Дисертації з теми "Social and Cultural Rights (1966)"
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1
Mbazira, Christopher. "The enforcement of socio-economic rights in the African human rights system : drawing inspiration from the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and South Africa's evolving jurisprudence." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1062.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
"It is submitted that South Africa presents the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Commission) and the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Court) with inspiration to draw from on how social-economic rights can be protected. Issues of locus, defining the state's obligations, effective remedies and their enforcement can be drawn from. However, it is impossible to transpose a domestic system directly into the regional system. It is also submitted that South Africa's Constitution and jurisprudence is not without criticisms as assessed against the backdrop of international human rights law. In this respect the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (the Committee) offers immense inspiration. Through its practice of giving normative content to the rights in the ICESCR the Committee has given extensive definition to some of the rights in the ICESCR and the obligations that attach to them. The obligation of the states to take steps to the maximum of the available resources to achieve progressively the full realisation of the rights in the Covenant has been the subject of extensive elaboration by the Committee. In addition to this the Committee has read into the ICESCR a very important concept, the principle of 'core minimum obligations'. This concept sets the benchmark in determining whether the state has discharged it obligations at the minimum level. The Commission and Court should take advantage of the provisions of the Charter which allow for inspiration from other instruments. The Charter obliges the Commission and the Court to draw inspiration from international law and human and peoples' rights, including the UDHR and other instruments adopted by the United Nations and African countries in the area of human rights. This is in addition to taking into consideration other instruments laying down rules expressly recognized by the states. This paper sets out to show that the African system can draw inspiration from South Africa and the Committee in order to surmount the challenges affecting the realisation of the rights. The paper is divided into five parts. The first part outlines the normative framework of protection of economic, social and cultural rights within the ICESCR, the African Charter and South African Constitution. The second part explores the challenges hampering the effective realisation of these rights followed by an analysis of the African Court and the lessons it may draw not only from the Committee and South Africa's Constitution but from the African Commission as well. The fourth part looks at the forth-coming African Court and its challenges, pointing to aspects on which it may seek inspiration. This will be followed by a conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction.Prepared under the supervision of Professor Sandra Liebenberg at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, South Africa
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
2
Miguda, Edith Atieno. "International catalyst and women's parliamentary recruitment : a comparative study of Kenya and Australia 1963-2002 /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm6362.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
3
Harlow, Martha Susan. "Confronting racism : The Riverside Church's efforts at social change, 1969-1979 /." Access Digital Full Text version, 1995. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/11750959.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1995.Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: William Bean Kennedy. Dissertation Committee: Douglas M. Sloan. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 281-310).
4
Tooze, Jennifer A. "Identification and enforcement of social security and social assistance guarantees under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246933.
Повний текст джерела
5
Hickey, Susan Jane. "The Unmet Legal, Social and Cultural Needs of Māori with Disabilities." The University of Waikato, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2571.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There is little work done in the area of indigenous disability identity issues and how they are recognised in domestic and international human rights laws. The discourse of disability has always been based on social constructionism and without it, there is no identity. I discuss its relevance to indigenous (Māori) with disabilities and how the multiplicitous nature of the identity of other has a particular impact when indigenous, gender and disability are all identified from marginalised groups. I also explore the impact of westernised thinking around impairment, in particular the models of disabilities on indigenous well-being. The issues of family (whānau), whakawhanaungatanga (family relationships), interdependence (community) and collectivity identities central to indigenous thinking are largely ignored by law and policy, yet central to indigenous identity. This ignorance in policy has led to the disparities that continue to remain for indigenous persons with disabilities, particularly those from within thematic identity groups.
6
Yan, Fei. "The politics of factional conflict and collective violence : the Cultural Revolution in Guangzhou, 1966-1968." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d95e1f0-91f4-4244-8a08-1cc536d9e21b.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the nature of mass factionalism and rebellious alignment during the Chinese Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1968. This period in Chinese history presents an internecine mass conflict that boasts the largest political upheavals of the 20th century. The most puzzling question of the explosion of this intense rebellious rivalry lies in the mechanisms and processes of insurgents’ political choices: Why did people join and affiliate with different insurgent groups? What decision did people make and what were their reasons? In conventional social structural analyses of contentious politics, mass actors’ decisions are affected by functionally differentiated interests inherent in their pre-existing social positions. This model defines mass rebellion and factional alignment as a form of interest group politics, attributing political choices to participants’ pre-existing sociopolitical status quo and thus pits different social groups against one another. As a result, similar occupational and status groups in the previous hierarchical structure would make similar political choices that lead them to form well-defined competing factions. In contrast to this static structural interpretation, I propose a contextual process model to analyze processes of political division and factional contention within political movements. With a case study of Guangzhou, I argue that rebellious alignment was rooted in their political interactions in a rapidly evolving phase of the conflict, rather than rising from the tensions that existed between different socio-economic layers of society. During the times of radical instability such as the Chinese Cultural Revolution, political ambiguity and contingency were the defining characteristics. In such unstable political environment, the basic elements of the movement changed so many times: each phase of the rebel movement projected itself by means of different actors, agendas, targets, and so on. Consequently, individual rebels observed their embedded local political environment, interpreted it, and subsequently chose a course of action in a dynamic process. In this regard, mass actors from identical social strata in the previous hierarchical structure would make different political choices and tactically choose their factional camp.
7
Pérez, Gómez Laura Elisa. "Measuring advances on economic, social and cultural rights in the interamerican region." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118894.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Progress indicators for measuring human rights, is a new paradigm established in the Inter-American region to identify improvements and formulate public policies based on empirical evidence. The analysis of the first round of reports for the Protocol of San Salvador was finished on May 2016, setting observations and recommendations to ensure expansion of economic, social, cultural and environmental rights in the Americas. This instrument with indicators must strengthen development policies and enforce human rights.La evaluación de derechos humanos vía indicadores es un nuevo paradigma establecido en la región interamericana para valorar los progresos en la materia y formular políticas públicas basadas en evidencia empírica. El proceso de análisis de la primera ronda de informes para el Protocolo de San Salvador culminó en mayo de 2016, con la generación de observaciones y recomendaciones orientadas a garantizar la expansión de los derechos económicos, sociales, culturales y ambientales en las Américas. Esta metodología de indicadores deberá constituir un instrumento para fortalecer las políticas de desarrollo y la exigibilidad de los derechos humanos.
8
Barnsley, Ingrid Clare. "Understanding the domestic implementation of international law on economic, social and cultural rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530016.
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9
Raible, Lea Alexa. "Human rights unbound : a theory of extraterritorial human rights obligations with special reference to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10041896/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis advances four main arguments aimed at fundamentally changing the way we think about extraterritorial human rights obligations. First, I argue that the questions regarding extraterritoriality are really about justifying the allocation of human rights obligations to specific states. Second, I seek to show that human rights as found in international human rights law, including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, are underpinned by the values of integrity and equality. Third, I argue that these same values justify the allocation of human rights obligations towards specific individuals to public institutions - including states - that hold political power over said individuals. And fourth, I show that title to territory is best captured by the value of stability, as opposed to integrity and equality. Because of this, models of jurisdiction that incorporate a close relationship with title to territory cannot be successful. The consequence of these arguments is a major shift in how we view extraterritorial human rights obligations. Namely, the upshot is that all standards in international human rights law that count as human rights require that a threshold of jurisdiction, understood as political power, is met. However, on my account, this threshold is not a conceptual necessity but a normative one. It is the relevant threshold not only for practical reasons, but because it justifies the allocation of human rights obligations.
10
Craven, Matthew C. R. "The international covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights : a perspective on its development /." Oxford : Clarendon, 1995. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/278681859.pdf.
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11
Craven, Matthew C. R. "The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights : a perspective on its development." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1992. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11441/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights entered currently has 118 States Parties and has been in force for 17 years. Over the past five years, the implementation of the Covenant has come under the supervision of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Unlike its predecessort, the Sessional W orking Group, the Committee has taken its supervisory role seriously such that it has begun to develop both the substance of the Covenant and the implementation procedures. This study, based principally upon the work of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, discusses a number of aspects in which the substance of the Covenant and its supervision procedures may be seen to have been developed. Chapter 1 traces the roots of economic, social and cultural rights and outlines their codification in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and later the Covenant, following the end of the Second World War. Significant aspects of the drafting process are analysed in detail. Chapter 2 discussest he nature and scope of the State obligations under the Covenant as regards the implementation of the rights. Particular emphasis is given to the terms of article 2(1) and how they have been interpreted in the work of the Committee. Chapter 3 analyses, primarily from a theoretical standpoint, the manner and degree to which the terms of the Covenant may be given "direct effect", or in other words, relied upon directly in domestic courts. Chapters 4 to 8 address particular articles within the Covenant and considers the interpretation given to them by the Committee. Chapter 4 deals with article 2(2) (and to a lesser extent article 3) concerning non-discrimination; Chapter 5 deals with article 6 concerning the right to work; Chapter 6 deals with article 7 regarding the right to just and favourable conditions of work; Chapter 7 deals with article 8 concerning rights related to trade unions; and Chapter 8 deals with article 11 concerning the right to an adequate standard of living and, in particular, the rights to food and housing. In each case, an attempt is made to evaluate the Committee's approach to each article and assess the possibilities for future development. Chapter 9 addresses the emergence, role and working methods, of the Committee as a human rights supervisory body. Particular consideration is also given to the problems encountered and the Committee's future prospects. Chapter 10, as the concluding chapter, draws together the observations made in earlier chapters and attempts to make an evaluation of the present and future utility of the Covenant as a mechanism for the promotion and protection of economic, social and cultural rights.
12
Dowell-Jones, Mary. "Contextualising the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights : assessing the economic deficit." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246409.
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13
Rubio, Patricio. "Cultural, social and economic rights in the Constitution corpus and Constitutional Court’s Case Law." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116539.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article deals with Cultural, Social and Economic Rights established in the Constitution and in Constitutional Case Law. So, after explaining its nature, state’s role according preservation and enforceability,relationship with other fundamental rights, among other key points, it isi ntended to answer, dealing with those rights, which of two scenarios have prevailed: internationalization of constitutional law or constitutionalization of international law.El presente artículo versa sobre la presencia de los derechos económicos sociales y culturales (DESC) en la Constitución y en la jurisprudencia constitucional. Así, tras abordar su naturaleza, el rol estatal respecto de su preservación, su exigibilidad y su relación con otros derechos fundamentales, entre otros importantes aspectos, intenta responder si en el tratamiento de los DESC en nuestro país se ha producido una internacionalización del derecho constitucional o más bien una constitucionalización del derecho internacional.
14
Scott, Trevor. "Alternative Ulster : voices of political radicalism, cultural empowerment and social dissent within loyalist paramilitarism in Northern Ireland since 1966." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.603302.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis considers the political thought that has been threaded throughout the history of loyalist paramilitary activity in Northern Ireland since the outbreak of the modern troubles in the mid-1960s - a political voice that would often speak in more radical tones than anything else emanating from within a fractured Ulster unionism since the collapse of Stormont in 1972. The overview is grounded upon the historical experiences of the various political fi'onts associated with the Ulster Volunteer Force and Ulster Defence Association and will provide an original and gauged interpretation of the reasons for their comparative lack of success despite considerable promotion and encouragement from external parties. There will be particular focus throughout on the effect of Protestant public antipathy to loyalist paramilitary organisations and to their standard modus operandi regarding both targeting and criminal endeavour.
15
Mbazira, Christopher. "Enforcing the economic, social and cultural rights in the South African Constitution as justicable individual rights: the role of judicial remedies." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7448_1254751404.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Judicial remedies are, amongst others, a vehicle through which respect, protection, promotion and fulfilment of human rights can be delivered to those who need them. A remedy is the perspective from which litigants judge either the success or failure of judicial decisions. Judicial remedies make the rights whole, they complete the justiciability of human rights because without them human rights remain statements of legal rhetoric. The nature of the remedies that the courts grant is not only based on the normative nature of the rights they seek to enforce. They are also influenced by factors such as the goals and objectives of judicial remedies as defined, amongst others, by the ethos of either corrective or distributive forms of justice. This thesis explored these factors and their impact on judicial remedies. Stress is put on the impact of the separation of powers doctrine, institutional competence concerns and on the forms of justice pursued by courts. The study is based on the judicial enforcement of the socio-economic rights protected in the South African 1996 Constitution. The research undertaken here was intended to guide scholars, legal practitioners and judicial officers who confront socio-economic rights issues as part of their daily work.
16
Tyree, Rachel. "Just Hospitality: Wage Theft, Grassroots Labor Organizing, and Activist Research in Nashville, Tennessee." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6420.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This politically engaged project locally grounds the efforts of low-wage workers in the United States who are addressing the nationwide epidemic of wage theft by focusing on the particular experience of organized hospitality cleaning workers at a worker center in Nashville, Tennessee. While being both collaborative and reflexive, this activist anthropological research utilizes observant participation, in-depth interviews, and organizational and archival research to explore the issues identified by members and organizers at the worker center, illustrate the alternative theories of change being generated from grassroots labor organizing efforts in light of state mechanisms that do not protect all workers, and to investigate the complex intersections of activism and academia in research settings. This study shows that wage theft is a more nuanced problem than an economic burden alone, that organized low-wage and immigrant workers are changing the landscape of U.S. labor organizing, and that academic-worker justice collaborations hold promising implications for social change.
17
Khumalo, Tridah Pardon. "The Ratification of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/46228.
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18
Maddox, Gregory. ""Blind to Certain Truths": Social Movement Narratives, The Supreme Court, and Cultural Change." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/483.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Stories abound within our culture, and rarely are stories bestowed more legitimacy than within the courts. Social "facts" might be established within the legal forum, but nonetheless connect to everyday life. Research in social movements and judicial politics is thus becoming increasingly useful as social movement organizations increasingly compete before the Court to effect cultural change through the reification of their stories. Lesbian, gay and bisexuals form one group of storytellers whose "collective stories" are told. It is this set of stories that this paper investigates, following the "narrative turn" in sociology to analyze LGB social movement narratives in the empirical setting of the Supreme Court. I present the findings of my content analysis of the amicus curiae, or "friend of the Court," briefs and Court opinions in the Bowers v. Hardwick and Lawrence and Garner v. Texas cases, two of the most significant LGB rights cases, covering a span of nearly twenty years. Despite virtually identical casefacts, the Court handed down differing decisions, first ruling against the social movement before later reversing its decision. This research assesses how the narrative voices in the cases changed within the discourse of the Court, and how these collective narratives resonated within a changing culture. First, I assess how LGB social movement organizations, their allies, and countermovement organizations changed their framings and frame alignment processes, how they changed their emotions work and rhetoric, and how these changes were evidence of organizations' identity work processes during the interim between cases. Next, I assess changes in framings and frame alignment processes and emotions work and rhetoric within the opinions handed down by the Court. This serves two purposes: it allows for a comparison of organizational frame resonance with the Court, and also allows analysis of the decisions' resonance within the larger culture. Analysis is also made of the symbolic meanings found within the opinions of the Court in both cases. This analysis shows that LGB social movement and countermovement organizations operate within a cultural code of sexuality. Narratives are useful in observing how norms within this cultural code are enforced, strengthened, or changed by negotiation and legitimization before the Court. Consequently, this research contributes not only to our understandings of cultural change, but also to social movement theory, especially of identity work processes, to the field of social psychology, to the sociology of sexualities, and to the sociology of emotions and emotions work.
19
Agbakwa, Shedrack Chukwuemeka. "Retrieving the rejected stone, rethinking the marginalization of the economic, social and cultural rights under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ57181.pdf.
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20
Lattimer, Maxine Angela. "Abortion discourses : an exploration of the social, cultural and organisational context of abortion decision-making in contemporary Britain." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341534.
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21
Hardowar, Rishi Kumarsingh. "Improving domestic enforcement of socio-economic rights through international law : ratification of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by South Africa." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3220.
Повний текст джерела
22
Espinosa-Saldaña, Barrera Eloy, and Burga Alberto Cruces. "Comments on the evolution of social, economic and cultural rights in Peru and the scope of its judiciability." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/108998.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Are social, economic and cultural rights really enforceable rights? Is their nature different from those of the civil and political rights? What does our Constitution state on the matter? What is the posture that national and international jurisprudence have adopted regarding the issue?In the article at hand, the authors challenge the common conception about those rights, and analyze the work done by the Peruvian Constitutional Court on the matter.¿Son los derechos económicos, sociales y culturalesexigibles realmente? ¿Su naturaleza es distinta a lade los derechos civiles y políticos? ¿Qué establece nuestra Constitución al respecto? ¿Cuál ha sido lapostura de la jurisprudencia nacional e internacional sobre la materia?En el presente artículo, los autores cuestionan la concepción que normalmente se tiene de dichos derechos, y analizan la labor que ha desarrollado el Tribunal Constitucional peruano al respecto.
23
Dai, Cuixiang. "A path to social upheaval : media and the construction of revolutionary fashion." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1175.
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24
Khalfan, Ashfaq. "State obligations beyond borders relating to economic, social and cultural rights : legal basis, extent and implications for development cooperation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669753.
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25
Anik, Asad Hayes Mike. "Social and cultural construction of exclusion of the manta community in Bangladesh : an anthropological study on denial of rights /." Abstract, 2003. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2546/cd361/4537443.pdf.
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26
May, Ester Ruby. "Virginity testing: towards outlawing the cultural practical practice that violates our daughters." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2003. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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27
Karlsson, Elisabet. "Is an individual complaint mechanism an appropriate way to correct the imbalance between civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights? : From the perspective of justiciability." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-105643.
Повний текст джерела
28
Janka, Dejene Girma. "The realization of the right to housing in Ethiopia." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/5452.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This research aims to answer the question whether Ethiopia has adopted adequate
measures to realize the right to housing. This dissertation will be informative to many Ethiopians about their right to housing vis-à-vis the duty of the government and the measures it has taken. It can also serve as an incentive for the government to take adequate steps to realize the right to housing thereby
influencing policy-making. Further, the research will bridge the gap in the existing literature on the subject.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2007.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Atangcho Nji Akonumbo of the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaoundé, Cameroon.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
29
Roark, Kendall L. "Authenticity, Citizenship and Accommodation: LGBT Rights in a Red State." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/168269.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AnthropologyPh.D.
"Authenticity, Citizenship and Accommodation: LGBT Rights in a Red State" examines the discourse around volunteerism, exceptionalism, and queer citizenship that emerged within the context of a statewide (anti-gay) ballot initiative campaign in the American Southwest. I argue that the ways in which local volunteers and activists define themselves and their attempts to defeat the ballot initiative is tied to the struggle over the authority to represent local LGBT organizational culture and an emergent New West identity. In such a way, local debates over authentic western lifestyles that divide regional communities intertwine with intergenerational debates over gay liberation and rights frameworks, and the polarized discourse on blue and red states which have dominated the U.S. political climate of the past decade. While statewide campaign leaders with a base in Phoenix (the state capital) focused on polling data and messaging in order to stop the passage of the amendment, many Tucson activists and organizational leaders tied to the LGBT community center sought to strategize a long-term grassroots approach to change hearts and minds. Within this debate over campaign strategy and internal decision-making, both groups drew attention to the differences between the metropolitan areas. This regional example speaks to the ways in which established theoretical frameworks anthropologists utilize to understand social movements may prove insufficient for understanding the diversity that exists within the everyday processes of collective action. The internal messaging war that spilled outside of the confines of the campaign steering committee meetings into the pages of the statewide gossip and newspaper editorial sections also speaks to the ways in which official declarations of ideological stance should not be taken as the actual intent of those seeking change. One may shape one's personal story to be on message, choose to defy those constraints, or use the rhetorical strategy of the message without actually committing to the underlying premise. The broader national concerns are localized symbolically in the notion of blue and red counties, but also take on a regional flavor in the satirical call to statehood for the Southern Arizona. Here issues of authenticity emerge not only within the context of the campaign disputes around messaging, and by extension, who has the right to speak for and about the LGBT organizational community, but also in the realm of derisive banter that travels back and forth between the two major metropolitan areas over what it means to live an authentic western lifestyle. Within the southern metropolis, this discourse is framed by the notion that the western desert is a different sort of place, with a different sort of people and way of life that is threatened by snowbirds, retirees, Midwestern lifestyles and corporate interests. Often Phoenix to the north is seen as a representation of all these negative influences. In addition, Center-based activists and volunteers, describe their southern city in idealistic terms as an oasis for LGBT community, artists, activists, migrants, refugees, and all manner of progressive politics. Memory enacted through the telling of one's story at a Coming Out Day testimonial, political rallies and in dialogue with an anthropologist are shaped by these notions of difference. These notions of difference also emerge as a pattern in the narrative construction of space, violence and memory within activist life histories. These life histories in turn reveal a fragment of local LGBT organizational culture, in which the process of professionalization transforms the meaning of community, and the act of representation transforms the role of activist into that of the citizen volunteer. The community center in this sense is a memorialization of community and movement culture, and by idealizing what came before it masks material conditions at the same time that it offers up the potential of a more radical present/future. While the community center, Tucson and Pima County are coded as oases of safety, this image is continually disrupted by counter narratives, including the state-wide campaign to stop the marriage amendment; local support for the Protect Marriage and anti-immigrant amendments; and evidence of on-going violence directed against racial, ethnic and religious minorities and those who transgress hetero and gender normative expectations. These disruptions however appear to be cyclical in that they allow both professionals and concerned community members (citizen volunteers) to rally together in a show of strength and solidarity and in so doing represent the authentic, legitimate community. However, these disruptions may also allow for counter narratives to enter into public discourse, thereby offering up a more radical envisioning of community beyond the limits of LGBT organizational culture.
Temple University--Theses
30
Rippenaar, Shéan Jamie. "The ratification of the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights, strategic litigation and the right of access to adequate housing." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6828.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Magister Legum - LLMAccess to adequate housing is an important socio-economic right and is of central importance for the enjoyment of all rights. The right to access adequate housing is viewed as a fundamental human right and has been described in both International Law and by the South African courts as being essential to the dignity of human beings. Access to adequate housing thus plays an important part in ensuring human dignity for all persons. It is also one of the key elements needed to ensure that all persons have access to an adequate standard of living. Access to adequate housing further plays a vital role in maintaining and improving the lives of all people as it provides both security and shelter. In modern day South Africa, access to adequate housing is held in very high regard. This is evident in the recognition it has received in the National Development Plan as two of the fourteen outcomes of the plan are to ensure that “all people are and feel safe” and “sustainable human settlements and improved quality of household life.” The drafters of the South African Constitution recognised the importance of access to adequate housing as provision was made for the right to access adequate housing in the Final Constitution in section 26. In considering the report submitted by South Africa, the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural rights indicated (hereinafter referred to as the “Committee on ESCR”) the housing landscape in South Africa continues to be divided as a result of the past and that the apartheid spatial divide continues to dominate the landscape. Viljoen notes that despite numerous attempts to transform the housing regime from one which was grossly discriminatory to a welfare-orientated legal system that functions under the auspices of the rights and values entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa the poorest households in South Africa remain subject to not only a lack of access to housing but also intolerable housing conditions. He writes further that the judicial enforcement of the right to access adequate housing is a difficult, complex and multi-layered issue with which the courts have been grappling for some time. An examination of the housing rights jurisprudence reveals that housing rights and access to adequate housing has been one of the most fiercely contested and frequently litigated topics in the country. The jurisprudence also shows that housing is an area where much legislative, policy and infrastructure progress has been made.
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Schumann, Rebecca Anne. "Derogatory to the Rights of Free-Born Subjects: Racialization and the Identity of the Williamsburg Area's Free Black Population from 1723-1830." W&M ScholarWorks, 2013. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626710.
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Faifua, Denise Elizabeth. "Willing and social work participation : socio-cultural rationalisation in industrial organisation." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2001. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15824/1/Denise_Faifua_Thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis I interrogate the possibility of 'willing and social' work participation in industrial organisation. I draw on Habermas's (1976, 1979, 1984 & 1987) work to synthesise marxist and weberian ideas, and to derive a socio -cultural or cultural Marxist perspective on Capitalism. From this position I highlight the limitations of social action in theories of organisation and work. Moreover, I theoretically derive a model of work participation that acknowledges broader orientations to work. I interrogate that model of work participation in a study of four dominant forms of industrial organisation. Those organisations are SEQEB the South East Queensland Energy Board, Eagle Boy Pizzas in Queensland, the New South Sugar Milling Cooperative Ltd, and Budge -Ellis Staff Co-operative. Gathering data for this study involved both primary and secondary research. I used a comparative and longitudinal field research approach, unstructured interviews with an interview guide, and the collection of documents recommended by interviewees. I interviewed people working in the organisations and relevant government agencies. My research involved travel in Queensland and New South Wales, Australia. Ultimately, I produce a sociologically informed model for the establishment of 'willing and social' work participation. I conclude work participation exists within the context of capitalism, and social relations - either formally free or free; that work participation is directly influenced by rational configurations of the world of work comprising economic, political and social worldviews; and I argue the dominance of a worldview depends on whether the political action premises of buffering and shoring successfully neutralise competing worldviews; and whether the moral dictums or espoused values of work are prescribed or invoked and result in the exploitation or deployment of internal values. My thesis points in the direction of further work on co-operative forms of organisation and work and their commonweal ideologies. In particular, my findings demonstrate a crowding out of co-operative forms and ideologies, not only by capitalist forms but also by trade union collectives. The type of research I suggest has the potential to increase the legitimation of co-operative forms of organisation. Although, the Australian co-operative movement has many achievements there remains the problem of establishing a socially progressive rationality that makes practical or operational sense to people at work. The emancipator ideal of willing and social work participation is intended to epitomise the goals of the enlightenment project, and to lead in that direction.
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Faifua, Denise Elizabeth. "Willing and Social Work Participation: Socio-Cultural Rationalisation in Industrial Organisation." Queensland University of Technology, 2001. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15824/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis I interrogate the possibility of 'willing and social' work participation in industrial organisation. I draw on Habermas's (1976, 1979, 1984 & 1987) work to synthesise marxist and weberian ideas, and to derive a socio -cultural or cultural Marxist perspective on Capitalism. From this position I highlight the limitations of social action in theories of organisation and work. Moreover, I theoretically derive a model of work participation that acknowledges broader orientations to work. I interrogate that model of work participation in a study of four dominant forms of industrial organisation. Those organisations are SEQEB the South East Queensland Energy Board, Eagle Boy Pizzas in Queensland, the New South Sugar Milling Cooperative Ltd, and Budge -Ellis Staff Co-operative. Gathering data for this study involved both primary and secondary research. I used a comparative and longitudinal field research approach, unstructured interviews with an interview guide, and the collection of documents recommended by interviewees. I interviewed people working in the organisations and relevant government agencies. My research involved travel in Queensland and New South Wales, Australia. Ultimately, I produce a sociologically informed model for the establishment of 'willing and social' work participation. I conclude work participation exists within the context of capitalism, and social relations - either formally free or free; that work participation is directly influenced by rational configurations of the world of work comprising economic, political and social worldviews; and I argue the dominance of a worldview depends on whether the political action premises of buffering and shoring successfully neutralise competing worldviews; and whether the moral dictums or espoused values of work are prescribed or invoked and result in the exploitation or deployment of internal values. My thesis points in the direction of further work on co-operative forms of organisation and work and their commonweal ideologies. In particular, my findings demonstrate a crowding out of co-operative forms and ideologies, not only by capitalist forms but also by trade union collectives. The type of research I suggest has the potential to increase the legitimation of co-operative forms of organisation. Although, the Australian co-operative movement has many achievements there remains the problem of establishing a socially progressive rationality that makes practical or operational sense to people at work. The emancipator ideal of willing and social work participation is intended to epitomise the goals of the enlightenment project, and to lead in that direction.
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Afari-Twumasi, Lucy. "Traditional and cultural practices and the rights of women : a study of widowhood practices among the Akans in Ghana." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2844.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The study investigates the human rights violations that underlie widowhood practices in Cape Coast and Komenda in the Central Region of Ghana. Review of the relevant literature on widowhood practices suggests that widowhood practices are a global cultural phenomenon, which is not confined to Sub-Sahara Africa. A survey of relevant studies on the phenomenon suggests that there are two competing perceptions on African widowhood practices: (1) a dominant negative perspective and (2) a minor positive perspective. The dominant negative perspective, which receives overwhelming research attention, focuses only on the negative characteristics of widowhood while the minor positive perspective which receives scanty research attention, rejects the criticisms levelled against widowhood practices as being externally influenced by Christianity and Western Feminism. Various stakeholders within the Akan community were given an opportunity to retell their own versions of widowhood practices. In order to achieve this purpose, the research extracted competing narratives from all the multiple sample subgroups of the proposed study: widows; widow family heads; chiefs; widowhood ritual practitioners; elderly female supervisors of widowhood practices; an official from the Commission for Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ); an official from the Ministry of Women and Children Affairs (MOWAC); and an official from the Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit (DOVVSU) of Ghana. The study found out that despite legislative intervention and policy frameworks, the practice still persist among the Akan communities in Ghana. The reasons for the continued existence of such rituals are explained followed by recommendations for possible solutions.
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Shahid, Ahmed. "For Want of Resources: Reimagining the State's Obligation to Use 'Maximum Available Resources' for the Progressive Realisation of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14369.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis provides insights into, additional commentary on and analysis of the fundamental role of resources in advancing Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ESC rights). Its objective is to expand the policy space within which States can operate to fulfil their obligations related to these rights. It addresses a number of central questions about the resource dimension of ESC rights policy, including interpretation of the concept of ‘maximum available resources’ in the context of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). By applying a cross-disciplinary approach, the thesis investigates legal, economic and public policy dimensions of resource mobilisation, allocation and governance that are essential in advancing progressive realisation of ESC rights. This thesis proposes that the obligation to take steps to the ‘maximum available resources’ for the progressive realisation of ESC rights can be made more meaningful by adopting a broader interpretation of the concept of resources and by taking active steps to maximise the quality and quantity of resources available through public sector revenue, international assistance and co-operation and private sector investment, all of which can be enhanced through institutional mechanisms and processes of allocation and governance. This proposition is supported by an in-depth qualitative analysis of relevant ESC rights literature, interpretive works of the ESCR Committee and Special Rapporteurs, periodic reports of States, institutional documents and case studies, which provide evidence on the current understanding and application of the concept of resources in this context. Based on analysis of multiple sources of evidence on State practice, this thesis presents a cross-disciplinary model of the nature, scope and policy dimensions of resources for ESC rights and suggests how concerted State policy efforts can optimise their impact on the realisation of ESC rights.
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Kasongo, Tshimpaka. "The implementation of the socio-economic rights provisions of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights at the national level : a case study of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4767.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Magister Legum - LLMThis mini-thesis examines the issue of the implementation of the socio-economic rights provisions of the African Charter on Human and Peoples‘ Rights (ACHPR) at the national level, in a case study of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). These rights which comprise the right to property, the right to work, the right to health, the right to education and the protection of the family and cultural rights in Articles 14 to 18 of the ACHPR are provided for and guaranteed in the DRC Constitution of 18 February 2006 in Articles 34 to 48 and, accordingly, are legally enforceable under the Constitution. This study was motivated by the fact that despite the enforceability of these rights under the DRC Constitution, the real situation in the DRC remains worrying in that the economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR) of the ACHPR are violated from day to day by the government. The majority of Congolese live in poverty, disease and ignorance; they lack jobs, food and other basic necessities, such as, water and electricity, in spite of DRC‘s abundant natural resources (such as, oil and gas); minerals (such as cobalt, vanadium, manganese, phosphate, and bauxite); iron ore; and precious tropical rain forests. This situation is due to certain reasons, including: bad governance; mismanagement of public finances by political authorities at the expense of the majority; lack or weakness of the institutions or organs of implementation; and the ignorance of the Congolese people about their socio-economic rights even if they are massively violated by their government. Consequently, the marginalisation of socio-economic rights which results in their non-protection and non-realisation in DRC leads to a low expectation of the State and Government by the people, corruption, exclusion, racism, xenophobia, inequality, diseases, poverty, a feeling of betrayal of the people, a crisis of state and governmental legitimacy, popular insurrections and civil war in the country. To prevent the above consequences requires the DRC State to comply with Article 1 of the ACHPR which declares that the Member States of the Organization of African Unity that are parties to the ACHPR shall recognise the rights, duties and freedoms enshrined in it and shall undertake to adopt legislative or other measures to give effect to them. In addition, as the ACHPR complements human rights protection at the domestic level where the rights protected in the Charter should be realised, it is important for DRC to ensure that the ESCR of the ACHPR protected in its Constitution are given full legal effect under domestic law, such that the Charter‘s rights are made justiciable.
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Bekele, Eskedar A. "Implications of ECOSOCC's mandate for the promotion and protection of human rights in Africa: inquiry into the relationship between ECOSOCC and the human rights organs of the African Union." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1209.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
"By promoting and defending human rights and freedoms, by promoting the participation of African civil society in the implementation of the policies and programmes of the African Union (AU), and by forging greater partnership between social and professional groups and governments, the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) will play a critical role in the promotion and protection of human rights in Africa. However, it is far from clear how this important organ is related to human rights organs of the AU which includes the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Commission), the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Court) and the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (Committee of Experts). How can effective relationships between ECOSOCC on the one hand, and these human rights organs on the other, be achieved for the realisation of the human rights mandate of ECOSOCC? ... The essay comprises five chapters. Chapter one is [an] introduction and begins by posing the research question and the justification for the research. Chapter two gives the introduction of ECOSOCC, its background, structure and mandates and looks into the satutes of ECOSOCC, its draft rules of procedure and its strategic plan for the years 2005-2007. Chapter three makes a comparative analysis with other regional human rights sytems, namely the Council of Europe and the Organisation of American States as a point of inspiration for the African system. Under chapter four, the research discusses and analyses the possible relationships and coordinative mechanisms ECOSOCC can create with the human rights organs of the African Union in order to fulfil its human rights mandate. Chapter five makes a conclusion and concrete recommendations." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Alejandro Lorite Escorihuela at the Faculty of Law, American University in Cairo, Egypt
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Galliker, Doris. "The potential impact of the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights on the realisation of socio-economic rights in the international arena: what can be learnt from the justiciability of socio-economic rights in South Africa?" Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/4694.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (the 'Optional Protocol' or the 'OP-ICESCR') has recently been adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations. This document establishes a new complaints procedure for economic, social and cultural rights ('ESCR') within the United Nations human rights system. Hence, those rights ' as it is already the case for civil and political rights (CPR) ' will become quasi-justiciable at international level. Once the Optional Protocol will enter into force, individuals and groups victims of violations of any right contained in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (the 'Covenant' or the 'ICESCR') will have the possibility to submit communications to the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (the 'Committee' or the 'CESCR'), as long as the state concerned is party to the OP-ICESCR.
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Massalha, Manal. "In suspension : the denial of the rights of the city for Palestinians in Israel and its effects on their socio-economic, cultural and political formation : the case of Umm Al-Fahem." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3351/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is concerned with the absence of substantive, functioning Palestinian cities, and of Palestinian urbanisation and urbanism in Israel. Framed and guided by conceptions of the city and public space, their potentialities, the possibilities they allow, and the challenges they pose to the state, the thesis using Umm al-Fahem as a case study seeks to investigate the Palestinian city in Israel, its materiality, the semiotics of its public space and socio-spatiality, and to deconstruct the historical, structural, political and social forces that shape its (un)making. Employing mixed qualitative methods of ethnography, photography, archival research, historical, sociological and discourse analysis, the thesis questions and deconstructs the nominal status of the city of Umm al-Fahem, the first Palestinian village to earn the official status of a city in Israel. It considers how to conceptualise Palestinian cities inside Israel and aims to give answers to questions such as: what can be made of Palestinian cities inside Israel? What kind of spatial configurations and arrangements are being formed and why? What kind of socio-political and cultural order is being formed and why? How does the city respond under (post)colonial conditions? Can there be a functioning Palestinian city and a fulfilment of the right to the city under (post)colonial conditions? Umm al-Fahem, the subject and object of research, suggests that the process unfolding is one of absenting the Palestinian city, depriving Palestinian citizens of the right to the city, and producing domesticated, suspended, fragmented city and citizens. The production and mastery of space is used as a technology of control to achieve this, and forms part of a governmentality project whose underlying objective is the management of Palestinians.
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Chirwa, Danwood Mzikenge. "Towards binding economic, social and cultural rights obligations of non-state actors in international and domestic law: a critical survey of emerging norms." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study argued that the issue of non-state actors requires a comprehensive response that includes the recognition of both non-binding and binding human rights obligations of these actors. It examined critically the emerging norms on voluntary obligations, state responsibility, and direct responsibility of these actors with regard to human rights at both international and domestic levels.
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Heo, Min Sook. "Globally Agreed Upon, Locally Troubled: The Construction of Anti-Violence Legislation, Human Rights Discourse, and Domestic Violence in South Korea." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1204638219.
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White, Robyn L. "Invisible Women: Examining the Political, Economic, Cultural, and Social Factors that lead to Human Trafficking and Sex Slavery of Young Girls and Women." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1708.
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This thesis employs the most recent and best available data on human trafficking, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’s Trafficking in Persons Global Report 2006, as well as nine independent variables to determine what their effects are on countries’ volumes of human trafficking outflows. By completing a cross-sectional analysis via an OLS regression, I found statistically significant support for three factors that I hypothesize lead to greater outflows of human trafficking. My findings suggest that countries that are less corrupt, have more seats in parliament held by women, and score higher on Cho, Dreher, and Neumayer’s Anti-Trafficking Policy Index are less likely to experience high outflows of human trafficking. Additionally, while they narrowly avoid statistical significance, this study also suggests that states that have a legal stance on prostitution and have fewer women employed in the non-agricultural sector experience less human trafficking outflows.
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Zugliani, Luiz Fernando. "A organização social e o acesso à cultura: o caso das bibliotecas parque do Estado do Rio de Janeiro." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16505.
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Esta dissertação procura analisar qual a contribuição das Organizações Sociais para o acesso a direitos culturais, a partir da experiência das Bibliotecas Parque do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, em especial a de Manguinhos e a da Rocinha. Ciente de que as formas de cooperação para a efetivação de direitos culturais são múltiplas e que precisam ser pensadas a partir da inter-relação de vários atores e aspectos, todas invariavelmente necessitam desaguar em molduras de gestão viabilizadoras do acesso à cultura. A pesquisa adota o método do estudo de caso, valendo-se de pesquisas bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Apresenta o cenário de construção dos direitos culturais, em larga expansão no Brasil, e destaca que, para materializá-los, torna-se necessário estudar, avaliar e adotar modelos organizacionais alternativos aos tradicionais que caracterizam a administração pública direta e indireta. Aborda o campo da gestão e dos direitos culturais no contexto das três principais reformas do aparelho do Estado Republicano, ocorridas nas décadas de 30, 60 e 90, com ênfase na última, que incorpora a teoria da Nova Gestão Pública, base desta dissertação. Focaliza a Organização Social como modelo opcional à gestão de instituições ou programas culturais, a partir da realidade existente, das motivações, das vantagens e das perspectivas e aduz uma narrativa acerca do processo de concepção da legislação do estado do Rio de Janeiro. Verifica como surgiram esses equipamentos culturais e como se deu a formação da rede de Bibliotecas Parque. Descreve o processo de implantação das Organizações Sociais de Cultura no estado e apresenta o gestor das bibliotecas e sua relação com a secretaria de Cultura. Conclui que há necessidade de aperfeiçoamento de mecanismos de gestão, a fim de que o modelo possa, de fato, oferecer contribuição para o acesso a direitos culturais.
This dissertation seeks to analyze the contribution of Social Organizations to cultural rights access, based on the experience of Libraries Park of the State of Rio de Janeiro, especially those located in Manguinhos and Rocinha. Aware that forms of cooperation to the realization of cultural rights are manifold and need to be designed from the interrelation of various players and aspects, all invariably need to flow into management frames that enable the access to culture. The research adopts the case study method, making use of bibliographic, documentary and field research. These findings introduce the construction scenario of cultural rights to a large expansion in Brazil, and highlight that to materialize them, it is necessary to study, evaluate and adopt alternative rather than traditional organizational characterizing the direct and indirect public administration. This document addresses the field of management and cultural rights in the context of the three major reforms of the Republican State apparatus, which occurred in the 30, 60 and 90, with emphasis on the latter, which incorporates the theory of New Public Management, the basis of this thesis. Focus is on the OS as an optional model for the management of cultural facilities, from the existing reality, motivations, strengths and perspectives and adds a narrative about the design process of the laws of the State of Rio de Janeiro. The research checks how these cultural facilities emerged and how the network formation of Park Libraries occurred. It describes the process of implementation of the Culture Social Organizations in the state and has the manager of libraries and their relationship with the Secretariat of Culture. It concludes that there is need to improve management mechanisms, so that the model can, in fact, provide contribution to access to cultural rights.
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GONÇALVES, Micheli Suellen Neves. "A educação popular na América Latina: um estudo comparado do pensamento social de Simón Rodríguez (Venezuela, 1771-1854) e Antônio Carneiro Leão (Brasil, 1887-1966)." Universidade Federal do Pará, 2014. http://repositorio.ufpa.br/jspui/handle/2011/5953.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Esta pesquisa aborda como temática a Educação Popular em Simón Rodríguez (1771-1854) e Antônio Carneiro Leão (1887-1966), intelectuais da América Latina. A questão norteadora deste processo investigativo é: no contexto de estruturação dos Estados-nação latinoamericanos, como os intelectuais Simón Rodríguez e Antônio Carneiro Leão pensavam a Educação popular? Como hipóteses, entendemos que: 1) Estes intelectuais tecem fios tênues que auxiliaram na significação do conceito de Educação Popular na atualidade, seja por meio da negação seja pela defesa de princípios que atualmente permeiam a conceituação da Educação Popular, ainda que o sentido atribuído à Educação Popular por eles à época não correspondam exatamente à significação presente; 2) Simón Rodríguez e Antônio Carneiro Leão, mesmo de lugares diferentes, um na Venezuela, outro no Brasil, expressaram em suas obras pensamentos com certas semelhanças no que tange à ideia de Educação Popular na América Latina. Com base na questão e hipóteses apresentadas adotou-se como objetivo geral: analisar, por meio do estudo comparado do pensamento social e da teoria descolonial, as formulações de Educação Popular em Simón Rodríguez e Antônio Carneiro Leão, com vistas a sua relação com o contexto latino-americano. Como objetivos específicos, definiu-se: a) contextualizar o conjunto de obras de Simón Rodríguez e Antônio Carneiro Leão, enfatizando os escritos sobre educação, particularmente os enunciados que tratam da idéia de Educação Popular; b) situar o pensamento dos autores no contexto histórico mais geral de seus países; c) analisar as concepções teóricas de Simón Rodríguez (exemplo de pensamento venezuelano) e compará-las com as concepções teóricas de Antônio Carneiro Leão (um exemplo de pensamento brasileiro), de modo a verificar quais os pontos convergentes e divergentes sobre a ideia de Educação Popular; d) Compreender as implicações da proposta de Educação Popular de Simón Rodríguez e Antônio Carneiro Leão para o movimento educacional latino-americano. No plano teórico-metodológico, a pesquisa se fundamenta na História Cultural (representações sociais e lutas de representações), na História Intelectual (memória coletiva e utilizagens mentais) e na Teoria Descolonial (exterioridade). Os resultados revelam que Simón Rodríguez e Carneiro Leão ao apontarem no século XIX e início do século XX a necessidade de valorização cultural das classes populares se aproximam significativamente das concepções de educação popular na atualidade. Também indicam uma similitude entre a realidade colonial hispanoamericana e a realidade luso-brasileira que aproximam essas concepções. Resguardadas as nuances históricas dos países em que nasceram e viveram os autores estudados, constatou-se que estes compreendem a educação como um instrumental imprescindível para a superação da colonização e, portanto, de consolidação da independência política, econômica e cultura do continente. Ao incursionar pela obra dos autores, sob um olhar regido pela Teoria Descolonial, identificamos que o Liberalismo, o Positivismo e as Teorias Raciais produzidos no Ocidente europeu fundamentaram o pensamento intelectual de Simón Rodríguez e Carneiro Leão, mas assumiram outras dimensões ao serem pensadas em meio às experiências vividas pelos autores no continente americano. Sensíveis ao sofrimento de uma população mestiça que não mais poderia viver fora dos parâmetros da modernidade, esses autores, que destacam a educação como um instrumental necessário à libertação política, econômica e cultural da América Latina, defendem, na teoria e na prática, um projeto educacional que fosse capaz de salvaguardar venezuelanos e brasileiros das marcas deixadas pela colonização.
This research addresses how thematic Popular Education in Simón Rodríguez (1771-1854) and Antonio Carneiro Leão (1887-1966), intellectuals in Latin America. The basic question that guided the research process can be summarized in the following question: in the context of structuring the nation-states of Latin America, how the intellectuals Simón Rodríguez and Antonio Carneiro Leao thought Popular Educational? As hypotheses, we understand that: 1) These intellectuals weave fragile wires that assisted in the meaning of the concept of Popular Education presently, either through negation or the defense of principles that currently permeate the conceptualization of Popular Education, though the meaning attributed to Popular Education by them in that time do not correspond exactly to this meaning; 2) Simón Rodríguez and Antonio Carneiro Leão, even from different places, one in Venezuela, one in Brazil, expressed in his works thoughts with certain similarities regarding the idea of Popular Education in Latin America. Based on the question and hypotheses presented was adopted as a general objective: to analyze, through the comparative study of social thought and decolonial theory, the formulations of Popular Education in Simón Rodríguez and Antonio Carneiro Leão, with a view to its relationship with the context of Latin American. As specific objectives, were defined: a) to contextualize the whole works of Simón Rodríguez and Antonio Carneiro Leão, emphasizing the writings on education, particularly the statements that deal with the idea of Popular Education; b) to place the thought of the authors in historical context more general in their countries; c) to analyze the theoretical concepts of Simón Rodríguez (as example of Venezuelan thought) and compare them with the theoretical conceptions of Antônio Carneiro Lion (an example of Brazilian thought), to verify which convergent and divergent points on the idea of popular education; d) to understand the implications of the Popular Education proposal of Simón Rodríguez and Antonio Carneiro Leão for the Latin American educational movement. The theoretical-methodological research is based on the Cultural History (social representations and struggles representations), in Intellectual History (collective memory, mental utilizations), and Decolonial Theories (Externality). Preliminary results show that Simón Rodríguez and Carneiro Leão when pointed in the nineteenth and early twentieth century the need for cultural appreciation of the popular classes approach significantly conceptions of popular education nowadays. Also indicate a similarity between the Spanish-American and Luso-Brazilian colonial reality approaching these conceptions. Protected the historical nuances of the countries where were born and lived the authors studied, it was found that these comprehend education as an essential instrument for overcoming colonization and therefore consolidation of political, economic and culture independence of the continent. As you go into the work of the authors, under look even governed by Decolonial Theory, we identified that Liberalism, Positivism and Racial Theories produced in the Western Europe substantiated the intellectual thought of Simon Rodriguez and Antonio Carneiro Leão, but took on other dimensions to be thought among the experiences of the authors in the American continent. Sensitive to the suffering of a mixed population who could no longer live outside the parameters of modernity, these authors, highlighting education as a necessary instrument for political liberation, economic and cultural development of Latin America, they defend, in theory and in practice, an education project to be able to safeguard the Venezuelan and Brazilian of marks left by colonization.
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Andersson, Elin, and Linn Togelius. "Women oppressed in the name of culture and religion, Saudi Arabia and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23219.
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In Saudi Arabia women are legal minors who need permission from a male guardian in, among others, matters concerning education, employment and health care. Despite the obvious subordination of women in the country, Saudi Arabia has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, with a reservation saying that in cases of contradiction between the Convention and Islamic law they do not obligate themselves to follow the rules of the Convention. Respecting the culture, tradition and religion of non-western societies is important in the work with implementing international human rights. However, in the case of Saudi Arabia, it seems like the cultural and religious claims merely function as justification of an institutional oppression of women. This institutional practice of oppression is unique and taken to the extreme, but oppression of women in itself is a global phenomenon, which is not connected to a specific culture.
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Dewar, Paula Fernandes. "Aboriginal Genocide in Canada and Achieving Transitional Justice." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23693.
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The indigenous peoples of Canada have been severely mistreated since the period of European colonization and the founding of the country up to the end of the last century, resulting in serious human rights disparity. Aboriginal leaders, some politicians and members of the public are calling past actions, genocide. Principally a philosophical thesis, this paper deals with the question of the Government of Canada recognizing that their historical treatment of the indigenous peoples of Canada was genocide and whether, in light of the facts that have come to view in the past twenty years, it is the just response from the government; which I contend would result in aiding the nation to heal and move forward. The component parts for understanding this issue – the Aboriginals, history of the Indian Residential School System, genocide and culture, and transitional justice - are viewed through a conceptual analysis of these contexts, with post-colonial discourse narrative. In this way, one can judge based on merit the validity of the argument. I conclude with a philosophical analysis in normative ethics, that transitional justice and equitable rights fulfillment cannot move forward for all Canadians, if the label of genocide is not acknowledged as applicable to the era of the Indian Residential Schools.
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Cashion, Katherine. "The Icon Formation of Ruby Bridges Within Hegemonic Memory of the Civil Rights Movement." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1407.
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In 1960, when Ruby Bridges was six-years-old, she desegregated the formerly all white William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans, Louisiana. This thesis traces her formation as a Civil Rights icon and how her icon narratives are influenced by, perpetuate, or challenge hegemonic memory of the Civil Rights Movement. The hegemonic narrative situates the Civil Rights Movement as a triumphant moment of the past, and is based upon the belief that it abolished institutionalized racism, leaving us in a world where lingering prejudice is the result of the failings of individuals. Analysis of narratives about Ruby Bridges by Norman Rockwell, Robert Coles, and Bridges herself show that there is a consistent shift over time in which the icon narratives conform to and reinforce the hegemonic narrative. These icon narratives situate Bridges’ story as a historical account of the past that teaches lessons of how to combat instances of interpersonal racism through kindness and tolerance, and obscures Bridges’ lived experience. These reductive stories demonstrate just how powerful the hegemonic narrative is and create a comforting morality tale that pervades dominant culture and prevents us from understanding and finding ways to combat the institutionalized racism and inequality that still exists within the United States.
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Diós, Marcelle Mourelle Perez. "A concretização de políticas públicas na área cultural como garantia de efetiva concessão de direitos sociais." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7311.
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O estudo propõe uma reflexão sobre o Direito à Cultura sob a ótica dos Direitos Fundamentais por meio de uma abordagem contextualizada com as formas em que este direito, seja pelo enfoque individual, seja pelo aspecto coletivo, se concretiza e com as atuações estatais que contribuem para tanto em um cenário de prevalência do modo de vida urbano não só nas cidades, mas também em comunidades outrora tidas como rurais, mas que absorvem progressivamente o modo de vida urbano. A Constituição Federal reconhece amplamente os Direitos Culturais, tendo-os como direitos imprescindíveis para a dignidade da pessoa humana em uma vida em sociedade, mas também impondo ao Poder Público que articule as Políticas Públicas proporcionando instrumentos para que as relações sociais desenvolvam-se em um ambiente de respeito à diversidade cultural e de fomento às manifestações culturais, por ver nelas um patrimônio do povo brasileiro e um espaço de exercício da personalidade de cada indivíduo. Para tanto, a dissertação apresenta uma ampla pesquisa sobre a legislação relacionada com o setor e mostra como estas Políticas Públicas podem estimular a Economia da Cultura em prol de um novo modelo de desenvolvimento, mais sustentável do que o paradigma industrial apresenta.The study proposes a reflection on the Right to Culture from the perspective of Fundamental Rights through a contextualized approach with the ways of this right is realized, either by individual focus or in the collective aspect, and the performances that contribute to a scenario of prevalence of urban living not only in cities but also in land, but it progressively absorb the urban lifestyle. The Constitution recognizes widely Cultural Rights, taking them as rights essential to the dignity of human life in society, but also requiring the Government to articulate public policies providing tools for social relations developed in a environment of respect for cultural diversity and promoting cultural events, to seek them as patrimony of the brazilian people and a space for the exercise of the personality of each individual. To this end, the dissertation presents a comprehensive survey on legislation related to the industry and shows how these public policies can stimulate the economy of culture in favor of a new model of development more sustainable than the industrial paradigm presents.
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Sawyer, Heather Jan. "PRECARITY IN PARADISE: TOURISM, MIGRATION, AND THE BROADER CAUSES OF INSTABILITY IN ROATÁN, HONDURAS." UKnowledge, 2018. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/anthro_etds/35.
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Since the 1990s, the population on the Honduran island of Roatán has grown from around 20,000 (mostly English-speaking Islanders) to roughly 100,000 residents (at least half of which are native Spanish-speaking Ladinos from the Honduran mainland) (Bay Islands Voice 2014b). This population growth has occurred alongside increasing forms of economic and environmental precarity that have fueled widespread instability on the island. While ethnic tensions between Ladinos and Islanders have existed since colonial times, conflict between the groups reached a crescendo in 2014 after the murder of a cruise ship employee in Roatán by a Ladino migrant. This sparked a security crisis for the island’s idyllic tourism industry.
In an effort to address growing security concerns, municipal authorities proposed a plan that included the installation of surveillance cameras in key population centers, use of 24-hour police patrols, and implementation of an identification program to track migration to the island. Authorities argued Ladino migrants were not only an ecological burden on the island, but also a major source of criminal activity, leading to the tourism industry’s instability. Yet, while stakeholders of island tourism were quick to cite Ladino migration as a major source of precarity, my research shows its causes are much broader and more complex. I argue simply blaming population growth – without a nuanced analysis of emerging human-environment relationships – does little to explain the multifaceted causes of instability in Roatán’s tourism industry.
Drawing on twelve months of ethnographic research, I find the instability in Roatán’s tourism industry is more fully explained through four overlapping crises playing out across Honduras for the majority poor, including: a lack of physical and political representation, struggles over land rights, social and economic immobilities, and disappearing childhood.
I examine this precarity as part of wider trends in global capitalism (e.g. increased expulsions of people from their lands), but also as something inextricably local in nature (e.g. filtered through a Ladino threat narrative). My analysis contributes to broader conversations occurring in the field of anthropology about how to discern and make sense of the growing forms of precarity humans face. For example, Sassen (2014) argues pinpointing the causes of precarity, such as those shaping life in Roatán, has grown more challenging as complex constellations of power obscure direct causal relationships. Parsing out the complicated relationships between formations of power on the Honduran mainland and growing sources of precarity on Roatán is one way I add to this body of literature. My research also contributes to this issue through examinations of the everyday cultural productions of value, meaning, and hope that emerge through engagements with the tourism industry—and how they anchor people amidst the backdrop of escalating uncertainty.
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Fonte, Felipe de Melo. "A intervenção judicial no âmbito das políticas públicas orientadas à concretização dos direitos fundamentais." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2009. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=2315.
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O presente estudo se propõe a desvelar o espaço legítimo de controle de políticas públicas destinadas à concretização de direitos fundamentais pelo Poder Judiciário. Para tanto, inicialmente é apresentada uma teoria das políticas públicas, que compreende a busca de um conceito para a categoria e a apresentação de suas características e elementos mais relevantes. O estudo não prescinde da análise da teoria dos direitos fundamentais, em especial das questões atinentes à eficácia dos direitos ditos prestacionais, e também da chamada análise institucional, um campo de estudos recentemente reavivado nos Estados Unidos. Na segunda parte do trabalho, de natureza marcadamente propositiva, as políticas públicas são divididas segundo a sua natureza, e em seguida sugeridos diferentes níveis de controle jurídico. Para as políticas ligadas ao mínimo existencial, sustenta-se o controle por meio dos princípios da proibição da proteção insuficiente e vedação do retrocesso. Para as demais políticas públicas, o controle é analisado sob o prisma dos princípios da isonomia, eficiência e transparência. Após o estudo de questões incidentais, o trabalho segue para as modalidades de controle de políticas públicas, distinguindo-se entre o controle forte, em que a discricionariedade dos órgãos políticos é reduzida a zero, e o controle fraco, onde o Poder Judiciário apenas comprime o espaço de liberdade decisória.This paper aims to reveal the legitimate space given to the Judiciary to materialize public policies. Therefore, it is initially presented a theory of public policy, which includes the search for a concept for the category and the presentation of its features and its most relevant elements. The study does not obviate the analysis of the theory of fundamental rights, especially issues concerning the effectiveness of the so-called positive rights, and also the designated institutional analysis, a field of study recently brought to life in the United States. In the second part of the text, which has a distinctly purposeful feature, public policies are divided according to their nature, and then it is suggested different levels of legal control. For policies related to the minimum existential claims, we defend a control through the principles of the prohibition of insufficient protection and impediment of the fundamental rights retrocession. For other public policies, the control is analyzed under the influence of the principles of equality, efficiency and transparency. After the analysis of incidental issues, the paper leans to the study of the procedures for control of public policies, distinguishing between strong control, where the leeway of the political bodies is reduced to zero, and poor control, where the Judiciary only compresses the area of decision-making freedom.