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Статті в журналах з теми "Socialistic Mentality"
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Pocius, Mindaugas. "Partizanų nepriklausomos Lietuvos valstybės vizija." Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/1 (December 1, 2020): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202001006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The research, which is based on the documents of the anti-Soviet resistance of 1944–1953, makes an attempt at reconstructing the freedom fighters’ vision of independent Lithuania and analyses the image of the planned (projected) political and socio-economic model of the state, its underlying elements and principles, the evolution and context of the partisans’ political thought. Reflecting on inter-war Lithuania, life therein, resistance against the Soviets and the fierce struggle and sufferings of that time, the partisans sacredly believed in the restoration of independence and had a clear vision of the future state. The critical attitude of those who participated in the resistance towards Lithuania’s statehood had a great impact on the underlying elements of the said vision. In the partisans’ experience and understanding, social exclusion and public distrust of government institutions were among the most acute problems of the Republic of Lithuania which, in their conviction, caused the catastrophic crisis of the state and the society that resulted in the loss of independence in 1940. Leaders of the underground movement were fully aware of the ills and failures of the past and thus constructed an ideal, a dream of a comprehensively stronger and affluent state, democratic regime and fairer governance of the country. The partisans’ vision of a modern independent Lithuanian state was developed under the influence of the political thought of the rural intelligentsia, thus reflecting the outlook of an ordinary peasant farmer and akin attitudes of rural intellectuals. Realising that Lithuania existed on the divide between the Western and Eastern civilizations, partisan leaders made every attempt to emphasize their western identity and mentality, identified and positioned themselves as the outpost of Western civilization and European culture. Participants of the resistance movement followed basically social democratic, Christian ideals and values and sought to restore a modern democratic parliamentary republic free of social exclusion where social justice and solidarity would be the predominant components of state regulation. In summary, it can be stated that the present-day socio-economic model of the Nordic welfare state (that of Denmark, Norway, Sweden or Finland), which in its core is rather socialistic, is for the most part in line with the freedom fighters’ vision of the future state and was considered by them the most acceptable. Although present-day Lithuania does not fully satisfy their vision, Lithuanian resistance fighters expressed the eternal strive of people and nations for freedom, material and spiritual wellbeing and social justice.
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Alexey V., Makarkin. "Orthodoxy and Socialism at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century: Struggle, Enthusiasm, Adaptation, Understanding." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (October 30, 2022): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-13-32.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the beginning of the twentieth century, industrialization led to a sharp increase in the number of industrial workers, which created problems for the Russian Church. The workers fundamentally differed in their mentality from the patriarchal flock familiar to the church and were influenced by socialist agitation, which was antigovernment and partly anti-church in nature. The main opponents for the church were the Social Democrats as an atheistic party based on European ideologues. Under these conditions, the struggle against social democracy became the mainstream course for the church, but this course proved ineffective due to the lack of attractive alternatives and the close connection of the church with the state. All other options — attempts to adapt to socialist agitation, sincere Christian socialism and the desire to differentiate socialism and socialists into unacceptable and relatively acceptable (without identification with them) — were peripheral to the church at that time. However, it is the latter option, which provided for the possibility of «coexistence» with socialists who have abandoned active atheism, that has now become the main one and is fixed in the «Fundamentals of the Social Concept» of the Russian Orthodox Church.
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Protasova, O. L., and I. G. Pirozhkova. "Zemstvo Service as the Start of a Public and Political Career (The Example of Representatives of Neo-Populist Parties)." Pravo: istoriya i sovremennost', no. 4(13) (2020): 017–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17277/pravo.2020.04.pp.017-032.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Using the examples of biographies of some well-known representatives of the populist parties (socialist-revolutionaries and popular socialists), for the first time, it is shown how the work at zemstvo helped future politicians to determine their ideological orientation, gave practical knowledge of the needs of common people, provided insights into their lifestyle and improved communication skills with the peasant population. The significance of zemstvos as early prototypes of modern civil society institutions and a kind of “school of activism” of public policy actors during the Russian revolutions (1905-1917) is discussed. It is concluded that, owing to the understanding of the specifics of life and the mentality of the “lower classes”, the experience gained by the populists during their work in the zemstvos contributed to the successful development of their further socio-political career.
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Leonov, M. M. "Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International of their adherence to the ideas of socialism and of the presence of connections with the masses. The Socialist Revolutionary Party established close contacts with the SME in 1901, and at the Amsterdam Congress (1904, August) achieved what it wanted, it was accepted into the Second International. The reports of the party to the Amsterdam and Stuttgart congresses of the International served as evidence of the mass character, adherence to the ideas of socialism. The leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries, their emotional and verbose representative in the SME I.A. Rubanovich, took an active part in all the events of the International; the party became an equal member of the international socialist community. During the Basel Congress of 1912, her representative on the commission of five most influential parties was one of the compilers of the anti-war Manifesto of the International, supported by the socialists of the world. During the First World War, only a part of the party defended the ideas of internationalism. The III Congress of the Social Revolutionaries in the spring of 1917 called for the continuation of the war to a victorious end and the restoration of the II International.
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Unludag, Tania. "Bourgeois Mentality and Socialist Ideology as Exemplified by Clara Zetkin's Constructs of Femininity." International Review of Social History 47, no. 1 (April 2002): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000475.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Clara Zetkin (1857–1933) remains one of the most famous figures in the history of the German and international Left. She rose to prominence as a social democrat beginning in 1890 and became a Marxist and, as of 1919, a member of the high-ranking cadre of the KPD; she was an activist of the Second International, starting in 1889, and belonged to the Executive Committee of the Communist International (EKKI) in the 1920s. She is known in history primarily as the leader and chief ideologue of the socialist, and later the international communist, women's movement, but is also a popular figure in the leftist women's movement of the twentieth century. Zetkin, the founder of International Women's Day, is still widely depicted as a heroine. However, in light of recent research conducted in Berlin and Moscow and from the perspective of the history of mentalities, the tendency to mythologize her needs to be questioned. This essay on Clara Zetkin's constructs of femininity is part of a biography oriented toward a history of mentalities, in which the socialist and communist Zetkin is presented in the entire societal context of her times, perceived as a contemporary of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From this perspective, it is precisely Zetkin's comments on the women's issue that mirror the influences of Social Darwinism and biological discussion at the turn of the century in Germany. The ideas held by the leader and theoretician of the international socialist women's movement on the “liberation of women” from “gender slavery” and “class bondage” were not aimed at pursuing an autonomous process of emancipating women for their own sake, but at pursuing a well-structured and directed process of educating them that would end up turning them into a new physically and mentally improved “consummate woman” who would efficiently serve the socialist society.
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Dyrin, S. P. "CONTENT OF RUSSIAN POLIMENTALITY." KAZAN SOCIALLY-HUMANITARIAN BULLETIN 11, no. 6 (December 2020): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24153/2079-5912-2020-11-6-20-30.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the article, the author attempts to reveal the content of the concept of "mentality". He notes the differences between the content of the concepts "mentality" and "social consciousness". At the same time, mentality is considered as a historically formed long-term mindset, unity (fusion) of conscious and unconscious values, norms, and attitudes in their cognitive, emotional, and behavioral embodiment, inherent in a particular social group (community) and its representatives. The author believes that in modern conditions, the question of the peculiarities of the Russian mentality is relevant. At the same time, it is necessary to answer several questions: a) is the Russian mentality something special or is it a kind of existing mentalities; b) is the Russian mentality unified, or is it necessary to talk about Russian polymentality? There are traditionally four points of view when discussing these issues: Western point of view. According to this view Russia is part of Europe Therefore, Westerners say, the Russian mentality is based on traditional European values: human rights, freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, equality of all before the law, the rule of law, the independence of the judicial system, etc. The Eastern point of view, which assumes that the dominant values of Russia are traditional Eastern values: traditional way of life, respect for elders, reverence, etc. There is a mixed view that the Russian mentality is a very complex and even bizarre combination of traditionally Western and traditionally Eastern values. A unique point of view, where the main thesis is the idea that Russia does not belong to either European, Western, or Asian, Discusses the content of the mentality of a social community, where the most important basic values are "the value of nature", "the value of a single person", "the value of power", "the value of labor", "the value of time". In the article, the author expounds a thesis about the polymental nature of modern Russian society. The author believes that in modern conditions it is necessary to distinguish three types of Russian mentality: 1) traditional pre-capitalist; 2) socialist; 3) market.
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Tverdohleb, Evelina. "The institutional change in action: Transitioning to Economic Man." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 3-4 (August 12, 2012): 363–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.07.007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article sketches the roots and social underpinnings of both Economic Man (EM) and Soviet Man (SM) and looks at the interaction between the two archetypes during the transformation of former socialist nations since 1990. It depicts the creation of SM as the bearer of socialist “planned economy” ideology while also showing how EM was able to survive, albeit often underground, in the Soviet Union and its satellites. It also looks at the unique nature of the Soviet EM and to what extent SM has been dismantled. This paper concludes by examining how well the Western, market-oriented economic ideology was implemented and why the process occurred differently in various former socialist countries. It illustrates the varying malleability of the human mentality and provides some insights into the possible outcomes of future efforts at sociopolitical transformation.
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Wrobel, Janusz. "Capitalist Aspirations and the Communist Legacy in Poland." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/28.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The social mentality of the Poles in the early 1990s reflects a fusion of Solidarity's heritage, understood in a broader, historical perspective, and the communist legacy of the last forty-five years which consists of five principal elements: the new work ethos; acceptance of a protective character of the state; changes in morality; lack of full acceptance of a free market economy; and adaptation of certain communist doctrines of social equality. The contradictions between these new features and historically-grounded, traditional Polish values manifest themselves in a basic conflict between the communist legacy still present in social mentality that expects the benefits offered by the former socialist system, and capitalist aspirations of Poles toward a new, higher, Western standard of living. From the perspective of the Polish historical, cultural, and religious heritage, a Christian political economy appears most suitable for overcoming the country's negative legacy.
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Wrobel, Janusz. "Capitalist Aspirations and the Communist Legacy in Poland." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/28.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The social mentality of the Poles in the early 1990s reflects a fusion of Solidarity's heritage, understood in a broader, historical perspective, and the communist legacy of the last forty-five years which consists of five principal elements: the new work ethos; acceptance of a protective character of the state; changes in morality; lack of full acceptance of a free market economy; and adaptation of certain communist doctrines of social equality. The contradictions between these new features and historically-grounded, traditional Polish values manifest themselves in a basic conflict between the communist legacy still present in social mentality that expects the benefits offered by the former socialist system, and capitalist aspirations of Poles toward a new, higher, Western standard of living. From the perspective of the Polish historical, cultural, and religious heritage, a Christian political economy appears most suitable for overcoming the country's negative legacy.
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Bartha, Eszter. "Combattenti solitari. Lavoratori tedeschi e ungheresi in epoca postcomunista." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 88 (February 2013): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2013-088003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Introduces the results of a life-history interview project conducted with workers and former workers of two large ex-socialist model factories, Carl Zeiss in Jena (East Germany) and Rábe in Gyo´´r (Hungary) between 2002 and 2004. The essay analyzes the post-socialist experience of the East German and Hungarian workers in three main dimensions: the experience of post-Fordist development in the factory; the subjective evaluation of the standard of living; interpersonal relations. Lastly, it examines examines the social and political attitudes of the workers in the mirror of their post-socialist experience. Hungarians had a more direct experience of peripheral development than the East Germans. While East Germany's greater success of integration into the capitalist world economy was accompanied by a change of mentality and the appearance of post-materialistic values, in Hungary nationalism seemed to be the only alternative to a capitalism, that disappointed and effectively impoverished many people. This explains the ambiguous evaluation of the socialist Kádár regime, in which the vision of greater social and material equality is confused with a longing for a strong state, order and an autocratic government.
Дисертації з теми "Socialistic Mentality"
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Saha, Malay. "Socialistic Mentality of the Rebels of the Revolt Of 1857." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2015. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/2750.
Повний текст джерелаКниги з теми "Socialistic Mentality"
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Volker, Kubillus, and Burwell Anthony, eds. Psychiatrists-- the men behind Hitler: The architects of horror. Los Angeles: Freedom Pub., 1995.
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Röder, Thomas. Psychiatrists-- the men behind Hitler: The architects of horror. Los Angeles: Freedom Pub., 1995.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Socialistic Mentality"
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Desmond, Adrian. "7. Monkey-Man." In Reign of the Beast, 201–22. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0393.07.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Saull’s two-hour geology lecture, delivered to reformers in riot-torn Bristol in August 1833, was the only one to be reported verbatim in the Owenite and atheist press. This was undoubtedly his stock talk, and designed to be mentally liberating for the marginal men. It fully justified Anglican claims that his socialist geology was outraging Revelation. He started by debunking Scriptural myths supporting the tithe-rich clergy’s authority, as inimical to rational morality and “political elevation”. Replacing them were to be the “immutable truths” of deep-time geology, and a naturalistic account of life’s advancement. This ascent was powered by progressive ecological conditions caused by planetary oscillations, as Sir Richard Phillips had argued. While atheists and socialists routinely claimed, following Holbach, that mankind was “generated by nature”, Saull’s account of how this came about was to cause shock waves. He replaced the old-fashioned steady-state views of nature with a picture of fossil life as an ascending gradation of species. Out went Phillips’ all-at-once production of the entire fauna, as Saull turned the fossil sequence into an evolving lineage. The last, and “most singular of animals, ‘man’,” finally emerged out of the monkey tribe. Mankind had been produced by changed ecological conditions. Robert Owen’s mantra that bettering cultural conditions would generate a more perfect society was being stamped onto nature. Saull’s sources for his ideas are discussed, as are the ultra-radical True Sun’s political squibs on the French transformist Lamarck. Saull’s subsequent discussion of mankind’s rise from savagery is traced to Humphry Davy’s dream sequence in Consolations in Travel.
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Zheng, Wang. "Conclusion." In Finding Women in the State. University of California Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520292284.003.0010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Summarizing socialist state feminists’ struggles in the early PRC, this chapterpoints out thatwithout a conscious feminist transformation of the entrenchedmale supremacisthierarchical mentality,the CCP male leaders’ pursuit of a Communist dream was inherently flawed, and eventually redirected by an inner masculinist drive to reproduce male dominance. Analyses of causes of the failure of a socialist revolution are followed with an examination of socialist state feminist legacies in contemporary China. The chapter ends with a discussion of transformed political fields of Chinese feminism in the age of global capitalism whenthe ACWFno longercommands a unified women’s movement and is not in the position to continue a socialist feminist revolution, instead embracing a UN mandate of gender mainstreaming;and growing numbers of young feminists operate outside the official system via the cyber space interacting with feminists transnationally, rising as a dynamic political force challenging male dominance.
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Crowley, Stephen. "Russia’s Peculiar Labor Market and the Fear of Social Explosion." In Putin's Labor Dilemma, 24–46. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501756276.003.0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter examines how and why Russia adapted to capitalism and deindustrialization through a labor market that avoided mass unemployment, relying instead on extremely flexible wages, and why that system has persisted through subsequent cycles of boom and bust. There are several explanations for the rise of what became known as Russia's labor market model: the legacy of socialist paternalism and the mentality of the working unit as a “labor collective”; the incentives privatization created for managers and new owners; the motivations of regional leaders as they sought to survive the crisis; and above all, the fear of many of a possible social explosion as Russia suffered through an economic decline worse than the Great Depression. While an explosion was avoided, Russia did experience a substantial strike wave, stemming in large part from a crisis of wage arrears. Deindustrialization did indeed take place but without mass unemployment or the closure of most large industrial enterprises. Almost as surprising was the persistence of Russia's model of labor market adjustment into the 2000s. This coincided with a more statist economic approach of the new Russian government.
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Cowan, Benjamin A. "Introduction." In Moral Majorities across the Americas, 1–15. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469662077.003.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Not so very long ago, Brazilian monarchism—the scattered calls for a restoration of Brazil’s imperial throne, defunct since 1889—seemed merely a quaint curiosity, convenient for titillating students and animating conversations about the distant past. Those inclined even to broach the subject might have dismissed monarchists as an esoteric, rarely visible manifestation of certain elite resentments. But in late 2018, a descendant of the royal family began serving in Brazil’s government for the first time since the fall of the emperor, nearly 130 years prior. By 2019, another would-be Brazilian royal, captaining the most ultraconservative of Catholic and authoritarian factions in Brazil, had gained prominent and vocal supporters in the minister of education, the minister of foreign relations, President Jair Bolsonaro’s senior aide for international relations, and outspoken members of Congress. Both royals threw their support behind Bolsonaro and his agenda and combined hypertraditionalist, religious moralism with an idealized vision of a world returned to monarchy, or at least a world cleansed by neoliberal, hierarchalist, antidemocratic purism. As Bertrand de Orleans-Bragança (a current claimant to the would-be throne who styles himself “his Highness”) put it, Bolsonaro and his coterie “figured out how to embody Brazilians’ discomfort with the politically correct” and how to mobilize “the desire of Brazilians to free themselves from restraints, from a statist and interventionist mentality, influenced by socialists and Marxists who had come to dominate Brazil and plundered the nation.” Bragança’s disdain for diversity and pluralism, for “the politically correct,” encompassed opposition to affirmative action and to gay marriage and abortion, among other sexual and reproductive rights. This disposition accompanied a program for the further dispossession of indigenous groups, historical erasure of slavery, and dismantling of the welfare state in favor of a conservative orthodoxy familiar to free-market evangelists North and South. “The beauty of society,” Bragança contended, “does not lie in equality, but in differences which should be proportional, hierarchical, harmonic, and complementary. Exactly like a symphony.” In 2019, Bragança and other monarchists felt their moment had arrived, at least in terms of a political agenda that facilitated reinstatement of their organicist, antidemocratic, and antiegalitarian ...
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Socialistic Mentality"
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Koychuev, Turar, and Merim Koichueva. "The Transition of Kyrgyzstan to a Social Market Economy: The Features, Quality and Ways to Success." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01032.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of the study is to analyze the economic reform process of socialist economy and give them theoretical estimate over the past 20 years; to reflect the political, economic and social readiness of society to reforms; to point on the process of substitution of economic reform by political power struggle. The reforms had to initiated by economic sphere was held by government that consisted from the same political entity that was in Soviet period. The research methodology based on the principle of complexity and systemic, that reflects effects of historical, economic, social, cultural and educational factors of social development, the mentality of society, the scientific and theoretical level of labor on the processes of economic reform. The lack of experience in market economy pointed on largely insufficient knowledge of processes of market economy that developed economies had passed. The results of the study is identifying the opportunities for proper theoretical approach to the reform process, giving recommendations to society and the government to select real, positive economic policies that will contribute to the development and extending of modern economic outlook in the social environment.