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1
Shaev, Brian. "The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article takes up Todd Shepard's call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism.Cet article répond à l'appel de Todd Shepard à « écrire à la fois l'histoire de la guerre d'Algérie et l'histoire de l'intégration européenne » en examinant le Parti socialiste. L'internationalisme socialiste, basé sur une analyse de l'histoire européenne, dénonça le nationalisme et exalta le supranationalisme. Ses principes furent durables et fermes. Par contre, sa politique concernant les colonies fut souple. L'asymétrie entre les visions européenne et coloniale du parti encouragea l'application de la doctrine européenne aux colonies françaises pendant la guerre d'Algérie. La guerre divisa les partisans socialistes des communautés européennes en multiples partis, dans lesquels ils coopérèrent avec des alliés qui ne soutenaient pas l'intégration européenne. L'internationalisme socialiste français fut une victime de la guerre d'Algérie. Dans la décolonisation du socialisme français, le soutien à l'intégration européenne recula et l'internationalisme disparut comme principe directeur.
2
Facchini, François. "Histoire doctrinale du corps professoral d’économie politique dans les facultés françaises de 1877 à 1942." Revue d'économie politique Vol. 134, no. 2 (May 13, 2024): 197–251. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/redp.342.0069.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cet article propose une histoire doctrinale du corps des professeurs agrégés des Facultés de droit. Une doctrine est un système qui implique de la part de leurs auteurs un jugement de valeur accompagné d’un programme de reconstruction sociale quand ce jugement résulte en une condamnation totale ou partielle du monde économique actuel. Les professeurs d’économie politique des facultés de droit sont regroupés autour de trois grandes familles doctrinales : les socialistes, les interventionnistes et les libéraux. En 1877 le premier corps des professeurs d’économie politique des Facultés est composé à 75 % d’économistes qui professent et défendent la doctrine libérale. Dès 1897 ils ne sont plus que 41 %. Leur poids ensuite décline jusqu’à 1942 pour atteindre 15 %. L’institutionnalisation de l’économie politique dans les Facultés a ainsi favorisé la formation d’une nouvelle orthodoxie autour de la recherche d’une troisième voie (plus de 70 % du corps des professeurs en 1942) entre le libéralisme et le socialisme. Elle a aussi permis l’installation de la doctrine socialiste dans le corps des économistes des facultés. La Faculté a par ailleurs donné à la France de nombreux hommes politiques. 10 % des Agrégés de sciences économiques de cette période ont occupé des postes de ministre ou des postes équivalents. Outre l’intérêt historique de cette histoire, elle permet d’affirmer que le libéralisme, au moins dans les facultés, a été remis en cause avant la crise de 1929. L’évolution du positionnement doctrinal précède les faits, ici la grande crise. JEL : A11
3
Godard, Simon. "L’URSS au défi de la gouvernance économique internationale du bloc socialiste (1984-1990)." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique N° 39, no. 4 (February 7, 2024): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl2.039.0063.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dans les années 1980, l’URSS est une entité politique multiscalaire, à la fois simple État et superpuissance de guerre froide. L’interaction entre ces deux espaces de projection (national et transnational) met en jeu la capacité des institutions – étatiques et partisanes – soviétiques à configurer la doctrine de l’internationalisme socialiste. Celle-ci, au sens foucaldien du terme, fonctionne comme un double système de contrainte : elle lie l’URSS à un discours particulier, qui lui donne en retour un pouvoir sur les membres du bloc socialiste qui le reçoivent. La réforme de la gouvernance économique de l’URSS avec la Perestroïka doit donc être pensée dans l’impact qu’elle a sur les démocraties populaires autant que dans l’effet retour que cette évolution des principes économiques du socialisme à l’échelle du bloc a sur l’URSS. Cet article s’intéresse à la façon dont l’organisation de coopération économique multilatérale des États socialistes, le CAEM, devient un agent d’une production transnationale de la réforme économique du socialisme dans les années 1980, qui échappe en partie à l’URSS, tout en influençant politiquement et économiquement les marges de manœuvre de celle-ci dans ses propres réformes. L’impossible décorrélation entre principes de rationalité de la gouvernance soviétique à l’échelle de l’URSS et gouvernementalité socialiste de l’économie-monde, construite depuis 1949 à l’échelle du bloc de l’Est, éclaire alors la dimension transnationale des réformes soviétiques des années 1980, dont la mise en œuvre locale ne peut s’affranchir d’une compréhension de leur mise en débat à l’échelle internationale.
4
Fourcaut, Matteo. "La « Classe 22 » : une jeunesse socialiste et marxiste face aux années 1930." Actuel Marx 75, no. 1 (April 8, 2024): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/amx.075.0131.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Une revue socialiste méconnue, Révolte (1931-1934), donne à voir l’expression de « l’esprit des années trente » dans une SFIO marquée par la sortie de guerre et la défaite de Tours. Au sein de cette petite tribune parisienne, un groupe de jeunes militants cherche à rénover la doctrine socialiste, « chose vieille, trop connue », et à redresser la « vieille maison » pour qu’elle puisse conquérir les masses nouvelles et assumer enfin ses responsabilités en prenant le pouvoir. Cette « Classe 22 », génération tout à la fois effrayée et fascinée par la modernité de l’après-guerre, élabore un discours et une pensée propres et singuliers, qui ne trouvent que peu d’échos dans la gauche française. Étouffée par un Parti qui cherche à maintenir coûte que coûte l’unité d’une famille socialiste fragile, puis invisibilisée par le Front populaire qui est le triomphe de la génération suivante, la Classe 22 échoue à exister. Cette génération entravée donne tout de même à voir la manière dont le phénomène de « l’esprit des années trente » a infusé dans le socialisme français.
5
Kaczmarek-Wiśniewska, Anna. "Du « socialisme de cœur » zolien, ou comment être considéré en même temps comme « socialiste » et « ennemi du peuple »." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Romanica, no. 15 (December 30, 2020): 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9065.15.20.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Suite à la publication de Germinal en 1885, la critique a classé Zola comme un écrivain « socialiste ». Le romancier lui-même a utilisé ce qualificatif plusieurs fois en parlant de son œuvre. En même temps, il ignorait la doctrine marxiste et était un adversaire déclaré de la révolution, ainsi que de l’égalité et du gouvernement par le peuple. Le présent article se propose d’expliquer quelques aspects du « socialisme » de Zola compte tenu de ses origines, ses expériences de jeunesse et l’évolution de son œuvre, ce qui permettra de comprendre le sens particulier que l’écrivain donnait à ce terme.
6
Podevins, Olivier, and Tanja Preißinger. "Zwischen Hallstein-Doktrin und sozialisticher Solidarität : Das französische Schwarzafrika in den außenpolitischen Konzeptionen der beiden deutschen Staaten." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 31, no. 3 (1999): 377–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1999.4130.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Entre 1949 et l’indépendance des dernières colonies françaises d’Afrique en 1977, la politique africaine des deux États allemands connut trois phases d’inégale intensité. De 1949 à 1959, la RDA et la RFA posèrent tout d’abord les jalons de leur présence sur le continent africain. Jusqu’en 1970, leurs rapports sur le continent furent placés sous le signe de la doctrine Hallstein et des tentatives est-allemandes de la contourner, mais la RDA ne réussit pas à percer en Afrique francophone. Le tournant 1959/1960 présente une césure importante par la création d’une nouvelle section au Ministère des Affaires étrangères de RDA et la réunion d’Addis-Abéba pour les envoyés ouest-allemands. Après 1970, la RDA réussit certes à obtenir la reconnaissance de son existence étatique mais ne put réellement percer que dans les États africains francophones proches du modèle socialiste. En Afrique francophone, la doctrine Hallstein s’avéra donc particulièrement efficace.
7
Pincé, Yannick. "Les essais nucléaires et la fabrique de la notion de « consensus » en France (1973-1988)." Relations internationales 194, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.194.0081.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La réflexion proposée montre le caractère très périphérique des essais nucléaires dans le débat stratégique français. Ceci n’empêche pas son irruption à des moments clés : ralliement des oppositions à la bombe dans les années 1970, élections de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing puis de François Mitterrand, scandale du Rainbow Warrior et enfin réflexions d’un Parti socialiste de retour dans l’opposition en 1986. À chaque fois la manifestation médiatique des essais français du Pacifique se clôt par un renforcement de la doctrine de dissuasion, marque une plus forte présidentialisation de sa gestion et contribue à l’idée qu’existe un « consensus » sur le nucléaire militaire.
8
Meynard, Éric. "Trente après l’indépendance : la police slovène à la recherche d’un modèle." Revue française de criminologie et de droit pénal N° 21, no. 2 (September 28, 2023): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfcdp.021.0069.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Depuis un peu plus de trente ans, la Slovénie est un État souverain, qui s’est évertué à moderniser un de ses attributs essentiels : la police. Parti d’un modèle « militaro-bureaucratique » dans le contexte politique de la République Fédérative Socialiste de Yougoslavie, la police a dû évoluer vers un modèle de police de proximité. Elle s’est transformée à maints égards : plus de transparence, obligation de rendre compte, professionnalisation des agents, moindre « discrétionarité » et une doctrine d’emploi résolument plus proactive que réactive. L’originalité de la présente contribution tient à la restitution d’une étude réalisée en 2018 par des chercheurs de la faculté de criminologie de l’université de Maribor. Elle visait à déterminer les préférences des Slovènes parmi quatre modèles selon une typologie traditionnelle dégagée par la littérature scientifique : militaro-bureaucratique, légaliste, hybride et communautaire.
9
Buffet, Alexis. "Douze cent mille de Luc Durtain : un roman populiste avant la lettre ?" Études littéraires 44, no. 2 (March 14, 2014): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1023760ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
En 1922, Luc Durtain publie son premier roman commencé dans les tranchées :Douze cent mille. Connu jusque-là comme poète, familier de l’Abbaye de Créteil et unanimiste, il appartient à cette « génération nouvelle » groupée autour de Jules Romains qui cherche à contrer les divagations du symbolisme en renouant avec la description du réel et du peuple. Parenté thématique qui justifie son annexion au mouvement populiste en compagnie de ses amis Romains et Duhamel (ils siégeront tous les trois comme membres du jury du Prix du roman populiste). Fable sociale particulièrement dense,Douze cent millese donne pour mission de représenter cette « nécessité d’après-guerre » : « gagner sa vie ». Se posant contre les excès d’analyse du roman bourgeois, le roman de Durtain s’avère moins une description minutieuse du quotidien des classes laborieuses qu’une violente satire de la bourgeoisie oisive et du snobisme à travers les tribulations de Bongrand, picaro moderne et héros positif. Se refusant à une littérature de parti, sans pour autant dissimuler sa sympathie pour la cause socialiste, faisant le lien entre société d’argent et société guerrière,Douze cent milleillustre par anticipation la doctrine populiste et en souligne d’ores et déjà et comme malgré lui toutes les apories.
10
Prochasson, Christophe. "Que nul n’entre ici s’il n’est historien." Germinal N° 7, no. 2 (May 3, 2024): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ger.007.0120.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Le socialisme s’est construit avec la discipline historique. Si ses différents courants ont mobilisé l’histoire comme un imaginaire et une mythologie, l’étude des transformations sociales sur le temps long ont constitué un des vecteurs d’élaboration des doctrines socialistes en rendant compréhensibles les conditions des évolutions souhaitables et à venir. S’il souhaite conserver sa portée pratique, le socialisme doit maintenir cette attention à l’explication du passé. Que pourrait être un socialisme « présentiste » qui ne répondrait qu’aux seuls caprices du présent ? Une vague morale qui aurait perdu toute la force transformatrice du socialisme.
11
Leron, Nicolas. "Ce que peut le socialisme pour l’Europe politique." Germinal N° 7, no. 2 (May 3, 2024): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ger.007.0198.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Les socialistes et sociaux-démocrates ont finalement subi l’intégration européenne : comme devoir historique ou comme contrainte institutionnelle. Il est temps d’inverser la dialectique et de penser ce que peut le socialisme pour l’Europe politique. Il lui faudra au préalable éviter deux chausse-trappes : la dissolution avec les libéraux-centristes (le discours de la souveraineté européenne) et le réflexe du socialisme dans un seul pays (la doctrine de la désobéissance européenne), pour enfin investir pleinement la démocratie européenne et la liberté sociale appliquée à l’échelle continentale.
12
Silverberg, Laura. "Between Dissonance and Dissidence: Socialist Modernism in the German Democratic Republic." Journal of Musicology 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 44–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2009.26.1.44.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Both communist party officials and western observers have typically interpreted the composition of modernist music in the Eastern Bloc as an act of dissidence. Yet in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), the most consequential arguments in favor of modernism came from socialists and party members. Their advocacy of modernism challenged official socialist realist doctrine, but they shared with party bureaucrats the conviction that music ought to contribute to the development of socialist society. Such efforts to reform musical life from a Marxist-Leninist standpoint were typical of the first generation of East Germany's intelligentsia, who saw socialist rule as the only guarantee against the reemergence of German fascism. Two of East Germany's most prominent composers, Hanns Eisler and Paul Dessau, routinely used the twelve-tone method in works carrying an explicitly socialist text. During preparations for the 1964 Music Congress, aesthetician Güünter Mayer drew from Eisler's Lenin Requiem and Dessau's Appell der Arbeiterklasse to argue that modernist techniques were highly appropriate for giving expression to contemporary social conditions. The efforts of these socialists to reconcile modernist techniques with their understanding of socialism undermine basic divisions between communism and capitalism, complicity and dissent, and socialist realism and western modernism.
13
Krieger, Pierre. "Agitateur communiste et pasteur autonomiste :." Revue d’Alsace 149 (2023): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11pjx.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Le patronyme « Liebrich » est loin d’être inconnu en Alsace, notamment en Alsace Bossue, où cette famille, originaire de Hesse, forme une véritable dynastie de pasteurs luthériens du XVIIIe au XXe siècle. Les deux frères sont nés à deux ans d’intervalle, 1883 pour Gustave Adolphe et 1885 pour Frédéric Guillaume, à Durstel. Leurs futurs itinéraires opposés ne coulent pas de source. C’est en effet à la fin de la Grande Guerre que les parcours des deux frères vont radicalement diverger. En effet, Frédéric Guillaume, très marqué par la Révolution de novembre en Alsace, s’engage dans le mouvement socialiste puis communiste. Gustave Adolphe au contraire voit ses positions pangermanistes renforcées par son incarcération en France durant la guerre.Durant l’entre-deux-guerres, deux visions de l’Alsace vont s’opposer à travers les deux frères Liebrich. Frédéric Guillaume, en tant que responsable régional communiste, suit la doctrine du PC sur la question de l’Alsace-Lorraine : « autodétermination du peuple alsacien-lorrain, jusqu’à la séparation d’avec la France si nécessaire ». Gustave Adolphe de son côté ne voit l’Alsace-Lorraine que sous l’angle de l’Allemagne, d’une région fondamentalement allemande. Il gravite autour des mouvements autonomistes, pangermanistes, puis pronazis.Pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les deux frères vont avoir, encore une fois, un destin opposé. Frédéric Guillaume décède d’une grave maladie en 1943. Gustave Adolphe, de son côté, est assigné à résidence dans le Midi de la France en 1939 et ne revient en Alsace qu’après l’armistice. Il se réfugie en RFA après la guerre. Enfin, il meurt en 1965 à Strasbourg.
14
Vilchez, Jose. "Percepción y distorsiones del socialismo en ciudadanos de Cuenca, Ecuador." Sur Academia: Revista Académica-Investigativa de la Facultad Jurídica, Social y Administrativa 9, no. 18 (July 18, 2022): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54753/suracademia.v9i18.1352.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
El estudio exploró las percepciones en torno al socialismo tanto de hombre y mujeres residentes en la ciudad de Cuenca, Ecuador. La técnica de recopilación de información fueron los grupos focales. En total se conformaron cuatro grupos focales con 20 participantes en total con edades comprendidas entre los 19 y 40 años. Los datos fueron analizados mediante técnicas de codificación inductiva para lo cual se utilizó el programa Atlas.ti. Los resultados evidenciaron que el socialismo se percibió como una doctrina política, social y económica, pero también como un estilo de vida. Con respecto al modelo socialista, la percepción de los participantes alude al marxismo y al socialismo del siglo XXI. El capitalismo, la subjetividad individual del consumo, el control y adoctrinamiento político fueron aspectos que se interpretaron como contrarios al modelo socialista. Además, se percibió que el socialismo del siglo XXI inició en el país con el gobierno de Rafael Correa, aunque algunos participantes mencionaron que no se trata de un modelo socialista, sino de una estrategia política. Como resultado principal, se evidenció en los participantes una valoración negativa hacia el socialismo pero se excusa con situaciones circunstanciales y queda de manifiesto que todavía, pese a su ineficacia patente, se sigue creyendo en él; por ello, se recalcó la necesidad de construir un futuro socialista.
15
Moreau, Jacques. "Le congrès d'Épinay-Sur-Seine du parti socialiste." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 65, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.p2000.65n1.0081.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Résumé À l'issue du congrès de « l'unité des socialistes », qui s'est tenu à Épinay-sur-Seine, en juin 1971, François Mitterrand est devenu - grâce à des manœuvres d'appareil - le chef d'un nouveau parti socialiste, auquel il donne comme objectif la « rupture avec le capitalisme ». Arrivé au pouvoir dix ans plus tard, le parti n'a que lentement abandonné cette ligne doctrinale pour adopter, avec Lionel Jospin, une orientation réformiste.
16
Venegas-Caro, Diego Esteban. "El Partido Socialista de Chile y la violencia política. Entre el orden y la revolución (1933-1948)." Revista Austral de Ciencias Sociales, no. 47 (December 30, 2024): 397–417. https://doi.org/10.4206/rev.austral.cienc.soc.2024.n47-18.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
El Partido Socialista de Chile se fundó en abril de 1933 como la convergencia de grupos que participaron activamente en los sucesos de junio de 1932, la denominada “República Socialista” del 4 de junio liderada por Marmaduke Grove y Eugenio Matte. Esto transformó a la naciente organización en una alternativa a partidos ya existentes, como el Partido Comunista, con quienes compartían su concepción marxista. A pesar de compartir una base teórica común, los socialistas crearon no sólo una identidad propia, sino una doctrina y estructura teórico-política que les permitió afrontar la disputa del gobierno, y del poder mismo. Este artículo se enfocará en un aspecto relevante de la construcción doctrinaria y acción política de los socialistas: el rol de la violencia política, tanto revolucionaria como reaccionaria, durante el ciclo 1933-1948.
17
الحسيني, خالد موسى, and هبه كامل إبراهيم. "Mazdakism and its intellectual and ideological impact on the Sasanian society." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 33 (November 14, 2017): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2017/v1.i33.6035.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study includes (Mazdakism and its intellectual and ideological impact on the Sasanian society) due to the importance of the Mazdakite revolution, which led to changes in the Sasanian society for the beliefs and ideas it brought, which were considered the beginnings of the socialist doctrine. People because of the philosophy of his doctrine appropriate to the needs of society at the time. This study focuses on examining the social situation of the Sassanian state at the time of the emergence of Mazdak, the intellectual roots of his theory, the doctrines and teachings he brought, and the reasons for his downfall and killing. This is based on a set of Arabic and localized sources and references
18
Tomasi, John. "SOVEREIGNTY, COMMERCE, AND COSMOPOLITANISM: LESSONS FROM EARLY AMERICA FOR THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2002): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201102.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
If socialism and liberalism are rivals, one ambition these rivals have shared is that of being a transnational, even universal doctrine. Socialists and liberals have each thought of their own view as being well designed to expand, to reach out and be taken up in an ever-growing number and variety of societies. I do not know whether now is the time to write the final obituary for the socialist version of this dream. But the universalizing dream most vivid before the minds of the inhabitants of the world today clearly is not the socialist one, but the liberal one. “Globalization,” in our day, has come to mean something very close to “liberalization.” For some this is a cause of celebration; for others, it is a cause of protest and despair.
19
Ivan V., Ambartsumov. "A Look at Socialism in the Official Acts of the Roman Catholic and Orthodox Russian Church at the Turn of the 19th — 20th Centuries: Comparative Analysis." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (October 30, 2022): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-101-125.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article compares the assessments of socialist ideology in the official documents of the Roman Catholic and Russian Orthodox churches in the late 19th — early 20th centuries. As a reflection of the Catholic position, the encyclicals of the Roman popes are considered, first, the encyclical “Rerum Novarum”, published by Leo XIII in 1891. The author considers the program of the course “denunciation of socialism” approved by the Holy Synod in seminaries. A comparison of these documents shows that both churches condemned socialism as an atheistic doctrine and considered it a dangerous utopia. Leo XIII, in “Rerum Novarum”, denounced basic socialist doctrines such as the socialization of private property and class struggle, but at the same time acknowledged the seriousness of the problems of capitalist society and the plight of the workers. The pope opposed the socialist utopias with the Catholic social doctrine, which provided for the active participation of the church in social life, state regulation of relations between labor and capital, and the development of a peaceful labor movement. The Russian Orthodox Church during the period under review was unable to develop its own social doctrine as an alternative to socialism. In the program of the anti-socialist course for Orthodox seminaries, the materialistic and anti-Christian nature of socialism was proved, and Marxism was subjected to detailed analysis and criticism. At the same time, there was no such harsh criticism of the flaws of capitalism on the part of the Russian hierarchy. Such one-sidedness made the position of the Russian Orthodox Church in the fight against socialism much weaker than the position of the Roman Catholic Church.
20
Desan, Mathieu Hikaru. "The Invention of Neo-Socialism: The Dynamics of Schism and Doctrinal Distinction in the French Socialist Party." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 680–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000173.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractWhat is the relationship between schism and political identity? Existing scholarship has tended to focus on the determinants of schism while treating the ideational basis on which schisms are made as largely fixed. In this paper, I develop a new interpretation of the 1933 “neo-socialist schism” within the French Socialist Party to highlight how new political identities can be constituted in and through the process of schism itself. The 1933 schism is often understood as the convergence of a doctrinal revision called “neo-socialism” and a separate tactical challenge to the party's parliamentary practice. But a careful reading of the factional conflict within the party reveals that it was the preceding tactical debate over ministerial participation that was transformed over time into a debate over socialist doctrine. This distinction between “tactics” and “doctrine” performatively defined the limits of acceptable party discourse, and as such was both a weapon and a stake in the factional conflict. I trace the evolution of this conflict and show that, so long as the minority faction was weak, the issue of participation was widely considered “tactical” and thus safe for discussion. But when minority strength grew, the majority sought to redefine the conflict as doctrinal to delegitimate the challengers. Finally, only when a schism appeared inevitable did the challengers themselves adopt the label of “neo-socialism.” Neo-socialism was thus not a pre-constituted political heresy driving the schismatic process, but the contingent and emergent outcome of this very process.
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Sáez Muñoz, Francisco. "Doctrina, ocio y fraternidad. La visión del tiempo libre en el Partido Socialista de Chile (1933–1939)." Sur y Tiempo: Revista de Historia de América 5, no. 10 (August 9, 2024): 166–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22370/syt.2024.10.4195.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Con el propósito de ampliar el enfoque de las prácticas militantes en la historia de los partidos políticos, este trabajo resalta la importancia del análisis de las actividades del “tiempo libre de los trabajadores”. Mediante la revisión de la prensa y folletería socialista, se analiza la concepción que poseía el Partido Socialista de Chile respecto del tiempo libre, su posición crítica hacia el consumo de alcohol y las apuestas, y las prácticas que proponían como una alternativa de entretenimiento. Considerando que el Partido Socialista buscó representar una vanguardia del pueblo encargada de crear una nueva mentalidad, sociedad y moral inclinada a los ideales socialistas, sostengo como hipótesis principal que, para ellos, el tiempo libre representó mucho más que una distracción o simples actividades ociosas, puesto que las prácticas propuestas siempre rondaron en torno a la formación política de una comunidad militante.
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Pilisi, Paul. "Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’Unité Européenne - La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition." Études internationales 10, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700964ar.
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From its beginnings in 1922, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has pursued one overriding objective : the preservation of the empire. This policy's dialectic is in conformity with the Soviet doctrine which holds that international relations are but relations of production. Soviet foreign policy has always sought international legal guarantees to protect the conquests of empire and socialism. Ideologically, the U.S.S.R. has always been opposed to the idea of European unity. European integration has traditionally been viewed by the Soviet empire as the ultimate endeavour of capitalism prior to the latter's final crisis. This basic policy option had been adopted by the socialist countries of Europe. From 1922, when the Soviet Union had accorded the E.E.C. de facto recognition, several countries of Eastern Europe had expressed their respective attitudes with regard to European integration. The Helsinki and Belgrade C.S.C.E., the final result of which was only a diplomatic declaration, emphasized the idea of East-West cooperation. European cooperation, deriving from a compromise between economic "necessity" and political "illusion," should provide practical results rather than ideas. De jure recognition of the E.E.C. by the U.S.S.R. and the Eastern Europe countries also constitutes an important element of East-West relations. The 1980s will reveal whether or not the hostility of the countries of Eastern Europe with respect to European integration has definitely been replaced by cooperation free from ulterior ideological motives.
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Khayati, Mustapha. "Histoire des doctrines socialistes." Égypte/Monde arabe, no. 4-5 (June 30, 2001): 307–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ema.888.
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Elizaveta O., Kovaleva. "“The Terrible Danger is Looming...”: Archbishop Vitaly Maximenko and Socialism." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (October 30, 2022): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-93-100.
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The article considers the attitude of a famous cleric and the most prominent representative of the Black Hundred movement in Volhynia, Archbishop Vitaly (Maximenko), towards the theory and practice of socialism. The views of Father Vitaly on socialist doctrine are reconstructed here based on periodicals and his writings, most of which are introduced into the academic discourse for the first time. The article demonstrates that the Archimandrite of the Pochaev Lavra took a dim view both of socialists themselves and the main points of their doctrine and their practical implementation. He denied the idea of blending Christianity and socialism. At the same time, Vitaly (Maximenko) developed intense socio-economic activities aiming to relieve the plight of the Volhynian peasantry and prevent it from becoming a social base of left-wing parties. Rejecting socialism as a political ideology and condemning it from the religious perspective, the Pochaev Archimandrite still properly understood the needs and aspirations of Volhynian peasants. He managed to tear them away from the influence of the leftist parties and organized them into the largest department of the Union of the Russian People.
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Candar, Gilles, and Stéphanie Roza. "Unité doctrinale du socialisme." Cahiers Jaurès N° 231-232, no. 1 (2019): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cj.231.0207.
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Böhnigk, Volker. "A relationship between relativism and nazism. Fact or fiction?" Filozofija i drustvo 27, no. 3 (2016): 625–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1603631b.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
According to a certain view that is dominant in historical research, the wide-spread racial doctrines of the twenties and thirties of the last century is said to have advanced relativism. It is argued, that relativism then became the foundation of National Socialist ideology. In the last instance, relativism is accused of having contributed to the Nazi doctrine of racial extermination. Relativism has a long philosophical tradition. The aim of this investigation is to find out how many of the philosophers who supported National Socialism actually held relativistic views. I will show that the assumed correlation between Relativism and National Socialism is a momentous fiction, which paved the way for an (intentional) misrepresentation of the relationship between science and National Socialism.
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Lockley, Philip. "Social Anglicanism and Empire: C. F. Andrews's Christian Socialism." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 407–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.23.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Charles Freer Andrews (1871–1940) was a close friend of Mohandas K. Gandhi and played a celebrated role in the Indian struggle for independence within the British empire. This article makes the case for understanding Andrews as a pioneering example of the evolution from nineteenth-century Christian Socialism to twentieth-century global ‘social Anglicanism’, as Andrews's career fits a form better recognized in later campaigners. The article draws attention to three beliefs or principles discernible in Andrews's life as a Christian Socialist in the 1890s: the incarnation as a doctrine revealing the brotherhood of humanity; the Church's need to recognize and minister to the poor; and the Church's call to send out its adherents to end ‘social abuses’ and achieve ‘moral victories’. These three core Christian Socialist beliefs were applied in Andrews's thought and achievements during the second half of his life, in the colonial contexts of India, South Africa and Fiji. By comparing his thought and activity with perceptions of empire traceable among contemporary Anglican Christian Socialists, Andrews's colonial career is found to have enabled Anglican social thought to take on a global frame of reference, presaging proponents of an Anglican global social conscience later in the century.
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Martínez de Pisón Cavero, José María. "Una lección sobre la tradición liberal." Revista Electrónica de Derecho de la Universidad de La Rioja (REDUR), no. 21 (December 20, 2023): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/redur.5903.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
El pensamiento liberal constituye una de las tradiciones de la filosofía política más importante de la actualidad. Surgida en Europa y América a partir del siglo XVII, ha impulsado las transformaciones políticas, sociales y económicas más relevantes en los últimos siglos. Además, tras el fin de la Guerra Fría, es para muchos la doctrina política imperante en el mundo. Sin embargo, no es una corriente tan homogénea como pudiera parecer como van a demostrar las páginas que vienen a continuación. A su vez, conviene tener presente que se ha ido enriqueciendo con el debate con otras doctrinas, particularmente, la socialista.
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Kvasova, O. A. "REISNER’S DOCTRINE OF SUPREME POWER." Scientific Notes of V. I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Juridical science 7 (73), no. 2 (2022): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1733-2021-7-2-47-50.
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The article analyzes the views of Mikhail Andreevich Reisner on the institution of Supreme power (1868-1928) — a prominent Russian jurist of the early Soviet period, whose ideas were used in socialist state-building. M. A. Reisner’s views were very original. Among the features of the state, he attached key importance to state power as an «organizational idea of people’s political behavior», defining the state through «phantasms» (ideas) of Supreme power.
30
Satkauskytė, Dalia. "The Lithuanian Version of Socialist Realism: An Imposed Doctrine and Incorporated Tradition." Slavic Review 81, no. 4 (2022): 936–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2023.5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The process of imposing socialist realism on Lithuanian literature, which became a part of the Soviet multinational project after the Soviet occupation in 1940, does not directly follow the general pattern of transferring the Russian model. The agents of the Soviet national literary field not only transposed standard socialist plots to local realia, but also had to transform them in order to legitimate occupation, to reject the legacy of the independent Lithuanian republic, and to reinterpret anti-Soviet resistance. In the process of inventing the national sources of socialist realism and forging “the most advanced artistic method,” overcoming the constraints of the Lithuanian literary tradition proved impossible. This article discusses the encounter of inherited literary structures with the external model and its effects on the development of Lithuanian socialist realism.
31
Márquez Ramírez, Jesús Alberto. "Fundamentos filosóficos e ideológicos de la democracia en los siglos XIX y XX." Revista Latinoamericana de Difusión Científica, Vol 2 Núm 3 (August 1, 2020): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.38186/difcie.23.07.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Se analizan algunos fundamentos filosóficos e ideológicos de la democracia en los siglos XIX y XX, a partir del estudio de los postulados de varias doctrinas modernas acerca de este sistema de gobierno. Para ello se toma en cuenta la doctrina del positivismo, liberalismo, socialismo, anarquismo y la doctrina social de la Iglesia. También se toma como referencia, concretamente en el siglo XX, los aportes de Sartori para la comprensión del sistema democrático en Occidente. Se concluye que la mutación discursiva de la democracia no significa necesariamente una distorsión de sus postulados básicos: se trata de la simbiosis que se da entre las mentalidades o paradigmas dominantes de la política de una época determina, las mutaciones ideológicas adelantadas por los teóricos de la democracia y las condiciones materiales donde se insertan estos procesos objetivos y subjetivos.
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M. Hodgson, Geoffrey. "Cartas abiertas a dos amigos, un economista austriaco y uno socialista." Revista de Economía Institucional 21, no. 40 (December 3, 2018): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/01245996.v21n40.04.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dirijo estas cartas dos amigos imaginarios. En la primera, a un libertario de libre mercado, reconozco las fortalezas de su posición, pero argumento que la posición libertaria básica se debe actualizar a la luz de los desarrollos del mundo financiero y corporativo, y de la creciente desigualdad en la distribución de la riqueza. Dirijo la segunda carta a un socialista, que aún desea maximizar la propiedad pública y minimizar los mercados. Argumento que esta posición ha recibido golpes fatales en el siglo XX, provenientes de la crítica teórica y de catástrofes prácticas. El socialismo al menos en su sentido clásico– ha muerto como doctrina práctica y humana. No así el Estado de bienestar, quizás con un sector público significativo. El debate se refiere a la dirección que nos gustaría que tomara el capitalismo.
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Angenot, Marc. "La democracia es el mal. Un siglo de argumentación anti-democrática en la extrema izquierda, 1815-1914." Estudios digital, no. 29 (September 3, 2013): 141–54. https://doi.org/10.31050/re.v0i29.5344.
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Lo que me propongo analizar en este ensayo es un fenómeno distinto al persistente escepticismo y al desencantamiento democráticos y a los debates de hace dos siglos sobre las enmiendas deseables en el sufragio universal y la democracia representativa. Es la hostilidad de principio hacia la democracia, basada en la doctrina socialista (y libertaria), tal como continuamente se expresa en diversos sectores de la extrema izquierda en Francia, desde la época romántica hasta la Primera guerra mundial. Creo que es interesante mostrar la génesis y la persistencia de la argumentación anti-democrática en la extrema izquierda retrocediendo en el tiempo. Me propongo, no polemizar anacrónicamente con las generaciones militantes de antes, sino despejar las razones de esta crítica de la democracia en el socialismo revolucionario francés y europeo.
34
Badal, Bharat Prasad. "Social Welfare Model of Rural Development." Nepalese Journal of Development and Rural Studies 14, no. 1-2 (December 10, 2017): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njdrs.v14i1-2.19642.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
After analyzing the balanced growth unbalanced growth, unlimited supply of laborer, transformation of traditional agriculture and social choice theories as well as Gandhian model of rural development, US market model economy, Chinese socialist’s economy, Korean model of rural development (Saemual Undong), mix welfare model of Sweden, this paper emphasizes that people’s participation is inevitable to achieve desired development goals. However, all these doctrines, theories or model have identified active participation of the people in development process but still those doctrines are silent about how to emancipate and mobilize people. Here is why, this paper has designed and developed social welfare model of Rural Development (SWMRD) based on Sen’s social choice theory, Gandhian model of rural development and doctrine of factors of production of economics. According to the model people have to make plan of their resources for sustainable economic return and its implementation. Government has to assure freedom, human right, motivation and protection. Hence, SWMRD model will be applicable on development studies and useful to development policy makers.Nepalese Journal of Development and Rural StudiesVol. 14 (Joint issue) (1&2), 2017, Page: 1-11
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Garcia, Beatriz Peralt. "Os primórdios do Socialismo em Portugal e a defesa da legislação internacional do trabalho. O Socialismo português nos congressos operários internacionais (1871-1896)." História: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 10, no. 2 (2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/0871164x/hist10_2e2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
. The economic weakness of the first associations of Portuguese socialism did not allow them to attend, in person, the development of international socialism through the attendance at congresses that were periodically organized by the International Workers Association since 1872, however this fact did not prevent them from assuming the resolutions. Taken there, which were disciplined incorporated into its strategy of associative consolidation and doctrinal consolidation. Hence, for example, the founding of the Portuguese Socialist Party, as decreed in The Hague. This article aims to analyze the participation of the Portuguese socialists from this initial contact with the European internationalists until the end of the nineteenth century, already reorganized the IIª International. We also try to advance the history of Portuguese socialism in the nineteenth century by stressing the implications within its party structures
36
JACKSON, BEN. "At the Origins of Neo-Liberalism: The Free Economy and the Strong State, 1930–1947." Historical Journal 53, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990392.
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ABSTRACTIt is often suggested that the earliest theorists of neo-liberalism first entered public controversy in the 1930s and 1940s to dispel the illusion that the welfare state represented a stable middle way between capitalism and socialism. This article argues that this is an anachronistic account of the origins of neo-liberalism, since the earliest exponents of neo-liberal doctrine focused on socialist central planning rather than the welfare state as their chief adversary and even sought to accommodate certain elements of the welfare state agenda within their market liberalism. In their early work, neo-liberal theorists were suspicious of nineteenth-century liberalism and capitalism; emphasized the value commitments that they shared with progressive liberals and socialists; and endorsed significant state regulation and redistribution as essential to the maintenance of a free society. Neo-liberals of the 1930s and 1940s therefore believed that the legitimation of the market, and the individual liberty best secured by the market, had to be accomplished via an expansion of state capacity and a clear admission that earlier market liberals had been wrong to advocate laissez-faire.
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Ould-Ahmed, Pepita. "Les transit ions monétairesen URSS et en Russie. une continuité par-delà la rupture." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 58, no. 5 (October 2003): 1105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900018163.
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RésuméLes transformations monétaires, à l’oeuvre depuis le début des années 1990 en Russie, sont le plus souvent appréhendées sur le mode de la rupture radicale avec le passé socialiste. Cet article s’inscrit en marge d’une telle interprétation. Sans nier les métamorphoses radicales qui ont affecté à la fois le système monétaire, l’organisation du système bancaire, les mécanismes de financement et les modalités de paiement, l’analyse des ruptures entre l’URSS et la Russie des années 1990 permet, paradoxalement, de faire apparaître des continuités monétaires sous-jacentes de long terme. Les deux parties qui structurent cet article mettent en lumière trois séries de continuités tant au niveau des idées monétaires qu’au niveau des comportements financiers des acteurs publics et privés. La première partie montre qu’entre les approches monétaires élaborées lors des deux grandes transitions (au socialisme, puis au capitalisme) se tissent des convergences frappantes dans l’ordre des discours et des doctrines monétaires. La deuxième partie met en évidence une même similarité dans les enchaînements de la régulation monétaire-financière d’une période à l’autre.
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Jaurès, Jean. "Chapitre II. Unité doctrinale du socialisme." Cahiers Jaurès N° 231-232, no. 1 (2019): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cj.231.0213.
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Jouanjan, Olivier. "Remarques sur les doctrines nationales-socialistes de l'État." Politix 8, no. 32 (1995): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polix.1995.2092.
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40
Czernicki, Przemysław. "PAŃSTWOWY FUNDUSZ ZIEMI JAKO PRAWNY INSTRUMENT POLITYKI AGRARNEJ STALINOWSKIEGO PAŃSTWA W POLSCE W LATACH 1944–1956." Studia Iuridica, no. 87 (October 12, 2021): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2020-87.4.
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The article attempts to discuss the legal and institutional issues related to the use of the State Land Fund (SLF) as a fundamental instrument of the postwar agrarian and land policy in Poland. First of all, an attempt was made to indicate the normative basis for its implementation and to reconstruct the legal character of the institution in question. Reconstruction of the legal essence of the State Land Fund shows the divergences formulated in this regard by the proponents of the doctrine of agricultural and financial law. The evolution of functions performed by the fund in the framework of the agrarian policy of the socialist state, and changes made in the model of administration of this institution, have contributed to the emergence of different evaluations. It seems that the institutional specificity of the SLF was determined primarily by the doctrinal or systemic basis of the Stalinist agricultural policy.
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АНОШКИН, П. П. "The concept of the socialist state in the political philosophy of N.A. Berdyaev." Социально-гуманитарные знания, no. 6 (January 8, 2022): 279–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.34823/sgz.2021.6.517728.
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В статье рассматривается критический анализ Н.А. Бердяева марксистско-ленинского учения о социалистическом государстве. Философ показывает экономические, политические и духовные основы становления и развития социалистического государства в России, обосновывает экзистенциальный характер социалистического государства, реализацию идеи диктатуры пролетариата, подчеркивает положительные и отрицательные стороны социалистической государственности. This paper explores the critical analysis by N. A. Berdyaev of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of the socialist state. The philosopher demonstrates the economic, political and spiritual foundations of the emergence and development of the socialist state in Russia, substantiates the existential nature of the socialist state, the realization of the proletarian dictatorship concept, emphasizes the positive and negative sides of the socialist state system.
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Kolb, Eugene G. "The French Socialist Party in 2017–2021: adaptation to the new situation." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2022-1-43-50.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For the first time in the Belarusian research literature, the activities of the French Socialist Party (FSP) to overcome the most severe ideological and political crisis that clearly manifested itself in the 2017 elections is examined. The author shows the results of the internal party struggle on the strategy of restoring the party’s position in the political life of the country. In the article the changes in the ideology are characterised and the degree of renewal of the party doctrine is determined, the features of the activity of the FSP in the role of the opposition party are established, the efforts of socialists to rally the left forces are shown, the specifics of the role of the FSP in political life and the left political camp of France are established. It is concluded that the FSP refused a deep revision of ideology and political strategy and kept the ideological and political identity of the left government party, its authorities managed to avoid transformation to a micro-party, but they were unable to restore the former role of the main party of the left political camp and one of the two leading parties in the country.
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Kolb, Eugene G. "Reforming the ideology of the French Socialist Party in 1980–90s: between embracing innovation and loyalty to tradition." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 3 (July 31, 2019): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-3-92-100.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The need to reform the ideology of the French Socialist Party (FSP) was due to the political difficulties of the party, caused by the contradiction between the pragmatic policy of socialist governments, which recognized the changes of French society, and the party’s ideology rooted in the traditional principles of French socialism. In the 1980s FSP doctrine shifted toward social democracy, which was formalized at its 1991 congress, and the program and election promises of the FSP became more moderate and realistic. Nevertheless, the FSP refused to fundamentally revise the main principles of party doctrine, and after 1993 began proclaiming its fealty to traditional ideals, while continuing to refrain from radical proposals in the socioeconomic sphere. Rejection of a genuine reform of party doctrine was due to the fact that a change in the ideological identity of the FSP was not supported by the majority of party members, and could also threaten to weaken the position of the FSP among the left electorate and risk the loss of allies in the left camp.
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Kolb, Eugene G. "Reforming the ideology of the French Socialist Party in 1980–90s: between embracing innovation and loyalty to tradition." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 3 (July 31, 2019): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-3-92-100.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The need to reform the ideology of the French Socialist Party (FSP) was due to the political difficulties of the party, caused by the contradiction between the pragmatic policy of socialist governments, which recognized the changes of French society, and the party’s ideology rooted in the traditional principles of French socialism. In the 1980s FSP doctrine shifted toward social democracy, which was formalized at its 1991 congress, and the program and election promises of the FSP became more moderate and realistic. Nevertheless, the FSP refused to fundamentally revise the main principles of party doctrine, and after 1993 began proclaiming its fealty to traditional ideals, while continuing to refrain from radical proposals in the socioeconomic sphere. Rejection of a genuine reform of party doctrine was due to the fact that a change in the ideological identity of the FSP was not supported by the majority of party members, and could also threaten to weaken the position of the FSP among the left electorate and risk the loss of allies in the left camp.
45
Kosenko, S. I. "Transformation of the French external cultural policy concept at the turn of the century." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 235–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-235-241.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The variety of conceptual aspects of the Frances's external cultural policy is considered in the article through adjustments introduced to it by different governments which staggered each other since 1980s. The modern concept of the French cultural diplomacy was a result of a long historic evolution in the framework of the traditional action of its governors aimed at protection of cultural identity and national interests of their country. From its genesis in the Middle Ages in the form of voluntary acts by its Monarchs and further by Republican Presidents this very concept was never translated into a basic programmatic document. It happened only in 1983 within specific historical circumstances in a form of a doctrinal paper entitled "External cultural project of France" elaborated and approved by the government of socialists. Since that time, conventionally speaking, the doctrine of the external cultural action of France could be divided in three stock ideas: cultural "shining", cultural exception and cultural diversity which alternated each other.
46
REVILL, JOEL. "A PRACTICAL TURN: ELIE HALEVY'S EMBRACE OF POLITICS AND HISTORY." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 1 (September 25, 2014): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000389.
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Elie Halévy's legacy is bounded by the two primary objects of his scholarly interest: the history of modern Britain and the study of French socialist doctrines. Taken together, his writings on temperate English politics and occasionally intemperate French socialists cemented his status as a leading French liberal of his generation. Read out of context, the tone of his criticism of wartime socialization and the growth of wartime governments has given him a conservative reputation in some circles and inspired a backlash among historians seeking a more progressive Halévy in his prewar writings. Meanwhile, the depth of his historical study of Britain has elicited several discussions of Halévy's turn from philosophy to history at the end of the 1890s. The portrait of Halévy that emerges in light of his historical studies of England and of French socialism is detailed, accurate, and flattering, but, like any portrait, it is incomplete. Before he was a historian, Halévy was a philosopher, and before he mastered his craft in the early twentieth century, Halévy struggled to find his voice in the late nineteenth.
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Nikolić Maksimović, Zoranа. "CRITIQUE OF RAWL’S DOCTRINE." Strani pravni život 60, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 243–59. https://doi.org/10.56461/spz16216n.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The doctrine of John Rawls has aroused the attention of the scientific public for more than forty years. A Theory of Justice brought out a special way of looking at the structure of the liberal-democratic societies. It offers not only new knowledge but also the methods and techniques to reach them. As with any successful theory, this one too was met with acclaim but criticism as well . What unites both approaches to Rawls’s learning is a rational foundation of theoretical positions regardless of the epistemological outcomes. Communitarians like Sandel and Volzer were the sharpest critics of the liberal views of John Rawls. Libertianism of M. Nozick was practically built on the criticism of Rawls’s key ideas. Rawls’s scientific reputation was not built on his work only but also on the thinkers who mostly criticized his ideas. And that was a success in itself. Rawls became especially popular in the post-socialist countries after the radical change of the social system. Criticism of Rawls’s learning was related to its key parts: the theory of justice as fairness, veil of ignorance technique, the two principles of justice, the relationship between the individual and the community, social relations and the rule of law, freedom and equality, questions of morality, constructivism and so on. The author of this paper has tried to present and analyze the basic theoretical objections to the attitudes of John Rawls.
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Лазарева, Наталья, and Natalya Lazareva. "HISTORY OF CRIMINAL LEGISLATION DEVELOPMENT IN SLOVAKIA." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 5 (December 2, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/16140.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject of this research is criminal legislation of the Slovak Republic since the merge of Slovakia in the AustroHungarian Empire (XIX century) to the present day. The article analyzes the emergency criminal legislation of the World War II period, the socialist Criminal Codes of the Czechoslovak Republic (1950, 1961) and the existing Criminal Code of the Slovak Republic of 2005. The article also touches upon the country’s constitutional development on the example of the adopted Constitutions of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (1948, 1960) and the Constitution of the Slovak Republic (1992). The author pays special attention to the integration of Slovakia into the European legal framework when it became a member of the European Union in 2004. The article also contains comparative analysis of the main institutions of the criminal law in Russia and Slovakia. During the research the author used the following special methods: historical, logical, and comparative law method, which includes a variety of techniques (doctrinal, regulatory, functional comparison). As opposed to the criminal law of other European Union countries, the Slovak criminal law has remained practically unexplored by the Russian criminal law doctrine. But it is very unique because it comprises the combination of Austrian, German and Russian criminal law ideas which is conditioned by historical peculiarities of this state’s development. On the example of Slovakia, the author demonstrates possibility of combining the national legal legacy and directives of the European Union.
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Tarango Rodríguez, Liliana Libertad. "La asociación estudiantil del Instituto de Ciencias de Zacatecas y su lucha por la obtención de sus libertades." Ciencia Nueva, revista de Historia y Política 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 196–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.22517/25392662.25264.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Tras la obtención de la autonomía de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) en 1933, ante el avance de la doctrina socialista en diversos países del mundo y frente a los cambios que esta corriente política, económica e ideológica proponía, las instituciones escolares de Zacatecas, México, se vieron forzadas a plantear un cambio en sus modelos educativos. Estas transformaciones también cambiaron la manera en la que los estudiantes se agrupaban para luchar por sus objetivos, como la libertad de cátedra y de pensamiento. La presente investigación analiza la participación de las asociaciones de estudiantes del Instituto de Ciencias de Zacatecas (ICZ) en la década de 1930, período en la que los postulados socialistas tomaron mayor relevancia. La participación estudiantil del ICZ forjó una intervención más activa de los alumnos en asuntos políticos y académicos, lo que se vio plasmado en la creación de congresos y mesas directivas. Además, la construcción y consolidación de un ICZ autónomo y colaborativo que sería el basamento ideológico en el que se instauraría la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas (UAZ) en 1968.
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Patulski, Andrzej. "Charakter własności siły roboczej w gospodarce realnego socjalizmu. Dylematy doktrynalno-polityczne i praktyczne." Studia z zakresu Prawa Pracy i Polityki Społecznej 28, no. 1 (2021): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25444654spp.21.007.13201.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The character (feature) of labour force in real socialist economy. doctrinal, political and practical dilemmas This article is an analysis of character of labour fource in real socialist economy. It attempts to answer the question, whether the system of labour fource in real socialist economy was based on the private property of labour force.