Дисертації з теми "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
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Dorman, Sara Rich. "Inclusion and exclusion : NGOs and politics in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99281b24-8104-4699-8e4c-0cdc2a2c716e.
Повний текст джерелаBrulin, Rémi. "Le discours américain sur le terrorisme : Constitution, évolution et contextes d'énonciation (1972-1992)." Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00764900.
Повний текст джерелаHill, Mark J. "Founding and re-founding : a problem in Rousseau's political thought and action." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b41e1417-05c9-4c46-bcad-f0f0bdc83dde.
Повний текст джерелаTeuteberg, Salome Marjanne. "The endurance of Lebanese consociational democracy." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6577.
Повний текст джерелаENGLISH ABSTRACT: The small Middle Eastern country of Lebanon was once recognised as the exemplar of power-sharing democracy, upholding a system that promoted peace and coexistence between Christians and Muslims. Power was divided proportionally amongst confessional groups, granting each sect power according to their demographic proportion. This division of power was aimed at promoting national unity, but changes in the Lebanese demography made the division undemocratic, and the constitution no longer accurately represented Lebanese society. The 1926 constitution, supplemented by the National Pact in 1943, which had upheld this division of power, baulked under the pressure of a 15-year civil war, to the surprise of many scholars who had praised the Lebanese system. While many place the blame on the outside influences, it has been determined that the problem lay within the system. The static characteristic of the system did not sufficiently provide for changing demographics, or a change in interest groups. The problem lay in the fixed nature of the proportionality of the consociational system. The prolonged civil war, sometimes referred to as a proxy war between Israel and Syria, came to an end with the signing of the Taif Accord in 1990. Though none were satisfied with its provision, the Accord brought an end to the escalating violence. The Accord paved the way for the rebuilding of state institutions, enabling parliamentary elections in 1992 and 1996; general municipal elections in 1998; the peaceful transfer of power between presidents; as well as the reconstruction of the Lebanese economy. The main objective of this study of Lebanon is to determine whether the amended Lebanese constitution of 1990 adheres to the principles provided in the theoretical framework regarding constitutional endurance. This study is in the form of a qualitative case study. It aims to describe, at length, and to form an in-depth understanding of the actors and events leading up to the Taif Accord, as well as the formation and implementation thereof. The research questions include: What factors relating to flexibility, specificity and inclusion contributed to the breakdown of the 1943 National Pact?; What steps were taken leading to the Taif Accord?; and Have the changes made in the Lebanese constitution by means of the 1990 Taif Accord facilitated the endurance of the constitution? The study aims to contribute through its application of the theoretical framework to a particular case study, namely that of Lebanon. By 'testing' this theoretical framework, this study also provides an in-depth analysis of the happenings in Lebanon over the past 80 years. It remains in question whether the Taif Accord‟s amendments to the constitution have sufficiently provided for the resilience of thereof. Twenty years of relative peace have not convinced Lebanese citizens of the legitimacy and efficacy of the Accord. While the over-centralisation of power within the system was curbed by shifting power away from the president to a cabinet equally divided between Christian and Muslims, the Accord failed to effectively deal with the preset nature of the proportionality within the system. 20 years of relative peace may be enough to ensure the endurance of the constitution, but regional factors as well as the presence of radicalised groups play an important role in destabilising the fragile balance within the country. Should the Lebanese state continue to be inclusive and flexible in the wake of a constantly changing environment, it may endure. However, the tumultuous nature of the region in which Lebanon finds itself may eventually provide external shocks that the Lebanese system fails to weather. The hope is that the system builds on sound, systemic foundations in order to be able to endure regional conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die klein Midde-Oosterse land Lebanon, was vroeër 'n voorbeeld van 'n magsdelende demokrasie wat 'n stelsel gehandhaaf het wat vrede en naasbestaan tussen Christene en Moslems bevorder het. Mag is proporsioneel onder geloofsgroepe verdeel volgens hul demografiese verhouding tot die ander groepe. Hierdie verdeling van mag was gemik op die bevordering van nasionale eenheid, maar veranderinge in die Lebanese demografie het veroorsaak dat die grondwet nie meer verteenwoordigend was van die Lebanese samelewing nie. Die Lebanese Grondwet van 1926, tesame met die Nasionale Verdrag van 1943, wat hierdie verdeling gehandhaaf het, het onder die druk van 'n 15-jare Burgeroorlog inmekaar gestort, ten spyte van die vertroue wat in die stelsel was. Alhoewel die skuld soms op eksterne invloede geplaas is, is dit egter bepaal dat die probleem in die Lebanese stelsel self lê. Die statiese kenmerk van die stelsel het nie voldoende voorsiening gemaak vir 'n verandering in die demografie of belangegroepe nie. Die probleem lê in die statiese en onwrikbare aard van die konsosiatiewe stelsel. Die uitgerekte Burgeroorlog, soms gesien as 'n oorlog tussen Israel en Sirië op Lebanese grond, is tot 'n einde gebring met die ondertekening van die Taif Verdrag in 1990. Alhoewel geen betrokke party ten volle tevrede was met die bepalinge van die Verdrag nie, het dit 'n einde gebring aan die toenemende geweld. Die Verdrag het die weg gebaan vir die heropbou van staatsinstellings; parlementêre verkiesings in 1992 en 1996; algemene munisipale verkiesings in 1998; die vreedsame oordrag van mag tussen presidente; sowel as die heropbou van die Lebanese ekonomie. Die hoof doel van hierdie studie van Lebanon is om te bepaal of die gewysigde grondwet van 1990 voldoen aan die beginsels van die teoretiese raamwerk rakende grondwetlike uithouvermoë. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe gevallestudie. Dit het ten doel om te beskryf en 'n in-diepte begrip van die akteurs en die gebeure wat gelei het tot die Taif Accord, asook die vorming en implementering daarvan te vorm. Die navorsing vrae sluit in: Watter faktore met betrekking tot buigsaamheid, spesifisiteit en insluiting het bygedra tot die verval van die 1943 National Pact?; Watter stappe is geneem wat gelei tot die Taif Verdrag?; en Het die veranderinge in die Lebanese grondwet deur middel van die 1990 Taif Verdrag die langdurigheid van die grandwet gefasiliteer? studie het ten doel om by te dra deur middel van sy toepassing van die teoretiese raamwerk om 'n bepaalde gevallestudie, naamlik dat van die Lebanon. Hierdie studie verskaf ook 'n in-diepte analise van die gebeure in Lebanon oor die afgelope 80 jaar. Die vraag bly staan of die Taif Verdrag se wysigings aan die grondwet voldoende voorsiening gemaak het vir die oorlewing van die grondwet. Twintig jaar van relatiewe vrede het nog nie Lebanese burgers oortuig van die legitimiteit en doeltreffendheid van die Verdrag nie. Alhoewel die oor-sentralisering van mag binne die stelsel ingeperk is deur die verskuiwing van mag weg van die President, na 'n kabinet wat gelykop tussen Christene en Moslems verdeel is, het die Verdrag versuim om effektief met die proporsionele aard van die grondwet te handel. Dit is egter belangrik om op die uniekheid van die Lebanese geval te let, ten spyte van die vele faktore rondom die saak. Hoewel 20 jaar van vrede genoegsaam kan wees om die langdurigheid van 'n grondwet te verseker, speel streeksfaktore, sowel as die teenwoordigheid van radikale groepe 'n belangrike rol in die destabilisering van die fyn balans wat in die land voorkom. Indien die Lebanese staat voortgaan om inklusief en buigsaam te wees in die nasleep van 'n voortdurende, veranderende omgewing, sal dit kan voortleef. Maar die onstuimige aard van die streek waarin Lebanon homself bevind mag eksterne negatiewe faktore na vore bring wat die Lebanese stelsel nie kan hanteer nie. Die hoop is dat hierdie stelsel sal voortbou op sterk, sistemiese fondasies om in staat te wees om eksterne, sowel as interne, konflik te hanteer.
Givens, John Wagner. "Suing dragons? : taking the Chinese state to court." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a016f84a-3df8-4df7-88bb-4475372022f0.
Повний текст джерелаStephens, Otis H. Jr, John M. II Scheb, and Colin Glennon. "American Constitutional Law, Volume I and II: Civil Rights and Liberties." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. http://amzn.com/1285736923.
Повний текст джерелаhttps://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1021/thumbnail.jpg
Taylor, Kristie A. "Constitutional alcohol Prohibition in the United States: Power, profit and politics." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289817.
Повний текст джерелаLilyblad, Christopher Marc. "The constitution of illicit orders." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b384b742-f218-4e10-8674-647d4cbb59d5.
Повний текст джерелаPachon, Buitrago Monica. "Cross-avenue politics the case of Colombia and Brazil /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3320554.
Повний текст джерелаTitle from first page of PDF file (viewed September 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).
Monyane, Chelete. "The kingdom of Lesotho : an assessment of problems in democratic consolidation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1136.
Повний текст джерелаENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.
Harell, Allison. "The micro-story of multiculturalism: diverse social networks and the socialization of tolerance." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19294.
Повний текст джерелаY a-t-il des limites à la tolérance politique? Faut-il que les gens supportent tous genres d'expression pour être considérés comme tolérants? En science politique, la tolérance a été conçue et mesurée comme une valeur démocratique absolue. Les personnes politiquement tolérantes doivent tout supporter et ne jamais restreindre l'expression publique d'aucune manière. Cette thèse remet en question cette approche de la tolérance. Elle démontre que dans les démocraties multiculturelles, les jugements sur les libertés civiques sont fortement compliqués par des valeurs autres que la liberté d'expression, comme l'inclusion sociale et la non-discrimination. Une perspective plus nuancée est nécessaire. En utilisant les perspectives comparatives et les études de critical race theory, une distinction théorique se développe entre les expressions d'exclusion et d'autres types d'expressions publiques. Les propos d'exclusion sont définis par l'expression publique d'idées qui ont pour but d'exclure les minorités de la pleine participation sociétale. Ces propos tendent à bafouer les droits et proviennent d'habitude de groupes sociaux plus privilégiés. Cette forme d'expression publique est considérée comme fondamentalement différente d'autres types d'expression. Cette distinction théorique est examinée avec l'Étude Comparative de la Jeunesse, une enquête présentée aux étudiants de IVème et Vème années de Secondaire, en Belgique et au Canada (n=9599). Les résultats suggèrent que dans ces deux pays, beaucoup de jeunes font la distinction entre les propos d'exclusion et d'autres formes d'expression lorsqu'ils portent des jugements sur les libertés civiques. Les jeunes qui sont capables de tolérer cert
Souza, Menezes Aline Maria. "Essays on empirical political economy." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/20066/.
Повний текст джерелаPylkkänen, Elisa Maaria. "Words that carry meaning: issue definition and affirmative action." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18203.
Повний текст джерелаLe présent mémoire est une étude comparée de politiques d’action positive en vigueur dans sept pays : l’Australie, le Canada, l’Inde, les Pays-Bas, l’Afrique du Sud, le Royaume-Uni, et les États-Unis. Se basant sur une variété d’études universitaires, le mémoire aborde trois approches analytiques qui ajoutent à notre compréhension des différences entre les politiques : la distinction entre les mesures antidiscriminatoires dites douces et dures, les différences idéologiques, et les acteurs sociaux dont le comportement est visé par la législation. L’argument principal s’appuie sur la perspective théorique de définition de problèmes et soutient que la langue associée avec les politiques d’action positive nous aide à comprendre les différences observées entre ces politiques. Enfin, une typologie de programmes d’action positive est développée à partir des cadres analytiques présentés tout au long de l’étude. fr
Goodyear-Grant, Elizabeth. "Politicians, journalists, and their audiences: gendered aspects of televised election news in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18410.
Повний текст джерелаCette dissertation analyse la représentation biaisée des femmes dans les nouvelles télévisées des élections au Canada. J'emploie le cadre théorique de la « gendered mediation thesis », selon lequel les nouvelles constituent un narratif essentiellement masculin qui privilégie les hommes et la masculinité dans la politique. Cette théorie s'appuie sur deux facteurs causaux pour expliquer ce phénomène. Premièrement, les nouvelles reflètent les préjugés contre les femmes dans notre société. Ainsi, les cadres employés pour reporter les événements politiques regorgent de symboles et de métaphores masculins et accordent la primauté aux traits masculins. Deuxièmement, la structure et l'opération du système de nouvelles lui-même —particulièrement les contraintes politico-économiques imposées par la compétition pour capturer leur part du public et les revenus générés par la publicité— encouragent des formats de nouvelles qui renforcent plutôt que de défier les normes sociales établies biaisées contre les femmes.Mon analyse empirique porte sur quatre composantes du système médiatique de nouvelles : 1) le contenu des nouvelles, 2) la production de nouvelles, 3) les effets médiatiques, et 4) l'approche des élites aux médias. Les premiers deux thèmes analysent la production et le contenu, tandis que les deux autres se concentrent sur les conséquences de la représentation biaisée des femmes dans les nouvelles. J'emploie une combinaison de données quantitatives et qualitatives pour démontrer que les nouvelles télévisées présentent les femmes et les hommes différemment, et ma recherche démontre que les femmes sont sérieusement sous-représentées dans les salles de nouvelles canadiennes, particulièrement dans les positions de pouvoir. Je présente aussi des preuves empiriques que les nouvelles biaisées contre les femmes ont des effets néfastes sur la perception des femmes candidates par le public, ainsi que sur la
Stretch, Kenneth. "Active labour market programs and attitudes towards globalization." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18420.
Повний текст джерелаCet article se penche sur la corrélation entre les dépenses effectuées pour des programmes sociaux ciblés sur le marché du travail et les attitudes envers deux aspects de la mondialisation, soit l'immigration et la libéralisation de l'échange international. Deux analyses empiriques ont été effectuées sous la base de sondages multinationaux. Les résultats obtenus suggèrent que les gouvernements peuvent instaurer des programmes sociaux ciblés sur le marché du travail afin de contrebalancer les attitudes négatives soulevées par la globalisation et, par conséquence, préserver les avantages de la libéralisation de l'échange international et l'immigration.
Bercuson, Jeffrey. "Patriotism, self-respect and the limits of cosmopolitanism: the moral and political philosophy of Rousseau and Rawls." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18422.
Повний текст джерелаContrairement à la description populaire de la théorie politique de Rawls comme atomistique, son travail est profondément relié aux thèmes républicains de Rousseau : ces thèmes incluent notre sympathie normale avec d'autres personnes ; notre susceptibilité innée aux plaisirs du sentiment de camarade ; le devoir de la participation politique, aussi bien que l'importance de la vertu civique ; et, le plus important, une emphase sur les établissements politiques correctement conçus comme source nécessaire de liberté. Rousseau et Rawls nient des valeurs cosmopolites en raison de leur reconnaissance mutuelle de l'impact émotif de partager les établissements domestiques. En fait, nous pouvons expliquer la résistance de Rawls à un arrangement cosmopolite de la redistribution globale en accentuant son affinité intellectuelle à Rousseau, un philosophe qui croit en égalité de toutes les personnes - dans un sens politique, au moins - et à une version stricte d'autonomie nationale. fr
Hutchings, John David. "The state, development, and persistent authoritarianism." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18487.
Повний текст джерелаCette thèse contribue à l'explication de l'autoritarisme égyptien et moyen-oriental. Elle avance deux arguments : un sur le développement, et un sur l'État.Quand la libéralisation économique mit terme au socialisme arabe, les membresdu secteur privé réalisèrent leurs intérêts économiques en collusion avec l'Étatautoritaire. Ce trajet de développement étatique maintint le soutien du patronat àl'autoritarisme persistant. L'Égypte exécuta un programme de libéralisation lentequi fractura le contrat social populiste-autoritaire nassériste tout en créant unenouvelle base d'appui pour le régime. De cette façon, elle abandonna le secteurpopulaire et fractura les relations étatiques-sociales. Des zones d'informalité sedéveloppèrent, et la société civile intervint pour fournir des services. Cettevigueur associationnelle a un effet pervers sur l'engagement politique. La ruptureétatique-sociale nourrit la dépoliticisation et l'apathie, aidant la survie du peupletout en stabilisant le régime. Les expériences de la Thaïlande, le Ghana, et laZambie soutiennent ces conclusions.
Hendricks, Christina. "Prophets in exile : a diagnosis of Michel Foucault's political intellectual /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p9992813.
Повний текст джерелаByrne, Michael J. "An exploratory analysis of free will in the social sciences." Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1304710552.
Повний текст джерелаReichenbach, Randall D. "The use of social science knowledge in administrative policy in the state of Ohio." Connect to resource, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1263046408.
Повний текст джерелаHighkin, Emily. "Delegate Voting at the 1787 Constitutional Convention: The Entanglement of Economic Interests and the Great Compromise." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1582396815051673.
Повний текст джерелаMarkham, Timothy. "Bourdieusian political theory and social science : the field of war correspondence 1990-2003." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:af02a3e5-3853-4f67-afe3-4e94c8369788.
Повний текст джерелаArnold, Robert V. "Theory, Method, and Democracy in the Social Sciences." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1212757204.
Повний текст джерелаPettersson, Joanna. "Rättigheter och skyldigheter i grundlagarna : I ljuset av den politiska filosofin." Thesis, University of Gävle, Ämnesavdelningen för filmvetenskap, historia, litteraturvetenskap, medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap och statsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-5770.
Повний текст джерелаThe purpose of this essay has been to compare different constitutions, and their outlook on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty. This has been done in the light of the political philosophy, in order to give the answer to four questions. These questions are: Which rights and obligations can be seen in the constitutions, and how can it be interpreted. Can there be signs of any political philosophy in the constitutions? Are there any differences between the constitutions regarding citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty? If so, what are the differences? Can the rights be seen in a further extent than the obligations in the constitutions?
I have conducted a qualitative comparision study and analyzed the political philosophers and made a classification scheme of their views. Further I made a comparison between the constitutions of the countries, and their view on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty. This was later inflicted in to the classification scheme, to see if the countries could fit in to the political philosophers views, and also to find out if there would be any differences in values between the countries constitutions.
To bind together the outlook on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty between the citizen and the state, I have used a social contract theory, to get better understanding regarding the relationship between the legal system and the citizen.
My conclusions of this essay is that the political philosophers views of citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty was sometimes similar, but the differences were clear in the light of the classification scheme. The countries constitutions were also similar, but I found that the constitutions could fit in different places in the classification scheme, giving the result that citizenship and rights, were important in all of the constitutions, but obligations and natural duty was not.
Wilkes, Robert Jr. "A case study analysis of the attitudes of elected officials regarding quality of life ordinances that impact the street homeless in Atlanta, Georgia, and San Francisco, California." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2001. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/107.
Повний текст джерелаForeman, Sean Daniel. "The politics of professional sports facility subsidies in Florida." FIU Digital Commons, 2003. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3338.
Повний текст джерелаAzu, Arteen, and Mari-ann Khedher. "Integrationspolitiken i Sverige : -Socialdemokraterna och Sverigedemokraterna synsätt på integration utifrån två idealtyper." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-48740.
Повний текст джерелаHector, Martin. "Måste Fånga Fler : En jämförelse mellan Socialdemokraternas och Sverigedemokraternas skattepolitik över tid." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-79092.
Повний текст джерелаOlivares-Blanco, Jellen. "How the other people think : Internalisation of neoliberalist logics in voters and governments and the global rise in populism." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43267.
Повний текст джерелаAyshat, Mutalipova. "The Consolidation of Democracy in South Africa: A study of South Africa's Democratic Consolidation Between the years 2005-2015." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-64917.
Повний текст джерелаTekin, Bilbil Ebru. "The Politics of Uncertainty in a Global Market| The Hazelnut Exchange and its Production." Thesis, Bogazici Universitesi (Turkey), 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10630511.
Повний текст джерелаThe purpose of this dissertation is to examine how the market works on the ground. It analyzes the hazelnut market in Turkey and explores the interaction between the market agents. It reveals how this interaction relates to the presence, production and circulation of forms of uncertainty. It also ascertains what uncertainty means in market settings and what role production, representation, dissemination and limiting of uncertainty play in market relations.
In market relations, intentionally or unintentionally, individuals try to forecast, value, prevent and qualify (as risk or loss) uncertainties. They assume that they can perceive, measure and avoid uncertainties on the basis of probabilities, level of knowledge about unknowns or ability to overcome. As such, uncertainty is assumed to be given yet with inadequate attention into its constitutive dynamics, actors of its making and its role in the market creation. The dissertation examines how uncertainties are constructed and what role this construction plays in constituting the market exchange and relations. The conclusions reached are that economizing uncertainty becomes a market device in production, exchange, circulation, pricing and policy making.
The dissertation starts with an analysis of the market reform policies and agricultural transformation in Turkey. Next, it traces the processes of the production and calculation of hazelnuts, examining how hazelnuts are produced and measured under uncertainty, and how uncertainty is created in the calculation of hazelnuts. It then explains exchange relations and price politics created at different spheres and with different expectations. After that, it explores the struggles and controversies among market groups over the production, calculation, exchange and pricing of hazelnuts and policy making. Subsequently, it analyzes what the politics of uncertainty means and how it is produced in the market setting.
Following uncertainties and observing their making in markets require a research program that draws on literatures concerning economics, political science and sociology. The research program includes the discussion of material things, individuals, formal and informal institutions and prices as well as their interactions. The research was based primarily on qualitative interviews, participant observations, case studies and document analysis conducted between 2006 and 2009.
Horning-Kossler, William. "A Critique of Ronald Inglehart's Theory of Cultural Shift." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625904.
Повний текст джерелаTapia, Mosqueda Ricardo. "Perceptions of Effectiveness of Interpretation Services in the Washington County Court System." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/69.
Повний текст джерелаHeine, Sophie. "Les résistances à l'intégration européenne en France et en Allemagne: une analyse des idéologies sous-tendant les critiques de gauche contre le Traité constitutionnel européen." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210553.
Повний текст джерела//
This doctoral dissertation analyses the content of the critiques made by some left-wing social and political actors in France and Germany against the current EU. The study focuses on the debates that surrounded the project of European Constitution and more specifically on the more general ideologies underlying these arguments. In order to understand, compare and classify these critiques, idealtypes have been elaborated on four dimensions (socio-economic, political, identity-related and strategic). This research fills a gap in the literature analysing so-called "eurosceptic" actors by concentrating on the ideas conveyed by these currents. Indeed, most of this literature mostly tries to explain this phenomenon. And when it addresses the issue of ideology, it is only to build too far-reaching categories. The conclusion also aims at exploring possible explanations of theses resistances to the EU beyond the traditional theories, based on strategic agency, culturalism and institutionalism, and insisting more on the role of ideas and material structures.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Swerhun, Bryce. "Social and natural reality : prospects for a consilient theory of nationalism." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3107.
Повний текст джерелаNationalism is quite easy to understand, but somewhat difficult to explain. In terms of understanding nationalism, we do not need to know anything more about society and sentiment than what is taken for granted in everyday life. An individual who ‘drops’ into a foreign culture may know absolutely nothing about its people’s songs, rituals, amusements and traditions: why some customs evoke tears, and others, bravado. This person would feel no sense of collective awe or inspiration when touring historic battlefields and monuments of an unfamiliar country. Nevertheless, he or she would likely understand and appreciate that all of these things are steeped in meaning and identity. These instances of meaning and identity may not be felt, shared or even fully known, but their role as expressions of nationalism can be readily appreciated. The global spread of nations entails an array of mutually unfamiliar national identities, but the actual phenomenon nationalism is rarely foreign to anyone. From an outsider’s perspective we do not know how certain expressions are significant to a particular group, but we do understand that they are expressions of national belonging. Explaining nationalism is more difficult for the simple reason that experiencing and recognizing a phenomenon is not sufficient to account for its existence. Customs and rituals are two suggested properties of nationalism, but what is the causal relationship between such properties and the end phenomenon (how does custom actually lead to nationalism, if at all)? The answers to these questions are still a matter of debate. The situation is only made worse by the fact that most theories explaining nationalism seem to rest on a tower of abstractions. For instance, it may seem uncontroversial for some to argue that nationalism is an outgrowth of ethnic identity. However, this just begs the question. What is ethnicity? The potential for regress to abstraction is a major impediment to theory. This thesis will examine the problem of explanation: the reasons why theories of nationalism have struggled with explaining nationalism, and a discussion on how to overcome these difficulties. Specifically, this thesis will show that: 1) The problem of explaining nationalism is due in part to the ‘classical’ problem found in the literature: whether nationalism is an ‘ancient’ social phenomenon, or a ‘modern’ phenomenon which can be dated (roughly) to the late eighteenth century. 2) Debates regarding the classical problem are closely affected by philosophical issues in the social sciences. 3) The incorporation of a consilient methodology (i.e. a research program that unifies theories of social science with theories of natural science) can provide a new strategy for future theories of nationalism and work to solve the classical problem.
Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.
Повний текст джерелаVaccari, Federico. "The political economy of strategic communication." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22362/.
Повний текст джерелаCalloway, Jonathan. "Ending Structural Violence: A Rawlsian Approach to Liberation Theology." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/11.
Повний текст джерелаLa, Cava Edward. "Mining for a Gilded Age: Social Media and Social Phenomena." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/253.
Повний текст джерелаScuderi, Grazia. "I poteri locali in Sicilia dalla costituzione del 1812 alla costituzione del 1848." Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/923.
Повний текст джерелаSäflund, Amanda. "#Metoo i svenska riksdagen : En frameanalys av svenska riksdagspartiers reaktion på #Metoo." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352166.
Повний текст джерелаCahill, Damien Connolly. "The radical neo-liberal movement as a hegemonic force in Australia 1976-1996 /." Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20041217.152455/index.html.
Повний текст джерелаTaylor, Francis. "Who are the dissidents? : analysing changes in the sociological profile of violent dissident republicans in Northern Ireland." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2016. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1017/.
Повний текст джерелаMatti, Simon. "Exploring public policy legitimacy a study of belief-system correspondence in Swedish environmental policy /." Doctoral thesis, Luleå : Political Science Unit, Luleå University of Technology, 2009. http://pure.ltu.se/ws/fbspretrieve/3012491.
Повний текст джерелаMiettunen, Juuso V. M. "Prefigurative politics : perils and promise." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/50228/.
Повний текст джерелаGabay, Nadav. "The political origins of social science the cultural transformation of the British parliament and the emergence of scientific policymaking, 1803-1857 /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3274830.
Повний текст джерелаTitle from first page of PDF file (viewed October 9, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 449-472).
Urselmans, Linda. "Agent-based modelling of complex systems in political science : social norms and tolerance in immigrant societies." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22040/.
Повний текст джерелаCobb, Shane Kent. "Consociational democracy : the model and its relevance to conflict regulation in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15831.
Повний текст джерелаThe purpose of this paper is to survey the literature of consociational theory, assess its validity as a conceptual model, and to analyse both its relevance and utility as a potential framework of conflict regulation in South Africa. The paper is divided into five chapters: an overview of consociational theory as it is presented by its leading exponents; a critique of the theory's methodology and major suppositions; a modified model of consociational democracy in light of the theoretical criticisms; an application and evaluation of the modified model to South Africa; and, finally, some observations about consociational democracy's possible viability as a transitory mechanism between the present system and black majority-rule in a unitary system. The objective is to illustrate that consociational government is, normatively, an inadequate constitutional system for South Africa and, more broadly, for polities characterised by extreme ethnic or economic conflict.
Halldorsson, Jon Ormur. "State, class and regime in Indonesia structural impediments to democratisation /." Thesis, University of Kent, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38734269.html.
Повний текст джерелаArikan, Pinar. "Uneasy Coexistence:." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12607892/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаISLAMISM VS. REPUBLICANISM&rdquo
DEBATE IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN Arikan, Pinar M. Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik December 2006, 170 pages The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Islamist and republican features of the political regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It aims to identify the relationship between Islamism and republicanism in terms of institutional and practical means throughout the period since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. It seeks an answer to the question of how the Islamist and republican orientations that built up the political regime and the system of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran have affected the domestic political and ideological developments. For this aim, firstly, the history of ulama-state relations as well as the history of constitutional tradition in Iran is discussed. Then, the impact of Islamism and republicanism in the process of establishment of the new regime in Iran is examined. Afterwards, the emergence of Islamism and republicanism as indigenous ideological currents and the political groups that appealed to these two orientations are analyzed with special emphasis to the role of Khomeini in this process. In the remaining part, the institutional and practical implications of the coexistence of Islamist and republican orientations are scrutinized during the presidencies of Rafsanjani and Khatami respectively. Finally, this thesis is concluded with an overall assessment of Islamism vs. republicanism debate with reference to the 2005 presidential elections.