out the personal interests. This ensures a variability of approaches in foreign policy decision-making, which ultimately contributes to the promotion of balanced national interests. The North American approach differs in preferences, methodological trends, forms of theoretical ethnocentrism and various forms of social construction. The European scholars and experts in foreign policy analysis use the theory of international relations much more extensively than their North American counterparts.Based on the analysis, we propose to use a comprehensive integrated method, developed in the Russian Diplomatic Academy, using an interdisciplinary approach based on elements of political psychology, sociology of management, international law, structural, functional and institutional approaches, etc. We also propose to use virtual cognitive centers and methodologies, which not only contain a specific sequence of stages of predicting the development of the international situation, but also provide an opportunity to choose methods of Foresight, taking into account the existing time, human resources and financial constraints, and the possibility of their adaptation to the applied tasks of analytical and prognostic activities of federal authorities in the field of foreign policy.

2

Christensen, Mikkel Jarle. "The Judiciary of International Criminal Law." Journal of International Criminal Justice 17, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 537–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqz033.

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Abstract The article investigates the judiciary of international criminal law and its development over time. Inspired by the sociological tools of Pierre Bourdieu and building on an original dataset, the article analyses the judiciary of three international criminal courts, namely the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Court and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. The focus of the analysis is on how the composition of expertise in the judiciary of these courts reflects the wider power structure in the field of international criminal law as well as temporal developments in this structure. Reflecting and responding to these transformations, the judiciary of international criminal law has been affected by a double decline of positions and prestige and a turn towards practice as the core expertise of the field. However, despite this turn to practice, the accumulation of political expertise continues to structure access to elite positions in the international criminal law judiciary.

3

Rietig, Katharina. "‘Neutral’ experts? How input of scientific expertise matters in international environmental negotiations." Policy Sciences 47, no. 2 (June 2014): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11077-013-9188-8.

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4

Restier-Melleray, Christiane. "Experts et expertise scientifique. Le cas de la France." Revue française de science politique 40, no. 4 (1990): 546–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfsp.1990.394498.

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5

Christensen, Mikkel Jarle. "Preaching, Practicing and Publishing International Criminal Justice: Academic Expertise and the Development of an International Field of Law." International Criminal Law Review 17, no. 2 (February 27, 2017): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01702006.

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The article investigates the role of scholarly expertise in and around the international criminal courts. Building on the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, the article analyses the influence of different forms of scholarship by situating them in the wider ‘field’ of international criminal law. Structured by opposing poles of social worth organized around different perceptions of what is considered valuable knowledge, scholarship on international criminal law took competing forms. A dominant form of scholarship is oriented towards societal impact and caters to legal practice, while more critical perspectives adhere to norms of disinterest and autonomy embedded in academia. Formatted by the larger field of practice in which they exist and by their relative proximity to the opposing poles of societal and academic power and prestige, these perspectives structure the professional rules that govern the field and thus affect the development of its law by defining what is perceived as relevant knowledge.

6

Lee, Richard P. "Agri-Food Governance and Expertise: The Production of International Food Standards." Sociologia Ruralis 49, no. 4 (October 2009): 415–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9523.2009.00493.x.

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7

Daraboš, Nikica, and Dagmar Radin. "International Medical Knowledge Transfer as a Tool of Public Diplomacy." Politička misao 56, no. 3-4 (March 11, 2020): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.02.

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The international dissemination of expertise in most transition countries is underdeveloped because of a number of developmental and practical challenges. Croatia’s overall educational and innovatory potential for health knowledge transfer remains above average when compared to what has been achieved by other new EU Member States, and it is dominated by public sector research institutes and universities. This unrealized potential could be improved further by enhancing the international dissemination of Croatian medical expertise using public diplomacy. The aim of this paper is to address the way in which the international dissemination of medical expertise in transition countries can serve as a tool of public diplomacy to improve its scope and success, in addition to advancing the scope of the knowledge transfer itself. The case of Croatia is used as an example. An effective communication strategy is an important element of public diplomacy that, by influencing public opinion, provides the necessary precondition for active societal support of the willing participants in the transfer of knowledge. Hence, at the beginning of this paper we present the concept of international knowledge transfer in general, and then proceed to present the example of the transfer of Croatian medical knowledge. The second part of this paper addresses elements of public diplomacy and different communication mechanisms and the potential for the international dissemination of domestic medical expertise, with the primary emphasis on Croatia. Finally, we present an overall analysis and an algorithm of public diplomacy activities that each country in transition can adopt to overcome failures associated with the international dissemination of medical expertise.

8

Herold, Jana, Andrea Liese, Per-Olof Busch, and Hauke Feil. "Why National Ministries Consider the Policy Advice of International Bureaucracies: Survey Evidence from 106 Countries." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 3 (June 2, 2021): 669–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab044.

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Abstract Scholars of international relations and public administration widely assume that international bureaucracies, in their role as policy advisors, directly influence countries’ domestic policies. Yet, this is not true across the board. Why do some countries closely consider the advice of international bureaucracies while others do not? This article argues that international bureaucracies’ standing as sources of expertise is crucial. We tested this argument using data from a unique survey that measured prevalent practices of advice utilization in thematically specialized policy units of national ministries in a representative sample of more than a hundred countries. Our findings show that ministries’ perceptions of international bureaucracies’ expertise, that is, specialized and reliable knowledge, are the key factor. International bureaucracies influence national ministries directly and without the support of other actors that may also have an interest in the international bureaucracies’ policy advice. Our analysis also demonstrates that the effects of alternative means of influence, such as third-party pressure and coercion, are themselves partly dependent on international bureaucracies’ reputation as experts. The findings presented in this article reinforce the emphasis on expertise as a source of international bureaucracies’ influence, and provide a crucial test of its importance.

9

Kranke, Matthias. "The politics of expertise in international organizations: how international bureaucracies produce and mobilize knowledge." International Affairs 94, no. 6 (November 1, 2018): 1457–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy219.

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10

Callander, Steven. "A Theory of Policy Expertise." Quarterly Journal of Political Science 3, no. 2 (July 31, 2008): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00007024.

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11

Bennett, Peter G. "Modelling complex conflicts: formalism or expertise?" Review of International Studies 17, no. 4 (October 1991): 349–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112057.

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The use of game theory to study international conflict has seen peaks and troughs of enthusiasm, high hopes alternating with disillusionment. A revival in recent years is evidenced by the wide interest aroused by non-technical, accessible applications—notably Axelrod’s work on cooperation. Meanwhile, the increasing use of computers to analyze many types of decision lends credence to the notion that with this new-found analytical power, one can move beyond the simplified models previously on offer. Indeed, several pieces of game-based software are now commercially available. The enthusiastic might claim that we stand on the threshold of an age in which no important decision involving conflict should be made without the backing of powerful, on-line analysis. The even more enthusiastic (of whom more below) are prone to claim that the threshold has already been crossed. However, there remain those for whom such claims cut very little ice, and there Is little consensus amongst theorists as to what sort of practical help can be offered to decision-makers.

12

Davies, Sara E., and Clare Wenham. "Why the COVID-19 response needs International Relations." International Affairs 96, no. 5 (September 1, 2020): 1227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa135.

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Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic affects all countries, but how governments respond is dictated by politics. Amid this, the World Health Organization (WHO) has tried to coordinate advice to states and offer ongoing management of the outbreak. Given the political drivers of COVID-19, we argue this is an important moment to advance International Relations knowledge as a necessary and distinctive method for inclusion in the WHO repertoire of knowledge inputs for epidemic control. Historical efforts to assert technical expertise over politics is redundant and outdated: the WHO has always been politicized by member states. We suggest WHO needs to embrace the politics and engage foreign policy and diplomatic expertise. We suggest practical examples of the entry points where International Relations methods can inform public health decision-making and technical policy coordination. We write this as a primer for those working in response to COVID-19 in WHO, multilateral organizations, donor financing departments, governments and international non-governmental organizations, to embrace political analysis rather than shy away from it. Coordinated political cooperation is vital to overcome COVID-19.

13

Allan, Bentley B. "From subjects to objects: Knowledge in International Relations theory." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 4 (November 23, 2017): 841–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117741529.

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There has been a resurgence of interest in the role of scientific knowledge and expertise in International Relations, but it is not clear what the theoretical value-added of this work is. This article places recent work on scientific knowledge and expertise in a longer-term perspective. The history shows that knowledge has played an important role in International Relations theory since Carr and Morgenthau, but that thinking has been trapped within a simple conceptual framework centered on tracing how knowledge shapes the beliefs and interests of international subjects. This mode of theorizing first entered International Relations via Mannheim and has been further developed by Foucauldian and practice-based approaches since the 1990s. Outlining the history of knowledge from Carr through Haas to the present makes it possible to identify the distinctive contribution of recent work: whereas International Relations has focused on how knowledge shapes subjects such as states and international organizations, recent work by Corry, Sending, and others reorients International Relations to the constitution of governance objects. On the object-centered view, knowledge plays a key role in the construction of the hybrid entities like the economy and the climate that structure the landscape of international politics.

14

Donika, A. D., A. S. Strelchenko, and N. V. Soloviev. "CELEBRATION OF THE WORLD BIOETHICS DAY IN VOLGOGRAD STATE MEDICAL UNIVERSITY." Bioethics 26, no. 12 (November 2, 2020): 58–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19163/2070-1586-2020-2(26)-58-60.

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The article presents the results of research activities which were undertaken in Volgograd Medical University to celebrate the World Bioethics Day. The theme of scientific events organized on the basis of the Department of Bioethics, Philosophy and Medical Law with a course of the sociology of medicine with the participation of the Department of Ethical, Legal and Sociological Expertise in Medicine of Volgograd Medical Scientific Center is “Benefit and Harm”. The article presents the Program of holding a scientific online conference with international participation and the results of the essay competition among students and young scientists.

15

Ioakimidis, Vasilios. "Expanding imperialism, exporting expertise: International social work and the Greek project, 1946—74." International Social Work 54, no. 4 (January 27, 2011): 505–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872810385832.

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16

Colish, Will. "Review Article: Between Expertise and Fairness." European Journal of Political Theory 9, no. 1 (January 2010): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885109338005.

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17

Bueger, Christian. "Territory, authority, expertise: Global governance and the counter-piracy assemblage." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 3 (September 12, 2017): 614–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117725155.

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This article presents an empirical study that aims to draw out core elements of an assemblage theory of global governance. Situating assemblage theory in the third, practice-oriented generation of global governance research, I argue that it provides us with a feature-rich toolbox sensitive to the routine matters of international cooperation, the role of artefacts and the vitality of territories of governance. To showcase the advantages of an assemblage approach, I study a paradigmatic case: the organization of the international community’s fight against piracy off the coast of Somalia. This effort has not only been very successful, with no major piracy incident reported from 2012 to 2016, but also a ‘miracle’ that can be explained by the close cooperation of all actors involved. I zoom in on one of the core components of this cooperation, the so-called Best Management Practices, which organize state–industry relations. I present a detailed study of the making of the Best Management Practices and the territory of authority and expertise that it established, and show how it became a core tool of governance. The case study documents the analytical power of assemblage theory for understanding global governance.

18

Yahuda, Michael B. "China and International Relations." Review of International Studies 14, no. 4 (October 1988): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113178.

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These last ten years have witnessed a remarkable development of Chinese academic writing on International Relations. The late Premier Zhou Enlai had recommended the expansion of such studies in 1964 on his return from a tour of Africa after having found the relevant Chinese expertise weak and ill-informed. But the Cultural Revolution of 1966–1976 not only prevented that development, but along with most other intellectuals those few scholars engaged in the subject were humiliated and persecuted. Since 1977, in common with the other social sciences, International Relations has begun to flourish. Although it is a fairly new independent subject of study more than five hundred scholars are engaged in a variety of research institutes and several universities offer courses in it. As in the other social sciences, research in International Relations is carried out under the general guidelines of serving China's long term policies of modernization and the open door.

19

Wyatt, Julian. "Law-making at the intersection of international environmental, humanitarian and criminal law: the issue of damage to the environment in international armed conflict." International Review of the Red Cross 92, no. 879 (September 2010): 593–646. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383110000536.

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AbstractThe relationship between international environmental law and international humanitarian law, like relationships between many other subsystems of contemporary international law, has not yet been articulated. The problem of environmental damage in international armed conflict lies at the intersection of these two branches and thus provides an ideal opportunity to investigate this relationship. Rather than simply evaluating the applicable international law rules in their context, we break them into elements that we separately assess from both (international) environmental law and international humanitarian/international criminal law perspectives. By doing so, we identify how international law rules for cross-sectoral problems may appropriately combine the existing expertise and institutional strengths of simultaneously applicable branches of international law, and also discover how an evaluation of the ultimate appropriateness of the cross-sectoral rules adopted may be substantially affected by the different frames of reference that are used by those working within the different fields.

20

Maestas, Cherie D., Matthew K. Buttice, and Walter J. Stone. "Extracting Wisdom from Experts and Small Crowds: Strategies for Improving Informant-based Measures of Political Concepts." Political Analysis 22, no. 3 (2014): 354–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpt050.

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Social scientists have increasingly turned to expert judgments to generate data for difficult-to-measure concepts, but getting access to and response from highly expert informants can be costly and challenging. We examine how informant selection and post-survey response aggregation influence the validity and reliability of measures built from informant observations. We draw upon three surveys with parallel survey questions of candidate characteristics to examine the trade-off between expanding the size of the local informant pool and the pool's level of expertise. We find that a “wisdom-of-crowds” effect trumps the benefits associated with the expertise of individual informants when the size of the rater pool is modestly increased. We demonstrate that the benefits of expertise are best realized by prescreening potential informants for expertise rather than post-survey weighting by expertise.

21

Klauser, Francisco. "Interacting forms of expertise in security governance: the example of CCTV surveillance at Geneva International Airport1." British Journal of Sociology 60, no. 2 (May 20, 2009): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446.2009.01231.x.

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22

Naicker, Isayvani. "Science in Democracy: Expertise, Institutions, and Representation." Politikon 37, no. 2-3 (December 2010): 377–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2010.522346.

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Ahn, T. K., Robert Huckfeldt, Alexander K. Mayer, and John Barry Ryan. "Expertise and Bias in Political Communication Networks." American Journal of Political Science 57, no. 2 (February 25, 2013): 357–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2012.00625.x.

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24

Grassiani, Erella, and Frank Müller. "Brazil-Israel Relations and the Marketing of Urban Security Expertise." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (February 21, 2019): 114–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19831442.

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The transnational (re)making of contemporary urban pacification practices, discourses, and technologies between Brazil and Israel is underpinned by coercive entanglements. The Israeli experience with the occupation of the Palestinian territories has brought the Israel Defense Forces and the country’s private security industry international recognition for their urban warfare skills and related security technologies; Brazil has recently gained international recognition for urban pacification efforts that emphasize the country’s military’s ability to combine “hard” and “soft” skills, thereby foregrounding the nexus of military and humanitarian forms of engagement on urban battlefields. Empirical findings framed by critical scholarship on pacification demonstrate how recent shifts in the military and diplomatic relations between the two countries seek to symbolically capitalize on their own and each other’s urban warfare experiences to promote themselves as security experts capable of addressing a range of future urban threat scenarios—from urban warfare to antigang and antiriot policing and peacekeeping. A reorganização transnacional das práticas, discursos e tecnologias de urbanização contemporânea entre Brasil e Israel são movidas por envolvimento coercitivo. A experiência israelense de ocupação dos territórios palestinos trouxe prestígio internacional às Forças de Defesa Israelense, bem como à indústria de segurança particular do país, em virtude de tecnologia de combate urbano. Brasil recentemente alcançou reconhecimento internacional pelos esforços de pacificação urbana, que enfatizam a habilidade das forças armadas do país em combinar “soft and hard skills”, criando assim um nexo de interação militar e humanitário no campo de batalha urbano. Observações produzidas em moldura crítica acadêmica sobre pacificação demonstram de que modo mudanças recentes nas relações diplomática e militar dos dois países visam capitalizar simbolicamente as experiências respectivas para promoverem a si mesmos como especialistas em segurança capazes de tratar uma variedade de cenários urbanos de risco—desde a guerra urbana contra gangs até o policiamento de manifestações.

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Richard, Jacky. "La place de la réforme de l’Etat dans la coopération administrative internationale." Revue française d'administration publique 100, no. 1 (2001): 663–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.2001.3640.

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The Role of State Reform in International Administrative Cooperation In this paper, examples of administrative cooperation between France and several of its partners — members of the European Union, candidates for membership or simply non-members — provide some food for thought on international cooperation between administrations. First, it would be necessary to extend such cooperation to other assistance programs. Secondly, one would have to study the impact of these new forms of assistance on existing instruments of international administrative cooperation, and expertise on the subject would have to be adapted to this new context. Networking has become more necessary than ever.

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Runcie, Sarah C. "Decolonizing “La Brousse”." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380207.

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This article examines French responses to transnational influences on medical education and rural health in Cameroon in the era of decolonization. As international organizations became increasingly involved in Cameroon in the postwar period, French military doctors claimed authority through specific expertise on medicine in the African “bush.” After Cameroon became independent, however, the building of new medical school became a focus of French anxieties about maintaining power in new African institutions of technical expertise and knowledge production. While scholars have begun to foreground the international context of Franco-African relations after independence, this article reveals how the distinct politics of Cameroon’s decolonization, growing out of its history as a United Nations (UN) trust territory, shaped French approaches to medical institutions there. Moreover, negotiations over the future of rural medicine in Cameroon highlighted the ways in which the approaches championed by French doctors relied on colonial authority itself.

27

Bassan, Martina. "Expertise et recherche chinoises sur l'Afrique." Afrique contemporaine 250, no. 2 (2014): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afco.250.0105.

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28

Aronczyk, Melissa. "Environment 1.0: Infoterra and the making of environmental information." New Media & Society 20, no. 5 (May 31, 2017): 1832–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817707553.

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This article traces international conflicts over the making and operation of the first global environmental information system, Infoterra (1972–2003). By studying the negotiations among international actors over what kinds of information, expertise, and technological infrastructure were deemed appropriate to constitute Infoterra, we gain insight into what was made to count as environmental information, and how “the environment” was communicated to multiple audiences in the early decades of the global environmental movement. The article argues that the struggles around Infoterra demonstrate the key role attributed to information systems for global environmental communication, with lasting impacts on pragmatic responses to environmental problems today.

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De Silva, Nicole. "Intermediary Complexity in Regulatory Governance." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 670, no. 1 (March 2017): 170–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716217696085.

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While regulatory governance can be theorized as a three-party game in which regulators use intermediaries to influence targets, I show how regulatory intermediaries can, through delegation and orchestration, engage their own “subintermediaries” to increase their capacity for fulfilling their regulatory mandates and their influence on regulators and targets. I elucidate how the International Criminal Court (ICC)—the key intermediary in the regulatory regime for international crimes—has used nongovernmental organizations’ (NGOs’) advocacy, expertise, and operational capacities to compensate for its limited capabilities. Through NGO intermediaries, the ICC has aimed to increase its ability to prosecute, punish, and thus regulate international crimes; amplify its influence on state regulators and potential perpetrators; and improve the regulation of international crimes overall.

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Bayart, Jean-François, and Étienne Smith. "Expertise scientifique et distinction diplomatique face au génocide." Politique africaine 166, no. 2 (December 9, 2022): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polaf.166.0091.

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31

Zinn, Jens O. "Introduction: Risk, Social Inclusion and the Life Course." Social Policy and Society 12, no. 2 (February 21, 2013): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746412000681.

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In social policy debates and research over recent years, ‘risk’, ‘social inclusion’ and ‘the life course’ have become influential topics. In this themed section we will revisit these concepts and analyse how they have influenced policy debates and research in Australia and elsewhere. The contributions were developed as part of a research collaboration that brings together expertise from social policy, gender studies, risk sociology, social work, youth studies and research on ageing and old age. This introduction outlines the concepts and dimensions we found helpful for analysing social policy practice and research and the key arguments of the contributions.

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Cotte, Bruno, and Leïla Bourguiba. "La montée en puissance de la CPI." Confluences Méditerranée N° 126, no. 3 (November 9, 2023): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.126.0076.

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Ancien juge français à la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) et Président honoraire de la Chambre criminelle de la Cour de cassation, Bruno Cotte a occupé les plus hautes fonctions judiciaires et pénales au niveau national et international. Il est aujourd’hui toujours aussi actif et mobilisé sur les questions de justice pénale internationale, apportant son éclairage et son expertise dans différents fora. Dans un entretien accordé à la revue Confluences Méditerranée, nous revenons avec lui sur la mobilisation extraordinaire de la CPI et de juridictions nationales dans les enquêtes et poursuites des crimes commis dans le conflit russo-ukrainien. Une mobilisation qui soulève des questions quant à la capacité d’en poursuivre les plus hauts responsables, mais aussi quant aux capacités ou volontés de répliquer les mêmes efforts s’agissant d’autres conflits.

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Stolte, Carolien. "Introduction: Trade Union Networks and the Politics of Expertise in an Age of Afro-Asian Solidarity." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz098.

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Abstract Across 1950s Afro-Asia, the ongoing process of political decolonization occurred in tandem with increased connection between the local, the regional, and the global. A variety of internationalist movements emerged, much more polyphonic than the voices of the political leaders who had gathered at the Bandung Conference. Trade union networks played a particularly important role not just in organizing labor but in connecting local unions to regional and global ones. These networks were held together by exchanges between local African and Asian trade unions and large international federations such as the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. But they were held together at least as much by more horizontal connections in pursuit of Afro-Asian solidarity. Many of the latter built on anti-imperialist alliances, revived or reconstituted, dating back to the interwar years. A focus on the trade-union internationalism of the period can recover a “chronology of possibility” in early Cold War Afro-Asia that has since become obscured by the internationalist failings of the 1960s. It also demonstrates the limited analytical value of the term “non-alignment” for the broader Afro-Asian moment during the early years of the Cold War. Instead, it recasts the 1950s as a global moment for Afro-Asia, in which internationalists built networks that were elastic enough to encompass a wide variety of actors and ideas and resistant enough to withstand the pressure of bodies larger and more powerful.

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Alger, Andrew. "Homes for the Poor? Public Housing and the Social Construction of Space in Baghdad, 1945-1964." Journal of Urban History 46, no. 5 (May 3, 2019): 1142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144219839191.

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Public housing in Iraq has been unduly subsumed into narratives of a declining monarchy propped up by oil wealth and international expertise at the onset of the Cold War. According to this narrative, it was a minor concern of an Iraqi government whose infrastructural investment plans contributed little to improving the national economy. A detailed analysis of the labor and expertise that flowed into Iraqi public housing between 1945 and 1958 gives rise to a different narrative, in which migrants to the city participated directly in extending and reshaping the urban fabric. According to this narrative, housing developers sought design and construction methods that would diminish laborers’ political autonomy. In practice, however, public housing construction methods empowered economically and socially marginalized city residents to direct its future growth.

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Lubell, Noam. "Challenges in applying human rights law to armed conflict." International Review of the Red Cross 87, no. 860 (December 1, 2005): 737–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383100184541.

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AbstractThe debates over the relationship between International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law, have often focused on the question of whether human rights law continues to apply during armed conflict, and if so, on how these two bodies of law can complement each other. This article takes the continuing applicability of human rights law as an accepted and welcome starting point, and proceeds to lay out some of the challenges and obstacles encountered during the joint application of IHL and Human Rights Law, that still need to be addressed. These include extra-territorial applicability of human rights law; the mandate and expertise of human rights bodies; terminological and conceptual differences between the bodies of law; particular difficulties raised in non-international armed conflicts; and the question of economic, social and cultural rights during armed conflict.

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Botcheva, Liliana. "Expertise and International Governance: Eastern Europe and the Adoption of European Union Environmental Legislation." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 7, no. 2 (July 28, 2001): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-00702007.

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Houssin, Didier. "Indépendance et expertise : santé publique et prévention des conflits d'intérêts." Pouvoirs 147, no. 4 (2013): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pouv.147.0111.

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Hammond, Thomas H., and Gary J. Miller. "A Social Choice Perspective on Expertise and Authority in Bureaucracy." American Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (February 1985): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111209.

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Ribi Forclaz, Amalia. "Agriculture, American expertise, and the quest for global data: Leon Estabrook and the First World Agricultural Census of 1930." Journal of Global History 11, no. 1 (February 8, 2016): 44–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022815000340.

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AbstractThis article provides a history of the First World Agricultural Census of 1930, an ambitious international attempt to evaluate world agricultural resources through the compilation of global statistics on crops, livestock, and agricultural production. Based on primary archival material, it explores how the census emerged from the connections between American and international institutions at a time when food security and the need to address problems of trade and competition appeared as central economic concerns of interstate relations. The article focuses on the role played by the American agricultural expert Leon Estabrook (1869–1937) and a related network of scientists and economists in the preparation and implementation of the statistical survey. By examining how Estabrook’s vision of economic development and scientific planning was shaped by his national background and redefined by his transnational engagement, the article sheds light on the global dominance and limitations of American scientific knowledge and agricultural practices in the interwar years. It uncovers the political manoeuvrings and negotiations that were necessary to move forward with the project, and assesses the survey’s outcome against the backdrop of the global economic downturn of the 1930s.

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Brière, Sophie, and Denis Proulx. "The success of an international development project: lessons drawn from a case between Morocco and Canada." International Review of Administrative Sciences 79, no. 1 (March 2013): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852312467620.

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According to the literature on decisive criteria for the success of international development projects, this article presents a case of cooperation between Morocco and Canada on the implementation of projects to institutionalize gender equality within the Moroccan public administration. Based on a triangulation of data and starting from an analytical framework on the factors decisive for the success of international development projects, this case study illustrates the limited success of the project. Although the elements that are decisive for the success of Tier 1 of the FAES projects have resulted in the involvement of stakeholders in the implementation of the projects, the creation of local expertise and the production of tools and strategies that aid institutionalization of gender equality, this study highlights significant barriers to institutionalization. These relate mainly to the difficulty of involving stakeholders throughout the project lifecycle, the lame functioning of the projects’ governance structures and the struggle to take ownership of projects designed on the basis of a management by results logic based on models specific to the donor. This case feeds the critical reflection on the various issues and challenges inherent to the management of international development projects and suggests various avenues of research. Points for practitioners The case presented in this article involves the implementation of projects to institutionalize gender equality within the Moroccan civil service supported by the Canadian cooperation agency. Although its success requires the involvement of the stakeholders, the development of local expertise and the production of institutionalization tools, this case brings to light significant obstacles to institutionalization, such as the difficulty of involving the stakeholders in the project, the limited functioning of the governance structures and the struggle to secure the ownership of the projects, designed according to models specific to the donor. It also reveals the limits of a management by results style and its consequences.

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Abu-Bakare, Amal. "Exploring mechanisms of whiteness: how counterterrorism practitioners disrupt anti-racist expertise." International Affairs 98, no. 1 (January 2022): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab202.

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Abstract This article situates the subject of the academic–practitioner (AP) exchange within an International Relations-orientated critique of the imperial dynamics of counterterrorism practices and racial subjugation. It uses an analytical framework that upholds the significance of racial hierarchy to knowledge production. A key contribution of this article is to situate the AP nexus within the circumstances of liberal democratic counterterrorism regimes, to demonstrate how race becomes meaningful to the knowledge that is produced about Islamophobia. The main argument of this article is that in present policy debates concerning the existence of systemic racism, one of the mechanisms enabling counterterrorism practitioners to regulate the AP exchange is that of institutionalized whiteness. Exploring two scenarios of AP exchanges in the United Kingdom and Canada, where counterterrorism practitioners were challenged to reconcile with academic explanations of Islamophobia as a systemic issue, this article uses colour-line inspired critiques of white logic to identify instances where anti-racist knowledge was subjugated in the name of imperialism. The article finds that in each scenario discussed, practitioners demonstrate trajectories of white logic by contesting the suitability of anti-racist knowledge put forward by academics, on the basis of racial hierarchy and self-aggrandizement. It concludes by discussing how a lack of practitioner–academic consensus continues to affect the dissemination of knowledge concerning systemic racism, thus prompting considerations of what this means for an anti-racist future.

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Amorim Neto, Octavio, and Andrés Malamud. "Presidential Delegation to Foreign Ministries: A Study of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico (1946–2015)." Journal of Politics in Latin America 12, no. 2 (August 2020): 123–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x20944184.

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When do presidents delegate policy-making authority to their foreign ministries? And is foreign policy unique in this respect? We posit that six international, national, and personal factors determine the opportunity and motivation of presidents to delegate, and then analyse the cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico in 1946–2015. By applying fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, we find that four combinations of factors are sufficient paths to delegation: (1) international stability and elite consensus on foreign policy; (2) international stability, right-wing president, and low diplomatic professionalisation; (3) international stability, right-wing president, and low presidential expertise on foreign policy; or (4) absence of authoritarianism combined with elite consensus on foreign policy and right-wing president. Our study of foreign ministries reinforces some of the main findings of the scholarly literature on other ministries, thus challenging the view of foreign policy-making as different from domestic policy areas.

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Subotic, Jelena. "No Escape from Ethnicity? Confessions of an Accidental CNN Pundit." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 01 (January 2010): 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510990665.

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AbstractAs a political scientist with expertise in human rights and the Balkans, I was invited to provide critical commentary and analysis of Kosovo's declaration of independence in February 2008 for CNN International. I offered an analysis rooted in the understanding and interpretation of international law, foreign policy, and domestic politics of Serbia and Kosovo. While I was not surprised that my analysis was not popular in Serbia—after all, I did argue that the independence of Kosovo was legitimate—I was surprised at the level of ethnic intensity and the broad-based hostile reaction to my CNN appearance in Serbia. This article first documents the harassment campaign I experienced. I then conduct textual analysis of the hate mail and online postings to offer insights about ethnicity's relation to identity, gender, and political analysis in the public sphere. I conclude by discussing how identities of researchers—as crafted by themselves and others—help define analytical tools we use in scholarly inquiry.

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Arandarenko, Mihail, and Milica Uvalic. "International Advice and Institutional (Mis)configuration." Southeastern Europe 38, no. 2-3 (November 21, 2014): 232–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03802003.

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International aid and assistance to the Western Balkans, which began more than two decades ago after the disintegration of sfr Yugoslavia, has been severely criticised on various grounds by academics, politicians, and domestic elites. One of the main points of criticism has been heavy foreign interference into domestic affairs, which deprives local policy-makers of ‘policy ownership.’ This paper uses four paradigmatic examples of reform in Serbia – in the areas of labor market, income taxation, pensions system, and privatization – to show that, despite the widely accepted view of the dominant role of international actors in the creation of the reform agenda, there was significant room for local policy-makers in Serbia to exercise full ownership over the ongoing reforms. What policy-makers really needed was expertise, a clear vision of the desired reforms, the determination to defend their agenda, and technical skills to implement it. The significantly different outcomes of the four areas of reform analyzed in this paper, despite involving virtually the same actors of international intervention, seem to illustrate well our hypothesis that the failure of some important sectoral reforms in Serbia during the post-2000 period was the result of the policy-makers’ own weaknesses, rather than the result of external conditionality.

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Loschi, Chiara. "Youth as Agenda-Setters between Donors and Beneficiaries: The Limited Role of Libyan Youth after 2011." Middle East Law and Governance 13, no. 1 (March 4, 2021): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13010003.

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Abstract Based on interviews with young Libyan professionals carried out between 2017 and 2018, this paper examines their role as agenda-setters in international organizations operating in their country since 2011. The growing foreign demand for local expertise after the fall of the old regime was met mostly by the young activists who had helped organize the 2011 uprisings. For foreign organizations, Libyan youth have come to embody brokers, fixers, go-betweens, and persons-in-between, becoming key supporting actors in international project implementation. Despite the opportunities seemingly afforded by the collapse of the old regime, this paper shows that Libyan youth, torn between desires for political change and professional advancement, have struggled to influence the agendas of international organizations, leading to feelings of disenfranchisement. The transformative capacity of international projects is thus often limited by this new class of young, globalized elites who are disengaged from the local needs and realities facing Libyan civil society.

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Mumford, Michael D., Ginamarie M. Scott, Blaine Gaddis, and Jill M. Strange. "Leading creative people: Orchestrating expertise and relationships." Leadership Quarterly 13, no. 6 (December 2002): 705–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1048-9843(02)00158-3.

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47

Davies, Cleo. "The Politics of Expertise in International Organizations: How International Bureaucracies Produce and Mobilize Knowledge. Annabelle Littoz-Monnet, ed. Routledge, New York, 2017. 228 pp. $28.98 (ebook)." Governance 31, no. 3 (July 2018): 594–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12348.

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48

Saunders, Kay. "Taking the International Spotlight: Pauline Hanson and Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (November 2005): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004104.

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In 2001 I was invited to give a public lecture at the Centre for the Study of the History of the Twentieth Century, a scholarly research institute within the University of Paris. The invitation was extended by Professor Stephane Dufoix, who writes on the internment of enemy aliens in World War II, one of my academic specialisations. However, I was not asked to speak about this area of expertise. Indeed, it turned out to be a ‘Don't mention the war’ event. Rather, Professor Dufoix and his colleagues were fascinated by Pauline Hanson and were interested in an Australian perspective on the rise of extreme right-wing populism and the Down Under equivalent of the French les laissés-pour-compte (‘those left behind’) or les paumés (‘the losers’).

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Hart, Paul Dudley. "Mercy Corps in China: Combining Global Experience with Successful Chinese Models." China Nonprofit Review 3, no. 2 (2011): 221–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187651411x615815.

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Abstract Mercy Corps’ collaborative work with Chinese organizations demonstrates an emerging paradigm of global humanitarian partnership where a connection between regional wisdom and international expertise is applied to address local poverty. Mercy Corps, a global relief and development agency known for innovative programming, implements disaster management capacity building projects, migrant youth trainings, exchange programs, and young leader development activities in China through partnerships with institutions and NPOs including the China Foundation for Poverty Alleviation and the All China Youth Federation. These joint activities have illustrated how much organizations like Mercy Corps can learn from the Chinese approach to development, which has been inspired and made possible by enormous Chinese-led efforts toward poverty alleviation over the past three decades and also supported by the emergence of socially innovative ideas and leaders. Through these partnerships, Mercy Corps’ deep level of global technical expertise and track record of impact-focused programming has served as a necessary ingredient to further support and enhance China’s development goals. This article explores the history and values of Mercy Corps’ work in China; China’s unique perspective and influence as a humanitarian development player; and the opportunity that international NPOs have to work with China to jointly address the most urgent humanitarian challenges around the world.

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Paganelli, Federica, and Francesca Pecchi. "Towards a Reference Model and a Web-Based Framework for eParticipation Services Design." Information Resources Management Journal 26, no. 2 (April 2013): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/irmj.2013040101.

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eParticipation involves the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) for facilitating the two-way communication between governments and citizens. Designing eParticipation activities is a complex task. Challenges include the need for interdisciplinary expertise and knowledge (e.g., in political, sociology, usability and technology domains) and the lack of widely accepted models and technological standards. This paper paves the way for the definition of a basic reference model for eParticipation, providing guidelines for the design, implementation and management of eParticipation web applications. This model was put into practice for the design of an eParticipation Framework helping users in designing, customizing and deploying web-based services for a given eParticipation process. The authors also report on the experimental use of the Framework in a group of Tuscany municipalities for carrying out participatory budget activities.

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