Статті в журналах з теми "Social movement tactics"
Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: Social movement tactics.
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-50 статей у журналах для дослідження на тему "Social movement tactics".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте статті в журналах для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Fallon, Kathleen M., and Julie Moreau. "Revisiting Repertoire Transition: Women's Nakedness as Potent Protests in Nigeria and Kenya*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 323–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-323.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The influential work of Tilly and Tarrow on social movement repertoire transitions—moving from older, local, and episodic tactics to newer, national, and sustained tactics—has contributed significantly to the development of social movements theory. This article expands Tilly and Tarrow's theoretical framework by drawing on examples from Nigeria and Kenya. First, we examine the causal factors contributing to repertoire transitions in these postcolonial African countries, highlighting the importance of colonial state formation and social networks in changing repertoires. Second, we consider how the gravity and effectiveness of women's nakedness, used by mothers as a collective action tactic to shame those targeted, persisted and maintained its significance across tactical repertoire transitions, despite colonial repression. We argue that the continuance of tactics across repertoire transitions lies in their ability to maintain symbolic resonance, which simultaneously restricts the transmission of tactics to other locations.
2
Smithey, Lee A. "Social Movement Strategy, Tactics, and Collective Identity1." Sociology Compass 3, no. 4 (June 22, 2009): 658–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9020.2009.00218.x.
Повний текст джерела
3
Weddington, George. "RACIAL CHANGE AND BLACK MOVEMENT EMERGENCE: A CASE FROM THE BLACK LIVES MOVEMENT." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 443–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-4-443.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article contributes to sociological understandings of race and social movements by reassessing the phenomenon of social movement emergence for Black social movements. Broadly, it addresses the possibility of organizational support for Black social movements. More narrowly, it seeks to understand the emergence of Black movements and racial change as outcomes of organizational transformation, specifically using the case of how the mixed-race prison reform organization Action for Police Reform (APR) joined the Black Lives movement. By providing a case of racial transformation and the spanning of tactical boundaries, I present two central arguments. First, it is necessary to look within organizational forms and at organizational dynamics to see how activists modify their organizations to support Black movements. Second, tailored more directly to the case of APR, sustained support for Black movements depends on organizational transformation, such as when activists repurpose an organization’s form and resources to maintain racially delimited tactics.
4
Young, Sokphea. "Movement of Indigenous Communities Targeting an Agro-Industrial Investment in North-Eastern Cambodia." Asian Journal of Social Science 44, no. 1-2 (2016): 187–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04401008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examines the dynamics and outcomes of movements by indigenous communities that targeted an agro-industrial investment demanding remedy to adverse impacts on their socio-economic conditions. Since the employment of initial institutional tactics, such as peaceful protests and petitions, yielded no significant outcomes, the indigenous communities escalated their tactics to non-institutional tactics: Violent protests. To respond, the government chose a combination of partial repression and moderate concession. To address the government responses, as well as the demands of indigenous communities, the company mitigated most of the adverse socio-economic impacts. As a result, the indigenous communities were able to achieve most of their demands. This paper, therefore, concludes by arguing that tactical escalation of indigenous community movements from institutional to non-institutional tactics influences the government and company to address the demands of indigenous communities, and also shapes the behaviour of the company operating in a host country with lax and uncertain regulatory enforcement.
5
Galli, Anya M. "How Glitter Bombing Lost Its Sparkle: The Emergence and Decline of a Novel Social Movement Tactic*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-259.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explores the case of glitter bombing, a short-lived form of protest in the LGBT rights movement, to understand the mechanisms behind the decline of a novel tactic. To date, little attention has been directed toward tactics that have disappeared from movement repertoires. Using interview data, I find that glitter bombing declined due to many of the same factors that initially provided momentum for its diffusion. First, it was specific to LGBT rights to the degree that the audience of potential adopters was limited. At the same time, the radical nature of glitter bombing meant that adopters were peripheral movement actors who lacked organizational support. Activists dedicated limited resources to gaining media attention and online popularity, often at the cost of other crucial aspects of mobilization. Finally, an increase in repression multiplied these challenges by posing risks to adopters and shifting media coverage away from the tactic's celebratory framing.
6
Plys, Kristin. "Violence as a Tactic of Social Protest in Postcolonial India." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 2 (August 2019): 171–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975619000080.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn March 1974, trade union leader and Chairman of the Socialist Party of India, George Fernandes, formed a new independent trade union of railway workers and then led a massive nation-wide strike lasting about a month. Two years later—March 1976—Fernandes was arrested as the principal accused in the Baroda Dynamite Conspiracy Case, a plot to bomb strategic targets in New Delhi in resistance to Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian rule. How did George Fernandes’ political work change over these two years—from engaging in traditional trade union movement tactics during the Railway Workers’ Strike in 1974 to being the ringleader of a plan to bomb strategic targets in resistance to the postcolonial state? Why would an activist who advocated non-violent social movement tactics change strategies and end up leading a movement that primarily uses violent tactics? I argue that in its violent repression of the Railway Workers’ Strike and its illegal imprisonment of the strike’s leaders, Indira Gandhi’s administration demonstrated to Fernandes and other opposition party leaders that there was no room for a peaceful solution to the ever increasing social conflict of early 1970s India. Therefore, when Gandhi instated herself as dictator, longstanding advocates of satyagraha believed that symbolic violence against the state was the tactic most likely to lead to the restoration of democracy in India.
7
Goyes, David Rodríguez. "‘Tactics Rebounding’ in the Colombian Defence of Seed Freedom." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v7i1.425.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article investigates the Red de Semillas Libres de Colombia [Colombian Network of Free Seeds] movement, since its inception to date (2013-2016). The study, developed within the framework of green criminology and with a focus on environmental justice, draws on ethnographic observations of Red de Semillas and semi-structured interviews with group members. I explore processes of repertoire appropriation developed by social movements. The main argument advanced is that the Red de Semillas experienced a case of ‘tactics rebound’, in which tactics deployed at the global level shaped local tactics, bringing a set of problematic consequences. The article starts by summarising key explorations of repertoires of contention and connecting them with framing theory propositions. My interest is to locate processes of tactic appropriation in the context of collective action frames. I situate this theory in a study of the organisation and the tactics it used to elucidate how the concept of ‘collective action frame hierarchies’ can be used to explain instances of ‘tactics rebounding’.
8
Kane, Melinda. "Social Movement Policy Success: Decriminalizing State Sodomy Laws, 1969–1998." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.q66046w34wu58866.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study provides an event history analysis of the factors contributing to a social movement's ability to influence pubic policy. More specifically, the study presents a quantitative, historical examination of the influence of national, state, and local gay and lesbian movements on the decriminalization of state sodomy laws, an important goal of the movement, from 1969 to 1998. Drawing from political opportunity models, resource mobilization theory, and theories of cultural opportunity, the study explores the importance of political conditions, social movement characteristics, and the larger cultural context on the ability of the gay and lesbian movement to achieve its goals. The analyses demonstrate that all three factors have some influence on the likelihood of sodomy law decriminalization, but most importantly, political opportunity and movement characteristics work together to bring about success. During periods of political opportunity, the size and tactics of the lesbian and gay movement influenced the likelihood of success.
9
Park, Julian Francis. "Abolish rent!" Radical Housing Journal 1, no. 2 (September 23, 2019): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/padd7071.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
‘Homes for all’ is, rightly, the prevailing strategic slogan in the USA tenants’ movement. As a tactical slogan, however, it is time that ‘abolish rent’ replaces ‘decommodify housing’. While ‘decommodify housing’ importantly points to the social problems of rental housing’s status as commodity, full decommodification is a complex process requiring transformation not only of the selling and renting of housing for money but also the processes of housing production and management. This complexity makes decommodification as a tactic an obscure process and consequently an ineffective slogan for agitating tenants because of its distance from their everyday struggles. ‘Abolish rent’ instead points toward generalizing direct action tactics already essential in the struggles of housed and unhoused tenants, tactics like rent strikes and squatting. To generalize rent abolition necessarily includes fully decommodifying housing, but in connecting immediate tactics to long term strategy, I contend that ‘abolish rent’ is a more effective slogan.
10
Sanjek, Roger. "Sustaining a Social Movement: Gray Panther Ideology and Tactics." Journal of Aging, Humanities, and the Arts 4, no. 2 (May 28, 2010): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19325611003800986.
Повний текст джерела
11
Shapiro, Judith. "The Evolving Tactics of China's Green Movement." Current History 112, no. 755 (September 1, 2013): 224–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2013.112.755.224.
Повний текст джерела
12
Calhoun, Craig. "“New Social Movements” of the Early Nineteenth Century." Social Science History 17, no. 3 (1993): 385–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018642.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Sometime After 1968, analysts and participants began to speak of “new social movements” that worked outside formal institutional channels and emphasized lifestyle, ethical, or “identity” concerns rather than narrowly economic goals. A variety of examples informed the conceptualization. Alberto Melucci (1988: 247), for instance, cited feminism, the ecology movement or “greens,” the peace movement, and the youth movement. Others added the gay movement, the animal rights movement, and the antiabortion and prochoice movements. These movements were allegedly new in issues, tactics, and constituencies. Above all, they were new by contrast to the labor movement, which was the paradigmatic “old” social movement, and to Marxism and socialism, which asserted that class was the central issue in politics and that a single political economic transformation would solve the whole range of social ills. They were new even by comparison with conventional liberalism with its assumption of fixed individual identities and interests. The new social movements thus challenged the conventional division of politics into left and right and broadened the definition of politics to include issues that had been considered outside the domain of political action (Scott 1990).
13
Hapsari, Dwi Retno, Rilus A. Kinseng, Sarwititi Sarwoprasodjo, Asnika Putri Simanjuntak, Khairil Anam, Andri Sarifuddin, and Iin Sulistiyowati. "Fishermen Social Movements in West Sumatra: Issues, Actors, and Tactics of the Movement." Sodality: Jurnal Sosiologi Pedesaan 8, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22500/8202028692.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The objectives of this study are to examine the main issue that provoke social movement of fishermen in West Sumatra, to identify the related actors, and to analyze the advocacy strategy carried out by fishermen. This research was conducted in July 2019 and took place in two locations, namely the City of Padang and West Pasaman Regency. The study used qualitative approach. From this study, it is revealed that the main issue that provoke social movements in West Sumatra was the issue of Regulation No. 71 of 2016 by the Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries related to the prohibition of certain fishing gear. This regulation prohibits the use of 4 mm mesh size of the net and the use of lamps in operating the liftnet which reaches up to 25-30 thousand watts of power. This regulation has created a huge burden to fisherman’s work. The Other issue that is also triggering the movement was the arrestment of 6 fishing boats on June 11, 2016. Meanwhile, the main actors who are directly related to this movement are fishermen who are using liftnet (bagan). These actors can be divided into two main categories, namely movers and "participants". The main tactic used in social movements was demonstration.
14
Zemlinskaya, Yulia. "Cultural Context and Social Movement Outcomes: Conscientious Objection and Draft Resistance Movement Organizations in Israel." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.4.mk2425110x084268.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article aims to contribute to the debates on how cultural context influences mobilization outcomes through a comparative analysis of two Israeli social movement organizations that supported conscientious objectors and draft resisters during the second Palestinian Intifada. This analysis has two objectives. The first is to show how cultural and institutional conditions of Israeli militarism influenced both the discourses and the tactics of resistance of the movement organizations. The second is to demonstrate that different tactics of the movement organizations had a differential impact on the Israeli public and the Israeli political system. It is argued that both the culturally and institutionally embedded gender inequality within Israeli society has determined the choice of the available strategies for the movement organizations, which has in turn influenced the relative success of their campaigns.
15
Johnston, Hank. "The Elephant in the Room: Youth, Cognition, and Student Groups in Mass Social Movements." Societies 9, no. 3 (August 9, 2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9030055.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Student and youth groups are often vanguard actors in turbulent times. This article proposes that when they are part of broader social movements, they can introduce strong age-cohort influences in a movement’s development. These influences derive from the balance between youths and adults in a movement and their interrelationships, especially over the long term when demands remain unanswered by the state. Other influences include resource availability, which tends to cluster with older generations, tactical specialization according to age cohorts, and the tendency of groups with younger members to be willing to take greater risks, be more passionate in their demands, and more militant in their tactics. In this report, we identified several empirically recognized cognitive dimensions relevant to youthful participation: (1) identity search, (2) risk taking, (3) emotionality, and (4) cognitive triggering. These cognitive factors of late adolescence and early adulthood can energize a movement when young cohorts participate but also run the risk of alienating older members and public opinion. We discussed how mass movements for political and/or cultural change are frequently intergenerational and how intergenerational relations can mitigate the inward-turning and militant tendencies of young adults. In broad movements for social change, these relations can create a division of labor in which students are the vanguard actors and the older members mobilize the social and material resources available to them. Under other conditions, youth and student groups wield a two-edged sword with the capability of energizing a movement or alienating older cohorts of militants and public opinion.
16
Syed, Romilla, and Leiser Silva. "Social Movement Sustainability on Social Media: An Analysis of the Women’s March Movement on Twitter." Journal of the Association for Information Systems 24, no. 1 (2023): 249–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17705/1jais.00776.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Social media has emerged as a powerful medium to organize and mobilize social movements. In particular, the connective action of social media builds associations and allows for the continuity of social movements. Yet there is a lack of research on how connective action emergent from social media messages sustains long-term social movements. Accordingly, in this study, we concentrate on Twitter messages related to Women’s March protests held in 2017, 2018, and 2019. Using an interpretive analysis followed by the topic modeling approach, we analyzed the tweets to identify the different types of messages associated with the movement. These messages were classified using a set of categories and subcategories. Furthermore, we conducted a temporal analysis of the message (sub)categories to understand how distinct messages allow movement continuity beyond a specific protest march. Results suggest that while most of the messages are used to motivate and mobilize individuals, the connective action tactics employed through messages sent before, during, and after the marches allowed Women’s March to become a broader and more persistent movement. We advance theoretical propositions to explain the sustainability of a long-term social movement on social media, exemplified through large-scale connective action that persists over time. In doing so, this study contributes to connective action research by providing message categorization that synthesizes the meaning of message content. The findings could help social movement organizers learn different ways to frame messages that resonate with broader social media users. Moreover, our approach to analyzing a large set of tweets might interest other qualitative researchers.
17
Lewin, Philip. "“I Just Keep My Mouth Shut”: The Demobilization of Environmental Protest in Central Appalachia." Social Currents 6, no. 6 (June 3, 2019): 534–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496519852947.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article investigates why people who take a stand against mining-related pollution sometimes abandon activism before resolving their grievances. Previous studies of this process have attributed demobilization to co-optation, violent repression, legitimation tactics, and lack of identity correspondence between movement participants and environmental justice organizations. To sharpen our understanding of why movement dissolution occurs, I investigate a case of demobilization that was not caused by these factors. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, in-depth interviews, and document analysis conducted in “Shale County,” a coal-producing community in Central Appalachia, I show how coal companies’ subtle, yet continuous, acts of obstruction, non-cooperation, and dissimulation prompted activists to withdraw from protest. My analysis contributes to the environmental sociology and social movements literatures by (1) expanding existing theory to account for an empirical anomaly; (2) explaining the role that subtle, under-the-radar social control tactics play in suppressing environmental movements; and (3) highlighting the social conditions that render these “clandestine kicks” and “invisible elbows” effective. The model of demobilization I develop underscores the way contextual factors moderate the effectivity of industrial counter-protest tactics and foreground the active, conjuncturally specific processes through which demobilization occurs.
18
Odziemkowska, Kate, and Yiying Zhu. "Friend or Foe: How Social Movement Tactics Impact Firm Innovation." Academy of Management Proceedings 2021, no. 1 (August 2021): 12212. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2021.12212abstract.
Повний текст джерела
19
Ślósarski, Bartosz. "Władza społeczna — alternatywa w czasach kryzysu." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 59, no. 4 (November 24, 2015): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2015.59.4.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article provides a comparative analysis of the functioning of direct democracy within two social movements, operating in different socio-cultural conditions: the American student movement of the 1960s, and the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) move ment of 2011. The author assumes that the idea of direct democracy is evolving in terms of tactics and consistently developing in the course of succeeding social movements and struggles. To prove the point, the author analyzes student counter-culture organizations and OWS in regard to their relation to violence, the idea of alternative governance by the social movement, human relations inside the movement, and the concept of the enemy in respect to which the alternative is being formed.
20
LEHENY, DAVID. "Terrorism, Social Movements, and International Security: How Al Qaeda Affects Southeast Asia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 1 (April 2005): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001738.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper argues that international security studies can most profitably engage the issue of international terrorism by considering terrorist groups as transnational social movement organizations. It takes as its case Al Qaeda's role in Southeast Asia, focusing especially on the efforts of Al Qaeda leaders to align the demands and grievances of local Islamist movements and to spread a set of tactics and methods of political violence. In so doing, the paper builds on the often-neglected literature on the politics of terrorism while tying the argument to prevailing debates over social movements. The paper thus aims at clarifying the ways in which Southeast Asian organizations have adopted Al Qaeda's tactics and language but appear to be addressing primarily local or provincial concerns. This perspective also draws terrorism into current discussions of international security while maintaining a detailed focus on the interactions of individual agents and larger violent movements.
21
Santoro, Wayne A., and Max Fitzpatrick. "“The Ballot or the Bullet”: The Crisis of Victory and the Institutionalization and Radicalization of the Civil Rights Movement*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 207–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-207.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Many social movements institutionalize and radicalize when nonviolent protest declines. Yet the sparse research addressing this issue has left underanalyzed and undertheorized the role of activist preferences in this process. Using the civil rights movement as our empirical referent, we investigate why some activists (nonviolent protestors) in the late sixties wanted the movement to switch to institutional or violent tactics rather than continue to rely on nonviolent protest. Our central data come from a large probability survey of mainly northern blacks in 1968. Using multinomial regression analysis, we find that feeling disappointed about racial progress pushes activists away from preferring nonviolent protest and instead toward favoring either more moderate or militant tactics. While voting and violence are quite dissimilar tactics, these findings demonstrate that a similar causal process pushes activists in the aggregate toward both directions.
22
Keene, Jennifer D. "DEEDS NOT WORDS: AMERICAN SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS AND WORLD WAR I." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 4 (September 27, 2018): 704–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000336.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.
23
Fugazzola, Caterina. "A Family Matter Asymmetrical Metonymy and Regional LGBT Discourse in Italy." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 3 (December 2019): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397561900016x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn this project, I use the LGBT movement in Italy as a case study to investigate how social movements in culturally diverse social environments strategically employ contentious language to develop discourses that maximize cultural and policy outcomes without encountering discursive fragmentation. My research shows that supporters of LGBT civil rights in different Italian regions relied on a tactical use of particular words in order to respond to regionally specific norms of cultural expression regulating the boundaries drawn around the concept of family. Taking a cultural and linguistic approach to the study of social movements, I present the mechanism of asymmetrical metonymy as an example of the strategic use of polysemic language to achieve discursive convergence through culturally specific tactics, and I argue that discourse and rhetorical analysis offer a way to understand how movements make sense of different cultural limitations in a fragmented social environment.
24
Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.
25
Edwards, Bob, and Michael Foley. "Social Movement Organizations Beyond The Beltway: Understanding The Diversity Of One Social Movement Industry." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2003): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.1.ej215xx422863312.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article utilizes a unique data set on a nationally representative sample of one social movement industry (groups working for peace) operating in the U.S. during the late 1980s. The data include the full spectrum of SMOs, which we divide into organizational domains that roughly parallel prior research and currently available secondary data sources: (1) numerous, but generally quite small groups that operate without tax-exempt status; (2) small, non-national, tax-exempt groups; (3) large, non-national, tax-exempt groups; (4) national organizations that have been the focus of most research in the field. First, the population parameters of the peace movement industry is estimated and groups typical of each domain profiled. We then undertake a series of analyses to examine how the groups in each of these four domains differ from each other on a variety of organizational attributes, including organizational form, co-sponsoring events, tactics and activities, membership type, participation in formal democracy, organizational governance, and issues. We pay particular attention to how the groups without a tax exemption and the non-national groups differ from the national SMOs, which have been the subject of so much prior research. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for understanding social movement organizations.
26
Chen, Feifei. "Leveraging interactive social media communication for organizational success." Corporate Communications: An International Journal 24, no. 1 (February 13, 2019): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccij-10-2018-0103.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how microblog communication enabled a new form of hybrid net-roots third-sector organization that rely heavily on the internet to achieve multiple organizational successes in civil society, social movement and service providing in China, where the government holds predominating power over the third sector. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative inductive analysis was conducted to analyze two successful organizations’ Sina tweets sent from their Weibo debuts to the dates when they achieved their first milestone successes. In the analysis, the author iteratively alternated between emic data coding and etic reference to literature on social movement rhetoric and nonprofits’ microblog communication. Findings This study developed an indigenous communication framework featuring three key communication strategies: changing perceptions, mobilizing action, and building and maintaining relationships, each associated with specific tactics. These strategies and tactics allowed both organizations to tap into social media’s interactive features to engage publics and construct legitimacy. Research limitations/implications This paper enriches social media-based communication research and classic social movement rhetoric, and further illustrates strategic communication’s active role in reacting to and reforming institutional contexts. Findings from study might be extended to address similar problems experienced by nonprofits across countries, especially within those that operate in a context where institutional separation from a predominant government is unavailable. Originality/value This original communication framework developed in this study crystalizes strategic microblog use by a nascent type of nonprofit when fulfilling functions reflects civil society, social movements and traditional nonprofit organizations in an understudied political and social context.
27
Lutz, Naama. "A Game of Whac-A-Mole." Israel Studies Review 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2022.370304.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This article focuses on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement's utilization of ‘fluidity,’ conceptualized as the ability to adapt campaign tactics to multiple arenas and political opportunity structures simultaneously. Framing BDS as both a social movement and a transnational advocacy network, it demonstrates the movement's fluidity in the context of three campaigns: the campaign at the 65th FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) congress in 2015, which illustrates an ‘outsider’ strategy aimed at intergovernmental institutions; the 2014 Olive Declaration of municipalities endorsing BDS, which illustrates how local ‘insider’ campaigns can combine to create a translocal campaign; and the ‘Ferguson-Gaza moment’ in 2014, which illustrates how movements can engage at the level of civil society and embed themselves in the broader global justice movement.
28
Uba, Katrin. "Political Protest and Policy Change: The Direct Impacts of Indian Anti-Privatization Mobilizations, 1990-2003." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 383–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.004857754441n353.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study explores the mechanisms of how social movements' activities influence public policy by focusing on the role of protest characteristics. By applying an event history analysis to the data on India's anti-privatization movement activity between 1990-2003, I demonstrate that favorable policy outcomes are more likely in cases where the movement uses large or economically disruptive protests. Although privatization policy is primarily dependent on the financial situation of the enterprise, protests against privatization had significant direct impact on policy. The results of this study allow for the argument that threatening rather than persuasive tactics offer an explanation of the direct impact of social movement actions.
29
Wetzel, Christopher. "Envisioning Land Seizure." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 2 (September 12, 2011): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211419354.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although land seizure is designed to be an evocative and provocative tactic for social movement organizations, how are groups’ members, goals, and claims portrayed in subsequent media coverage? Focusing on the Indians of All Tribes’ occupation of Alcatraz Island, this article qualitatively analyzes photographic representations of protest in three national newspapers. Images published during the occupation (1969 to 1971) represent Indian activists as lazing or inactive, politically ineffectual, and invisible. When foregrounding contention, photographs showed negatively affected non-Natives or Indians being arrested. By contrast, images published after the occupation (1972 to 2000) generally concentrate on the physical space of the island as a tourist destination rather than a site of conflict. Social scientists should critically assess the media’s role in shaping collective perceptions about social movements through visual images, particularly when tactics are designed to garner media attention.
30
Schweighofer, Anton R. F. "The Canadian Temperance Movement: Contemporary Parallels." Canadian journal of law and society 3 (1988): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s082932010000137x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe similarities between the Canadian temperance movement and the contemporary war on drugs are examined. The similarities in rhetorical, educational, social and political tactics suggest that contemporary anti-drug policy relies on techniques Canadians rejected sixty years ago when they rejected alcohol prohibition. A rethinking of contemporary drug policy is therefore in order.
31
Matyukhin, A. "Left views on liberal protests in Russia (review of Osin's monograph «Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects»)." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-85-91.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This review is an analysis of the monograph of Roman Osin, candidate of philosophy, associate Professor of the Department of fundamental legal and social-humanitarian disciplines at synergy University "Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects". The monograph examines the political and socio-class nature of the mass protests of 2011-2013 from the perspective of Marxist methodology and tactics of the Russian left movement in them. The monograph is of interest both from the point of view of studying the protest and left-wing movements of the early 2010s, and from the point of view of the methodology for understanding the phenomenon of "color" revolutions in General. The author analyzes the social composition of the protesters, their political views, as well as the political forces of the protest and their tactics based on the empirical material of sociological research, as well as personal experience of participating in the ongoing processes. Based on the study, R.S. Osin concludes that the protest was generally "petty-bourgeois" in nature and could not lead to fundamental changes in the basis of society. At the same time, from the author's point of view, this protest was an important milestone in the development of the politicization of Russian society and could not fail to be a useful experience for Russian citizens. Analyzing the tactics of the left forces, R.S. Osin notes as a disadvantage the political and ideological inconsistency of many left-wing organizations, which benefited the liberal protest forces or the authorities. From the point of view Of R.S. Osin, the most correct tactic was the tactics of those organizations that simultaneously opposed the liberal and state-Patriotic forces, which in practice means participating in protests with their own independent agenda. In conclusion, R.S. Osin expresses his own point of view on the need for fundamental changes in society, reveals the concept of social and political revolutions, and also States the thesis that only the organized labor movement and other layers of workers can change the system of industrial relations in the country. Despite the obvious ideological color of the work and the use of exclusively Marxist methodology as the research base, R.S. Osin's monograph is of scientific interest and can be used to study the modern protest and left-wing movement.
32
Popović, Srdja, and Slobodan Djinovic. "How Can Social Movements Help Defend Democracy?" Contention 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2018.060205.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This piece of “movement writing” is written by the coheads of the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies and the cofounders of the Otpor! movement that ousted Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milošević in 2000. The article discusses the most promising tactics in contemporary prodemocracy activism, drawing on the authors’ considerable experience working with activists across the globe. Popović and Djinovic argue that the efficacy of traditional nonviolent strategies has waned with respect to contemporary prodemocracy struggles—which often seek to defend institutions rather than dismantle them—and advocate for more creative, humorous approach to contention.
33
', Hasanuddin. "Dinamika Dan Pengerucutan Teori Gerakan Sosial." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 10, no. 1 (October 23, 2013): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v10i1.1601.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article aims to describe of dynamic and reduction social movement theory. Emergent of socialmovement theory get our see from two aspect. First, from relationship between framing with politicalchanges thinking. Twice, correlation reciprocal between framing with mobilization. Success orunsuccessfull from movement depend of organization movement capability to present third organizationalfactor. That are disruptive tactics, radical flank effects and goals.Keywords: social movement theory, dynamic, reduction
34
Staggenborg, Suzanne. "STUDYING A MOVEMENT UP CLOSE: GRASSROOTS ENVIRONMENTALISM." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-27-1-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Qualitative fieldwork methods, particularly participant observation, afford a close-up look at the dynamics of social movements, allowing researchers to directly observe processes such as strategic decision making and the creation of social movement communities. Extended fieldwork allows us to see how movements and organizations change over time. This article reports on the value of long-term participant observation in a study of grassroots environmentalism in Pittsburgh. I show how the method increases our understanding of how and why people get involved in the movement; the importance of tactics in mobilization; and the challenges of organizing and developing strategy in movement organizations. The study compares organizations that vary by structure and ideology and points to the importance of looking at the multiple and lasting impacts of movement actions and campaigns. The article also notes some of the difficulties of fieldwork, the desirability of team research and multimethod studies, and suggestions for future research.
35
Nepstad, Sharon Erickson. "Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement. By Wendy Pearlman." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (December 2012): 993–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002617.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement. By Wendy Pearlman. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 304p. $99.00.In recent years, social scientific research on nonviolent resistance has burgeoned. Yet many studies focus on the factors associated with nonviolent movements' success or failure. In her book, Wendy Pearlman poses different questions. Instead of asking when and how nonviolence works, she asks why some activists choose nonviolent tactics while others choose violent ones. Additionally, she asks why movements may, over time, shift between armed and unarmed strategies.
36
Rojas, F. "Social Movement Tactics, Organizational Change and the Spread of African-American Studies." Social Forces 84, no. 4 (June 1, 2006): 2147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2006.0107.
Повний текст джерела
37
Vasi, Ion Bogdan. "The Fist of the Working Class: The Social Movements of Jiu Valley Miners in Post-Socialist Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 1 (February 2004): 132–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403258290.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article analyzes one of the most virulent protests witnessed by post-socialist societies: the social movements of the Jiu Valley miners in Romania. I argue that the key to comprehending the Jiu Valley miners’ extraordinary mobilization can be found in the density of their social networks, which, under a particular political opportunity structure, became a crucial resource for social movement organizations. Dense social networks and a favorable political opportunity created organizational resources that were utilized by movement entrepreneurs to build a unique participant identity. Having abundant organizational resources, influential allies, and sharing a special collective identity rooted in a tradition of militancy, Jiu Valley miners could achieve a high degree of mobilization, use noninstitutionalized confrontational tactics, and be victorious.
38
Oselin, Sharon, and Catherine Corrigall-Brown. "A Battle for Authenticity: An Examination of the Constraints on Anti-Iraq War and Pro-Invasion Tactics." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 511–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.4.0w50156lp7464200.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Social movements are arenas where individuals can voice concerns about politics, culture, and social change. Movements work to create frames and collective identities that resonate with the public and bind participants together. However, movement participants are not always completely free to cultivate and adopt frames and identities. The emergence of countermovements, in particular, can fundamentally affect these tactics. However, we find that frame and identity resonance can also be influenced by other factors and conditions. We explore these issues based on participant observation and interviews with activists at two ongoing anti-Iraq war protests and one ongoing pro-invasion protest, both of which occurred over a three-month period in early 2003. We find that local context, movementcountermovement dynamics, the ability to assuage oppositional challenges, and intramovement unity and cooperation shape overall movement trajectories and success.
39
White, Peter B., Dragana Vidovic, Belén González, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, and David E. Cunningham. "Nonviolence as a Weapon of the Resourceful: From Claims to Tactics in Mobilization*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 471–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-4-471.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Recent world events have renewed interest among social movement scholars in strategies and associated outcomes in campaigns against nondemocratic regimes. Most comparative work is limited to large-scale mobilization and takes violent/nonviolent tactics as given, thereby overlooking prior group mobilization and initial tactic choice. While a chosen tactic is plausibly related to group characteristics and resources, we argue that the mobilization process underlying large-scale campaigns begins when groups stake claims and assess those claims' potential. The proposed framework can help to explain both the specific tactics chosen and whether campaigns take on violent or nonviolent forms. We focus on grievances and the origins of mobilization through formulation of claims-making disputes over regime type, government composition, and electoral legitimacy—independent of mobilization—and consider how resources provide a comparative advantage for violence or nonviolence. An application to states in the former Soviet Union demonstrates the framework's utility for understanding when claims evolve to violent and nonviolent mobilization.
40
Chen, Siyu, and Jian Lin. "Making with Shenzhen (Characteristics)—Strategy and Everyday Tactics in a City’s Creative Turn." Sustainability 13, no. 9 (April 28, 2021): 4923. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13094923.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper investigates the government-led maker movement in Shenzhen, China by deploying Michel de Certeau’s concepts of “strategy” and “tactics”. While there is a growing body of literature surrounding the maker movement, the discrepancy between the maker movement presented in urban policies and its participants’ actual practices is underexplored. Situating the exploration in the Chinese context, this article looks into how state intervention shapes the maker movement and actors’ participation. This work starts with considerations of political economy to demonstrate how the “Make with Shenzhen” campaign as a strategy fits into the government’s creative city agenda. It then draws upon the findings of a longitudinal ethnographic study to illuminate how discourses, institutions and apparatuses are tactically appropriated by individuals to mobilize symbolic, monetary, social and political resources to serve their interests. We argue that these tactical practices can potentially lead to meaningful changes in the city of Shenzhen and the everyday life of its people. By juxtaposing the strategy of the “Make with Shenzhen” campaign with the tactical practices surrounding it, this study offers insight into the challenges and possibilities brought about by the city-wide learning and making in the Chinese context.
41
Ma, Miranda L. Y. "Affective Framing and Dramaturgical Actions in Social Movements." Journal of Communication Inquiry 41, no. 1 (September 19, 2016): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859916667457.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
With the increasing use of innovative and expressive dramaturgical actions in contemporary social movements, activists appeal to the public’s emotional and moral convictions so as to elicit action. This study aims to investigate how the affective framing process, composed of sensual–emotional dramaturgical actions, can unleash the mobilizing and consolidating forces in social movements. I seek to elaborate upon the cognitively confined framing perspective by expanding the theoretical discussion to include the affective dimension of framing. I explore these issues through the investigation of a resistance movement in Tsoi Yuen Village, a rural community in Hong Kong, in which people rallied against the demolition of their community to make way for a regional express railway connecting Hong Kong to China. Through this investigation, I argue that dramaturgical tactics employed in social movements enhance the affective mobilization and consolidation power of framing through the mediation of emotional and moral components.
42
TePoel, Dain. "Meaning by Doing: The Making of Endurance Activism on the 1986 Great Peace March for Global Nuclear Disarmament." Sport History Review 51, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 164–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.2019-0020.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article offers a consideration of physical activity within the contexts of social movement philosophies, decision making, strategies, and tactics through an examination of the 1986 Great Peace March for Global Nuclear Disarmament. Drawing from interviews with twenty activists on the Great Peace March, the author argues that physicality and endurance actions—literally, but also symbolically—signify particular meanings of movement for social movements, such as persistence, focus, and determination, to stretch sociopolitical limits and boundaries. Participants endeavor to accomplish difficult physical challenges and maintain the solidarity of their communities to analogize the coming into existence of equally extraordinary visions of social or political transformation. Physical and symbolic expressions of what the author terms “endurance activism” sustained the marchers’ vision of community and the survival of their organization. The article encourages sport historians to use a wider framework to interpret the links between physical activity, social activism, and oppositional movements.
43
Nelson, Laura K., and Brayden G. King. "THE MEANING OF ACTION: LINKING GOAL ORIENTATIONS, TACTICS, AND STRATEGIES IN THE ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 25, no. 3 (September 2, 2020): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-25-3-315.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Social movement scholars cite the importance of strategy as a critical component of collective action. But what is a movement strategy, and what role does it play in facilitating movement processes? We conceptualize strategy as both the reason for engaging in collective action as well as the tools used in the course of action. More than a rational means-ends calculation, strategy is inherently a meaning-making process, providing the movement and its participants a sense of purpose. Using the U.S. environmental movement as a case study, and employing a data-driven and inductive strategy that combines both computational and qualitative methods, we find that strategy emerges as organizations link their actions to their goal orientation: what level of society the organization views as the locus of change. We conclude by illustrating changes over time in attention to different movement strategies, highlighting strategic differences between organizations working together in the same social movement.
44
Caniglia, Beth. "Informal Alliances vs. Institutional Ties: The Effects of Elite Alliances on Environmental TSMO Networks." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.1.q472686m21w4w368.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A cursory look at the ways that environmental activists seek to shape a growing global environmental agenda reveals a wide range of tactics that do not conform to traditional definitions of institutional versus disruptive politics. Zald and Diani argued in a recent Mobilization forum that our understandings of elite-movement relationships need revision to account for the variety of ways that movement actors relate to economic and political decision makers. While political opportunity analysts have shown that the presence or absence of sympathetic elites has important implications for movement outcomes, this article provides evidence about how the relationships between movement organizations and sympathetic transnational elites affect relationships within movements. By incorporating concepts and techniques from social network analysis, I derive a model to assess the effect of elite alliances on the structural positions in the network of environmental transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs). Findings indicate that elite alliances affect TSMO network positions differently, depending on the type and number of relationships the TSMO has with elites.
45
Hanagan, Michael. "A Return to Liberalism in Labor History?" International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010826.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ira Katznelson's paper should be welcomed because it contributes to an urgently needed debate. One of the less-noted consequences of the breakup of the social movements of the sixties and seventies and of the disintegration of “Old Left” organizations has been the disappearance of relevant forums for discussing the overall direction of left-wing politics.The collapse and shattering of the left-wing movement of the sixties and early seventies and its dispersion into pockets of isolated separate issues and ad hoc social movements has reached such a state that it threatens the Left's ability to discuss larger issues of strategy and tactics.
46
Fletcher, Erica, and Jonah Bossewitch. "Studying the Icarus Project Through Digital Bricolage: How Digital Platforms Reflect Shifting Strategies in a Social Movement Organization's Development." Practicing Anthropology 42, no. 2 (March 1, 2020): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/0888-4552.42.2.49.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This article describes digital bricolage as a way to study the digital history of a social movement organization. Drawing from our separate research projects on The Icarus Project (TIP), we describe our respective strategies as a health humanities scholar and a journalist to trace the organization's evolution; and our research findings describe TIP's gradual shift from grassroots leadership to professional staff. In tracing TIP's digital evolution, we argue that digital bricolage can contribute to our understanding of digital organizing tactics used in modern health social movements.
47
CASIS. "A Brief History of Social Movements in North America." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 1 (May 17, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i1.958.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this analysis is to differentiate social movements. In this instance, we will be using the hippie/counterculture movements during the 1960s and 1970s in Canada, and those that are occurring in the second decade of the twenty-first century. In particular, this analysis distinguishes right-wing extremist movements in 2016 from groups like the Hippie Movement and the Black Panther Party Movement. Specific reference will be made to contrast the social movements of the twenty-first century that are non-political in nature but are identity-based, versus movements during the 60s and 70s that were political by design and intent. Due to the non-political nature of twenty-first century Violent Transnational Social Movements, they might be characterized as fifth generation warfare, which we identify as identity-based social movements in violent conflict with other identity based social movements, this violence may be soft or hard. ‘Soft violence damages the fabric of relationships between communities as entrenches or highlights the superiority of one group over another without kinetic impact. Soft violence is harmful activities to others which stops short of physical violence’. (Kelshall, 2019) Hard violence is then recognized as when soft violence tactics result in physical violence. Insurgencies are groups that challenge and/or resist the authority of the state. There are different levels of insurgencies; and on the extreme end, there is the resistance of systemic authority.
48
Mirsel, Robert. "PEMBONCENG GRATIS GERAKAN REFORMASI DI INDONESIA." Jurnal Ledalero 13, no. 2 (September 3, 2017): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v13i2.73.239-262.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Free-rider is one of the problems faced in many social movements. The problem
is with those who benefit much from a social movement while never investing, or
invest very little, into the movement; meanwhile those who invest and sacrifice
much get almost nothing from it. This study is an attempt to explore whether or
not there is a free rider phenomenon in the Reformation Movement in Indonesia.
The findings of studies show that the Reformation Movement did not bring about
significant change for most people in Indonesia except for the free riders: the
politicians, top military officials, and big corporations (entrepreneurs) who were
once part of the previous Suharto Regime. This study suggests that there should
be change in the strategies and tactics of the movement to prevent a free rider
problem and give more opportunities to people at the grassroots to benefit from
the movement.
<b>Kata-kata kunci :</b> Gerakan reformasi, agenda reformasi, pembonceng
gratis, masalah pembonceng gratis, revitalisasi gerakan reformasi.
49
Cameron, Layla. "Fat tactics: the rhetoric and structure of the fat acceptance movement." Fat Studies 9, no. 1 (June 21, 2019): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21604851.2019.1633611.
Повний текст джерела
50
Vera, Lourdes A., Lindsey Dillon, Sara Wylie, Jennifer Liss Ohayon, Aaron Lemelin, Phil Brown, Christopher Sellers, and Dawn Walker. "DATA RESISTANCE: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONAL AUTOETHNOGRAPHY OF THE ENVIRONMENTAL DATA AND GOVERNANCE INITIATIVE*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 511–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-24-4-511.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The dismantlement of evidence-based environmental governance by the Trump administration requires new forms of activism that uphold science and environmental regulatory agencies while critiquing the politics of knowledge production. The Environmental Data and Governance Initiative (EDGI) emerged after the November 2016 U.S. presidential elections, becoming an organization of over 175 volunteer researchers, technologists, archivists, and activists innovating more just forms of government accountability and environmental regulation. Our successes include: (1) leading a public movement to archive vulnerable federal data evidencing climate change and environmental injustice; (2) conducting multisited interviews of current and former federal agency personnel regarding the transition into the Trump administration; (3) tracking changes to federal websites. In this article, we conduct a “social movement organizational autoethnography” on the field of movements intersecting within EDGI and on our theory, tactics, and practices. We offer ideas for expanding and iterating on methods of public, collaborative scholarship and advocacy.