Статті в журналах з теми "Slavery (U.S.) and the church"

In Fratelli tutti, Pope Francis wonders why it took the Church so long to condemn slavery unequivocally. Indeed, the place of slavery in Catholic teaching provides a test case of change in official Church intellectual tradition. This paper examines the divergent arguments of four authors who have written about Church teaching on slavery: Pope Leo XIII, Fr. Joel S. Panzer, Judge John T. Noonan Jr., and Fr. John Francis Maxwell. It considers the statement on slavery in the Catechism of the Catholic Church in light of Pope John Paul II’s meditation on the nature of human labor in Laborem exercens, itself a meditation on Leo’s Rerum novarum (On the Condition of Labor), and offers a critique of the position that papal teaching, because it must be self-consistent, is therefore irreformable or unsusceptible to development. This provides one response to the pope’s provocative question.

The Massachusetts General Colored Association was the most advanced black civil rights organization of its day. In 1830, the MGCA backed a protest against segregated pews in Boston s Park Street Church, an event that provided a crucial opening for the alliance between black abolitionists and William Lloyd Garrison s New England Anti Slavery Society.

Possibility and limits of dialogue between religion and psychology is an interesting topic attracting significant attention of theologians and psychologists today. A century long experience of Catholic Church being in dialogue with modern psychological theory and practice is a proof of complexity and multifacetedness of this endeavor as well as an authentic illustration of its challenges, possibilities and potential solutions for all religious traditions faced with similar dilemmas. The aim of the study is threefold: 1) to offer a short historical overview of attitude of the Catholic Church towards achievements of modern psychological science, 2) to present the main areas and challenges faced by the Church in dialogue with and exploitation of contemporary psychology today and 3) to identify agents and mechanisms of this process. This attitude evolved from the initial suspicion and antagonism to respect towards achievements of healthy psychology and systematic attempt of their integration in Catholic teaching and pastoral work. Seemingly two factors are especially important for the achieved success, namely individual enthusiasm and systematic approach of Catholic theologian-psychologists to the issue at stake and the existence of minimum of official support in the Church for these endeavors, even at the time of the hey-days of anti-modernism in the Catholic circles. These are eventually the useful hints for all religious traditions perplexed with similar dilemmas.

The Sana county was identified as an administrative unit by sources from the end of the 12th century and the beginning of the 13th century, and the amount of information about this county increased over time. In the second half of the thirteenth century, the political situation in Sana county can be traced more precisely, and thus the administration over the area can be determined. The Güssing family were the first to take on this role, and since the 1280s, the Babonić family took over the administration of this county. The župani (prefects) who managed the comitatum de Zana are known, they are members of the lower nobility of this area, but little is known about the everyday lives of the ordinary people. The administrative structure in this area followed the old church division. There was a similar principle at work in Sana county, which was divided into 22 church parishes and was a part of the archdeaconate of Dubica within the diocese of Zagreb. In the period between 1280 and 1308, documents drawn up before the Ragusa and Zagreb notaries provide evidence of the life of a disenfranchised and non-liberated population from Sana county. Sana county recorded 18 slave sales during that period, two slavery release agreements, and one escape.

Monumentalna romanička bazilika sv. Krševana u Zadru trobrodne je podjele od čega je začelje južnoga broda bilo namijenjeno kultu akvilejskoga mučenika sv. Krševana. Tome u prilog govori arhitektonska forma začelja: dvoetažnost i promišljena osvijetljenost samog prostora. Tako je pod razinom svetišta koje je sezalo do drugoga para stupova oblikovana omanja kripta s podužim i užim pristupnim hodnikom do prostorije u kojoj se sve do početka 20. st. nalazila konfesija s ranokršćanskim sarkofagom. Sarkofag je bio vidljiv preko otvora probijenog posred pregradnog zida konfesije te je za pretpostaviti da je imao određenu vezu s kultom akvilejskog mučenika, zadarskog sveca zaštitnika. Povrh konfesije, u dijelu svetišta južnog bočnog broda, nalazio se svečev oltar. Apostolski vizitator Valier svjedoči da se tijelo sveca nalazilo u sklopu oltara, a to potvrđuje i Priuli koji navodi drvenu škrinju, mramorni sarkofag u kojem je smješteno tijelo te kamen-relikviju ex-contactu na kojem je svetac pogubljen. U crkvi se tijekom ranog novog vijeka nalazila i škrinja s narativnim prizorima iz svečeva života. Cijeli je ambijent, odnosno kapela podignuta po južnom boku glavne apside posvećena sv. Krševanu bila osvjetljena jednim manjim prozorom u apsidi i dvama jednostavnim monoforama na južnom brodu čime se i arhitektonski naglašava važnost prostora.

The aim of this scientific paper is an understanding and an explanation of the place and the role of the Catholic Church in Austrian society but also in the Austrian political system for which say that is secular. After the introductory part which indicates on the opposition of the Catholic Church according to communism and liberalism in the past and which underlines the so-called Catholic third way actually the way of Christian Democracy, the first part of the scientific paper describes in detail the basic elements that led to the creation of Christian Democracy, among which is primarily the continuous Political Catholicism from which grew up the so-called Catholic Corporatism, and then follows the second part of the scientific paper which explains the implementation of such Political Catholicism in the Austrian political system through a formation of the so-called Social Partnership which forms the fondation of the Austrian political system and which is in fact the successor of Catholic Corporatism. Key words: Political Catholicism, Catholic Corporatism, Austrian People`s Party, Social Partnership, Christian Democracy.

Activities of John Mitchel, the Irish patriot, are traced in the article. Special attention is paid to his attitude toward slavery, his understanding of the role and significance of the “peculiar institution” in the U. S. political system. Author comes to the conclusion that the Irish patriot was in fact highly consistent in his outlook with regard to this problem. He supported slavery, denounced abolitionists, advocated the re-opening of the African slave trade, was explicitly racist in his reasoning. He championed the South in the American Civil War. Mitchel himself seems not to have seen any contradiction in defending freedom for the Irish nation and standing for slavery in America. Nowadays supporters of the “Black Lives Matter” movement view Mitchel, first of all, as a human rights violator.

In this paper article we will present the rebellion of Nikolai Berdyaev against ”ut- most objectivization of human essence” under ”extreme ideals of communism and anarchism”. This rebellion, in the philosophy and theosophy of Nikolai Berdyaev will be enveloped with the analysis of his version of christian personalism rooted in his understanding of personality, spirit, freedom, love and creativity, and their intercon- nectivity in the works Freedom and the Spirit. Apology of Christianity (1928), and Human slavery and Freedom.Essay on personalistic philosophy (1939). With fenomenological and hermeneutic method we will place a special focus on a seamingly paradoxal position of the autor himself between heresy and apology of the Orthodox Church. Philosophy of Nikolai Berdyayev will be placed between hellenism, christian personalism and western philosophy. This article seeks the answer on the following: What is hereti- cal in the teachings of Berdyayev apart his theachings of Ungrund? Can heresy of Berdyayev be found apart the mentioned teaching? And, finaly through relations of personality and history we will see the constant modernity of Berdyayev’s thought.

U radu se polazi od Isusove objave Boga kao Trojstva iz čega proizlazi i određenje Crkve kao Crkve Trojstva, osobito istaknuto na Drugome vatikanskom koncilu. Taj trinitarni aspekt prepoznaje Koncil u utemeljenju Crkve, u njezinu poslanju i u ikoničnosti, a trebao bi se odražavati u njezinu nutarnjem životu. Stoga se ovdje u promišljanju zakonitosti unutarnjeg života Crkve, osobito njezina zajedništva, polazi od kontemplacije Božjeg bića i iskustva njegova života. Takav pristup nužno otvara potrebu ponovnog povezivanja ekleziologije i trinitarne dogme. Iz trinitarne dogme, konkretno iz konstituiranja jedinstva božanskog Trojstva, povlači se poveznica s jedinstvom Crkve i sagledavaju se putovi ostvarenja uređenih i soteriološki usmjerenih unutarcrkvenih odnosa, konkretno specifičnog jedinstva svih članova Crkve, te jedinstva različitih službi i karizmi u Crkvi.

Sukob čovjekove savjesti s pozitivnim zakonom star je koliko i ljudska povijest. Iako u svojoj izvornoj formi priziv savjesti osobu ostavlja suprotstavljenu pravnom uređenju sve do žrtvovanja vlastitih dobara i vlastitog života, suvremene rasprave o prizivu savjesti niču iz pravnog konteksta. U današnjim se razvijenim društvima o prizivu savjesti raspravlja kao o pravnom fenomenu koji traži svoje opravdanje i utemeljenje, a pravna znanost raspravlja o granicama njegove dopustivosti, nudi definicije i klasifikacije, sve kako bi se našla ravnoteža između slobode pojedinaca i zaštite općeg dobra. Pitanje koje se postavlja jest pitanje granica, a ne opravdanosti prava na priziv savjesti. U radu se problematizira o pravu na priziv savjesti u crkvenom uređenju i u hrvatskom pravnom kontekstu, imajući na umu činjenicu da otpor pravnoj normi kod priziva savjesti proizlazi iz moralnog suda koji je najčešće utemeljen na religijskim uvjerenjima. U društvenom kontekstu u kojemu se znatna većina građana izjašnjava vjernicima, koji je iznikao iz kršćanskog svjetonazora i koji ima međunarodnim ugovorima uređene pravne odnose od zajedničkog interesa Crkve i države, valjalo bi povesti računa o tome te je i ovaj rad jedan od priloga javnoj raspravi na tu temu.

A painting of the Virgin and Child, signed as “OPVUS P. PETRI”, from the former Fareham Collection (today at the Courtauld Institute of Art), has been known in the scholarly literature for a long time but has only been subject to tangential analyses. These studies attempted to attribute it to painters meeting relatively dubious criteria: that their name was Peter (Petar) and that they could be linked to the painting circle of Squarcione or, more specifically, to that of Carlo Crivelli with whose early works, especially the Virgin and Child (the Huldschinsky Madonna) at the Fine Arts Gallery in San Diego, the Courtauld painting shares obvious connections. Roberto Longhi ascribed it to the Paduan painter Pietro Calzetta in 1926, while Franz Drey, in 1929, considered it to be the work of Pietro Alemanno, Crivelli’s disciple, who worked in the Marche region during the last quarter of the fifteenth century. After the Second World War, the Courtauld painting was almost completely ignored by the experts. The only serious judgement was that expressed by Pietro Zampetti, who established that it was an almost exact copy of Crivelli’s Huldschinsky Madonna, meaning that if Calzetti had painted it, he would have done it while Carlo was still in the Veneto, before he went to Zadar.The search for information which can shed more light on the attribution of the Virgin and Child from the Courtauld is aided by the valuable records in the Fondazione Federico Zeri at the Università di Bologna. The holdings of the Fototeca Zeri include three different photographs of the Courtauld painting with brief but useful accompanying notes. Of particular importance is the intriguing inscription on the back of one of the photographs, which points to the painting’s Dalmatian origin. In a certain way, this opens the possibility that it might be linked to another painter who was close to the Crivelli brothers: the Zadar priest and painter Petar Jordanić. That he may have been the one who painted it is indicated by the signature itself, which could be read as “OPVUS P(RESBITERI) PETRI”.Archival records about Petar Jordanić provide almost no information about his work as a painter. Apart from his signature of 1493 on a no-longer extant polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar, the only record of his artistic activities is one piece of information: that in 1500 he took part in a delegation which was sent from Zadar to its hinterland charged with the task of making drawings of the terrain which could be used to help defend the town against the Ottoman Turks. However, more than thirty documents which mention him do paint a picture of his life’s journey and his connection with Zadar. The most important basis for any consideration of a possible connection between Petar Jordanić and Carlo Crivelli can be found in the will of his father Marko Jordanov Nozdronja (in late 1468) where Petar was named as the executor, meaning that at this point he was of age. Therefore, it can be concluded that he was born between 1446 and 1448. This makes him old enough to have been taught by Carlo during his stay in Zadar from c. 1460 to 1466. Although relatively modest, the oeuvre of Petar Jordanić demonstrates striking connections with the paintings of Carlo and Vittore Crivelli, and Ivo Petricioli has already put forward a hypothesis that he may have been taught by one of the brothers.The comparison between the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art in London and the known works of Petar Jordanić (the Virgin and Child from a private collection in Vienna; the Virgin and Child from the Parish Church at Tkon; fragments of a painted ceiling from Zadar Cathedral; the lost polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar) reveals a multitude of similar features. Apart from the general resemblance in the physiognomies of the Virgin and Christ Child which represent the most conspicuous analogies, a number of very specific “Morellian” elements can also be noted in the manner in which the faces were painted. These similarities are particularly apparent when one compares the head of the Christ Child on the painting from London and his head on the one from Tkon, which are almost identically depicted. Further similarities between the London painting and the one at Vienna can be seen in the way in which landscapes were painted and in the similar decorations of the gold fabrics in the backgrounds with their undulating scrolls and sharp almond-shaped leaves.However, with regard to visual characteristics, it is apparent at first sight that the quality of the London painting is markedly higher and that it is stylistically more advanced than those works which are attributed with certainty to Jordanić. These differences can be explained by the possibility that this was a more or less direct copy of one of Carlo Crivelli’s painting, probably not the Huldschinsky Madonna but one that was very similar to it and subsequently lost.Naturally, if the London painting is attributed to Petar Jordanić, meaning that it was produced in Zadar, then the argument on the basis of which the Huldschinsky Madonna has been dated to the time before Crivelli’s arrival in Zadar becomes a counter-argument, and, in that way, corroborates the possibility that the Huldschinsky Madonna, which shares a large number of similar elements with the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art, was created while Carlo was in Zadar.

In this paper, the phonological features of the Miscellany from Berčić Collection No. 5 (15th century) and the Fatević Miscellany of spiritual texts (1617) are analysed and mutually compared. In addition, the situation in both miscellanies is compared with the results of previous research of the phonological features of Croatian liturgical glagolitic texts and with the situation in other non-liturgical miscellanies. The analysis shows that mixing of the Church Slavonic and Croatian (Chakavian) elements is attested at the phonological level in both miscellanies, with Croatian (Chakavian) features being more frequent in both miscellanies, particularly in the younger Fatević’s Miscellany. The Ikavian-Ekavian reflex of jat with the prevalence of Ikavian examples and the change ę > a after ļ, which is preceded by the change of the root consonant cluster kl > kļ, provides a reliable indication that both miscellanies could have been written in the Zadar region, i.e. in the southern middle-Chakavian region.

The ‘Send back the money’ controversy between the Free Church of Scotland and zealous abolitionists was one of the most important events in nineteenth century Scottish religious history. The Revd Isaac Nelson of Belfast is best remembered for his anti-revivalism and his advocacy of Irish nationalism. What has often been forgotten is the centrality of antislavery to the making of Nelson's controversial reputation, even though he was held in high esteem by abolitionists on both sides of the Atlantic. Accordingly, this article examines his opposition to the Free Church's receipt of monies from and extension of christian fellowship to the slaveholding churches in the United States. It highlights his critique of leading ecclesiastical statesmen, including Thomas Chalmers, William Cunningham and Robert S. Candlish. The essay also considers the sophisticated intellectual critique of chattel slavery that under-girded Nelson's opposition to the policy of the Free Kirk, as well as his evaluation of the nature of proslavery religion in America. By means of a biographical case study of an interesting outsider, this article seeks to provide a lens through which one of the most tragic incidents in Scotland's ecclesiastical past can be freshly examined.

To eliminate racist prejudices, it is necessary to identify the root cause(s) of racism. American slavery preceded racism, and it was closely associated with genocide. Accordingly, we seek the unique cause of the unique event of genocide + slavery. This was initially justified by religious prejudice, rather than colour prejudice. This religious justification was weakened when many Blacks converted to Christianity, after the trans-Atlantic slave trade. The curse of Kam, using quick visual cues to characterize Blacks as inferior Christians, was inadequate. Hence, the church fell back on an ancient trick of using false history as secular justification for Christian superiority. This trick had resulted in a false history of science during the Crusades when scientific knowledge in translated Arabic texts was indiscriminately attributed to the early Greeks, without evidence. This false history enabled belief in religious superiority to mutate into a secular belief in White superiority. After colonialism, and the Aryan race conjecture, the belief in White superiority further mutated into a belief in Western civilizational superiority, openly propagated today by colonial education. Hence, to eliminate racist prejudice, it is necessary to engage simultaneously with the allied prejudices about Christian/White/Western superiority, based on the same false history of science.

Abstract This is a Political Economy study on migrants-citizens relations management in the United States of America, with special attention to the religious factor and the pendulum effect. There is a model switch, from integration policies (open doors and melting pot agenda, with expropriation of charity by Public Sector) to official persecution (state-raids and deportations, with re-privatization of charity), under a high social opportunity cost. Also, there is a split between the State and civil society (including the church), causing civil disobedience and sanctuary network across the country. The paper focuses on the development of the Sanctuary Movement, as a case of popular action against to the power elite policies and their sanctions. There was a revival of this movement during the values crisis or 2008 recession, but at the same time there was a critical division into the movement, with higher tension for the migrants.

The first part of the paper is about the challenges that modern natural sciences, the theory of evolution and their increasingly numerous technological ecstasies pose before religion, about the attempts of religion to recognise them, make itself aware of their meaning and to respond to them, which is shown here on the example of the Catholic Church. The rest of the paper develops a discourse about the process of opening and the effort of entering the dialogue on the part of the Catholic Church with natural sciences and the theory of evolution, as well as about its official positions released from the mid-20th century, or from the papacy of Pius XII, till this day. At the same time, this period saw the rise of religious theistic evolutionism, recognised as one of the most appropriate forms of bringing religion closer to natural sciences and the theory of evolution, as well as a certain compromise between them, which this paper also tries to make transparent.

According to his biographer, Karel van Mander, the Netherlandish painter Jan van Scorel spent a brief period studying with Albrecht Dürer before setting of for Carinthia, where he was warmly received by the local nobility. Historians have long been aware of the commissions from this period of van Scorel’s career – the Adoration of the Magi and the Frangipani-Altar. Originally a triptych, the latter work was “modernized” and, in 1692, encased in a Baroque altar housing in the church of St. Martin in the Carinthian village of Obervellach. The coats of arms on the reverse of the Holy Kinship indicate that the painting was commissioned by Count Christopher Frankapan and his wife Apollonia Lang of Wellenburg. However, over time, art historians have assumed that the Holy Kinship portrays members of the Lang family, leading to the conclusion that the work was commissioned by Apollonia’s brother, Matthäus Lang von Wellenburg, Cardinal and Prince-Archbishop of Salzburg. However, the backdrop against which the family members are portrayed, featuring the town, new fortress, and castle on the hill, corresponds to Modruš with Tržan-grad, owned at the time by the Frankapan family.

ABSTRACT: Rev. Moses Broyles (1826–1882) ranks as a leading figure in Indiana's African American religious, political, racial, educational, and legal history. Born a slave in Maryland, he was sold as a child to John Broyles of Paducah, Kentucky, from whom he purchased his freedom in 1854. Thence he moved to Lancaster, Indiana, where he enrolled at the Eleutherian Institute. In 1857, he relocated to Indianapolis and joined the Second Baptist Church. Recognizing his oratorical skills and spiritual leadership, its members soon called Broyles as their pastor. As a bi-vocational minister, Rev. Broyles also taught at a private school for African American children and helped integrate Indianapolis High School. He was a fierce opponent of slavery who demanded equal rights and privileges for African Americans as U.S. citizens. Later, he served as a statewide leader in the Republican Party of Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses S. Grant even as he challenged Indiana's anti-Black laws.

Povijest hrvatske latinične grafije je iznimno bogata i istraživačima pruža brojne zanimljivosti, mada je dosad bilo objavljeno veoma malo djela o toj temi. Prvi takav pokušaj je bio Maretićeva povijest latiničke grafije (Maretić 1889). Svakako treba istaknuti rad Milana Moguša i Josipa Vončine (Moguš–vončina 1969) koji je u mnogočemu ispravio Maretićeve pogrešne tvrdnje. Također u posljednje vrijeme je bilo objelodanjeno nekoliko radova o povijesti latiničke grafije u Hrvata (Kapetanovič 2005, Farkaš–Ćurak 2016, Farkaš 2019). Kad se govori o istraživanju hrvatske latinice, nikako ne smijemo zaboraviti doprinos Lászla Hadrovicsa. On je bio jedini koji se usredotočio na detaljniji prikaz dvojnog razvoja latinice u Hrvata od samih početaka. U ovom ćemo radu ići njegovim tragovima, budući da je cilj našega rada predstavljanje dvojne tradicije hrvatske latinice i onog kulturnopovijesnog konteksta koji je okarakterizirao razvoj hrvatske grafije.U razvoju latinice crkva je imala najvažniju ulogu. Crkva je bila i središte pismenosti u srednjem vijeku. Iz toga slijedi da izgovor određenih latinskih glasova je utjecao na razvoj grafije pojedinih nacionalnih jezika. U slučaju hrvatskog jezika sve to je još posebnije, budući da na južnom dijelu Hrvatske nalazimo jak talijanski i mletački utjecaj, a na sjevernom je dijelu, što naime poklapa s Zagrebačkom biskupijom, očit jak mađarski utjecaj. Južna je tradicija pratila talijanski način izgovora latinskih glasova, što je utjecalo i na razvoj latiničke grafije. S druge strane nalazimo mađarski način izgovora lat. /s/, tj. [ʃ], [ʒ] na sjevernom području. Ova dva sustava su stoljećima karakterizirali hrvatsku latiničnu grafiju, međutim od kraja XVI. stoljeća je bilo više pokušaja za primjenu mješovitog sustava, a jedino je bilo to uspješno u slavonskoj grafiji XVIII. stoljeća.The history of the Croatian Latin-script orthography is remarkably rich and contains several interesting facts for the researchers; however, only a handful of writings have been published in this matter. The first work written in the topic is Maretić’s history of orthography (Maretić 1889). It is also important to mention the study by Milan Moguš and Josip Vončina (Moguš–vončina 1969), in which they corrected several false statements written by Maretić. Recently, a few more papers on orthographic history have been published (Kapetanovič 2005, Farkaš–Ćurak 2016, Farkaš 2019); nevertheless, it is necessary to point out the work by László Hadrovics, the only researcher in the subject who paid great attention to the dual tradition of the Latin-script orthography in the Croatian language. Following the steps of Hadrovics, the main goal of this paper is to present which cultural historical reasons determined the development of the dual tradition of the Croatian Latin-script orthography as well as to introduce the use of graphemes in detail.The church played an important role in the development of the Latin script. During the Middle Ages, the church counted as the centre of the literacy, thus it is obvious that the ecclesiastical Latin pronunciation defined the evolution of the individual national languages’ orthographies. From this point of view, the Croatian is a special case, as in the Middle Ages, the Southern Croatian areas were strongly affected by the Italian, more precisely by the Venetian language, while in the northern areas, overlapping the Archdiocese of Zagreb, a strong Hungarian impact can be observed. The southern orthographic tradition follows the Italian pronunciation, i.e. the spelling is also based on the current Italian orthography. Nevertheless, in the northern areas, the Latin /s/ phoneme is pronounced in a Hungarian way, as [ʃ] or [ʒ]. The two orthographic systems were in use side by side over the centuries; nonetheless, since the end of the 16th century, there were several attempts to create a “mixed” system, which was successfully carried out only in the 18th-century Slavonian orthography.

The present paper is the first instalment of a series focused on establishing some archaeometric characteristics of the modern finishings (mortars, fresco and layers of whitewash) of the Church of the Holy Archangels from Cic�u, Alba County, Romania, in order to assess the shape, with the structural-functional integrity and architectural and artistic aspect of the monument for the last historical context, between 1710 and 1790. This period is the most extensive and less known of the church�s stages of transformation: 11th�12th century (unknown), 15th century (known) and 18th century (partially known), which was very tumultuous from the socio-economic and political point of view. Thus, in the following pages we present the resulting archaeometric characteristics of optical microscopy (OM), scanning electron microscopes in combination with energy-dispersive X-Ray spectrometry (SEM-EDX) and thermal derivatography (TG/DTA/DTG) analyses of two pigments from the exonarthex fresco (made in 1781) and the later eight layers of whitewash applied over it, which allowed assessing the periods with marked changes in the architecture and polychrome finishings.

This Year 2021 Marks The Centenary Of The Death Of The Theologian Benjamin B.Warfield. He Was A Son Of The Southern Presbyterian Church. John Meeter Summarizes Warfield’s Life As Follows: Benjamin Breckinridge Warfield Was Born Into A Godly Presbyterian Home At “Grasmere,” Near Lexington, Kentucky, November 5th, 1851. When Only Nineteen Years Of Age He Was Graduated From What Is Now Princeton University, With The Highest Honor Of His Class. After Two Years Of Further Study And Travel Abroad He Entered Princeton Seminary, Graduating In The Class Of 1876. In 1878 He Was Appointed Instructor, And In 1879 Installed As Professor Of New Testament Exegesis And Literature At Western Theological Seminary, Allegheny. In 1887 He Received And Accepted, The Appointment To The Charles Hodge Chair Of Didactic And Polemic Theology At Princeton Seminary; And For Thirty-three Years, From 1887 To The Time Of His Death In 1921, He Served Princeton Seminary And The Presbyterian Church U. S. A. In The Chair Made Famous By The Alexander-Hodge Succession. KEYWORDS:

Svrha je ovoga članka promišljanje o pentekostalnom načinu razumijevanja zajedništva svetih, slijedom kritičkog bavljenja eklezijalnom vizijom dvojice svjetskih pentekostalnih teologa iz postkomunističkih zemalja: Petra Kuzmiča i Miroslava Volfa. Članak se sastoji od tri dijela: u prvom je dijelu predstavljen kratak povijesni i teološki pregled doktrine communio sanctorum, sa svrhom uspostavljanja primjerenog konteksta za daljnja razmatranja te jasnog ukazivanja na korisnost razmišljanja o ovoj važnoj ekleziološkoj temi. Drugi dio donosi pregled dokumenta „Perspektive Koinoniae“ (Završno izvješće s Treće petogodišnjice pentekostalno-rimokatoličkog dijaloga), usredotočujući se na prvi krug razgovora (Riano, Italija, 1985.) koji su se odvijali na temu razumijevanja pojma communio sanctorum. U trećem dijelu, autor predstavlja i komentira dokument Kuzmiča i Volfa „Teologija Crkve kao zajedništva osoba“, koji predstavlja jedan od najranijih pokušaja artikuliranja pentekostalne ekleziologije temeljem poimanja communio sanctorum. Autor na kraju pokazuje kako ova ekleziološka vizija pomaže pri oblikovanju pentekostalne teologije javnoga društvenog života.

The paper analyses statues of Mary the Victorious (Maria victrix, Santa Maria de Victoria, Marija Zmagovalka, Maria vom Siege, Gyözedelmes Immaculata) in the fortified cities at the south-eastern frontier of the Habsburg Monarchy, highlighting some previously unidentified examples of this iconographic type in Petrovaradin and Alba Iulia. These cities were part of a comprehensive fortification system conceived by Eugene of Savoy following Habsburg victories over the Ottomans under his leadership. The paper examines comparative graphic, painterly, and sculptural works that may have influenced the authors of these sculptures. Notably, two altarpieces by Carlo Maratta (1625–1713), executed in the 1660s for the Franciscan church of S. Isidoro Agricola in Rome and the church of S. Agostino in Siena, emerge as highly influential in this context, with numerous artworks modelled upon them. The iconographic type of Mary the Victorious depicts the joint triumph of the Virgin Mary and her Child over Evil, with Christ piercing the personification of evil at their feet with a cross-shaped spear. This paper associates this specific iconographic choice with the origin of these artworks near the Habsburg-Ottoman frontier, interpreting it as an expression of Catholic and Habsburg triumphal rhetoric and propaganda. Some examples suggest probable Jesuit influence, as they were among the primary promoters of this iconographic type. In Osijek, a city of exceptional strategic importance on the south-eastern Habsburg-Ottoman frontier, the iconographic type of Mary the Victorious is represented by two examples. The earlier, more elaborate one, tentatively dated to the 1730s, originally adorned the city gate of Osijek’s fortress Tvrđa. In 1784, together with three other statues, it was placed on the outer perimeter of the Holy Trinity monument in the centre of Tvrđa. The second Osijek example is located in the Lower Town and dated by an inscription to 1757, when it was erected as a votive statue against the plague. Two public statues of Mary the Victorious are located in Petrovaradin, the second most important fortress on the south-eastern frontier of the Habsburg Monarchy. Unlike those from Osijek, the Petrovaradin statues are not free-standing, but inserted into the façade niches of public buildings in the suburbs of the Petrovaradin fortress. The polychromous wooden statue on the building of the Šajkaš Battalion stands out for its quality, with stylistic features pointing to the early decades of the 18th century. The second statue is located in the niche of the nearby Bridge Toll Office building. It is argued that the Jesuits or the Franciscans may have selected this iconographic type, as they were the key promoters of Mary the Victorious. The statues were probably commissioned to commemorate Mary’s role in the Christian victory over the Ottomans near Petrovaradin in 1716, as their locations suggest. Mary’s role as the saintly protector against the plague, which struck the area in 1738, should also be considered. In Alba Iulia, which was the easternmost point of Eugene’s chain of fortified cities, Mary the Victorious is the central statue on the side altar in the cathedral of St Michael, constructed around 1754. In conclusion, the paper presents two examples of sculptural and painterly depictions of Mary the Victorious in the wider frontier area (Požega, Valpovo), commissioned by the Jesuits or members of the Habsburg elite, since due to specific political circumstances, they emerge as key patrons of significant artworks in this region.

Se analizan las características metodológicas e ideológicas de las primeras historias publicadas en España, Francia, Reino Unido y Alemania, centradas en la ciudad de Dido y Aníbal. El periodo cubierto por la historiografía «cartaginesa» que se va a tomar en consideración aquí va desde principios del siglo XVIII hasta el periodo de entreguerras del siglo XX y está compuesta por las obras los siguientes diez autores: Ch. Rollin, P. Rodríguez Campomanes, A. H. L. Heeren, A. Dureau de la Malle, R. Bosworth Smith, A. Church, E. Babelon, O. Meltzer, U. Kahrstedt y S. Gsell. A partir de este último autor, las «historias de Cartago» alcanzaron un elevado estándar metodológico que, con ciertas reservas, se puede considerar actual. Pero el perfeccionamiento metodológico alcanzado por estas obras positivistas camufló una importante carga ideológica y política, que ha lastrado la investigación de la siguiente centuria.

Recent conservation and restoration work on the icon of the Virgin and Child which stood on the altar in the Church of St. Nicholas at Prijeko in Dubrovnik has enabled a new interpretation of this paining. The icon, painted on a panel made of poplar wood, features a centrally-placed Virgin holding the Child in her arms painted on a gold background between the two smaller figures of St. Peter and St. John the Baptist. The figures are painted in the manner of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Dubrovnik style, and represent a later intervention which significantly changed the original appearance and composition of the older icon by adding the two saints and touching up the Virgin’s clothes with Renaissance ornaments, all of which was performed by the well-known Dubrovnik painter Nikola Božidarević. It can be assumed that the icon originally featured a standing or seated Virgin and Child. The Virgin is depicted with her head slightly lowered and pointing to the Christ Child whom she is holding on her right side. The chubby boy is not seated on his mother’s lap but is reclining on his right side and leaningforward while his face is turned towards the spectator. He is dressed in a red sleeveless tunic with a simple neck-line which is embroidered with gold thread. The Child is leaning himself on the Virgin’s right hand which is holding him. He is firmly grasping her thumb with one hand and her index finger with the other in a very intimate nursing gesture while she, true to the Hodegitria scheme, is pointing at him with her left hand, which is raised to the level of her breasts. Such an almost-realistic depiction of Christ as a small child with tiny eyes, mouth and nose, drastically departs from the model which portrays him with the mature face of an adult, as was customary in icon painting. The Virgin is wearing a luxurious gold cloak which was repainted with large Renaissance-style flowers. Her head is covered with a traditional maphorion which forms a wide ring around it and is encircled by a nimbus which was bored into thegold background. Her skin tone is pink and lit diffusely, and was painted with almost no green shadows, which is typical of Byzantine painting. The Virgin’s face is striking and markedly oval. It is characterized by a silhouetted, long, thin nose which is connected to the eyebrows. The ridge of the nose is emphasized with a double edge and gently lit whilethe almond-shaped eyes with dark circles are set below the inky arches of the eyebrows. The Virgin’s cheeks are smooth and rosy while her lips are red. The plasticity of her round chin is emphasized by a crease below the lower lip and its shadow. The Virgin’s eyes, nose and mouth are outlined with a thick red line. Her hands are light pink in colour and haveelongated fingers and pronounced, round muscles on the wrists. The fingers are separated and the nails are outlined with precision. The deep, resounding hues of the colour red and the gilding, together with the pale pink skin tone of her face, create an impression of monumentality. The type of the reclining Christ Child has been identified in Byzantine iconography as the Anapeson. Its theological background lies in the emphasis of Christ’s dual nature: although the Christ Child is asleep, the Christ as God is always keeping watch over humans. The image was inspired by a phrase from Genesis 49: 9 about a sleeping lion to whom Christ is compared: the lion sleeps with his eyes open. The Anapeson is drowsy and awake at the same time, and therefore his eyes are not completely shut. Such a paradox is a theological anticipation of his “sleep” in the tomb and represents an allegory of his death and Resurrection. The position, gesture and clothes of the Anapeson in Byzantine art are not always the same. Most frequently, the ChristChild is not depicted lying in his mother’s arms but on an oval bed or pillow, resting his head on his hand, while the Virgin is kneeling by his side. Therefore, the Anapeson from Dubrovnik is unique thanks to the conspicuously humanized relationship between the figures which is particularly evident in Christ’s explicitly intimate gesture of grasping the fingers of his mother’s hand: his right hand is literally “inserting” itself in the space between the Virgin’s thumb and index finger. At the same time, the baring of his arms provided the painter with an opportunity to depict the pale tones of a child’s tender skin. The problem of the iconography of the Anapeson in the medieval painting at Dubrovnik is further complicated by a painting which was greatly venerated in Župa Dubrovačka as Santa Maria del Breno. It has not been preserved but an illustration of it was published in Gumppenberg’sfamous Atlas Marianus which shows the Virgin seated on a high-backed throne and holding the sleeping and reclining Child. The position of this Anapeson Christ does not correspond fully to the icon from the Church of St. Nicholas because the Child is lying on its back and his naked body is covered with the swaddling fabric. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko claims a special place in the corpus of Romanesque icons on the Adriatic through its monumentality and intimate character. The details of the striking and lively Virgin’s face, dominated by the pronounced and gently curved Cimabuesque nose joined to the shallow arches of her eyebrows, link her with the Benedictine Virgin at Zadar. Furthermore, based on the manner of painting characterized by the use of intense red for the shadows in the nose and eye area, together with the characteristic shape of the elongated, narrow eyes, this Virgin and Child should be brought into connection with the painter who is known as the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. The so-called Benedictine Virgin is an icon, now at the Benedictine Convent at Zadar, which depicts the Virgin seated on a throne with a red, ceremonial, imperial cushion, in a solemn scheme of the Kyriotissa, the heavenly queen holding the Christ Child on her lap. The throne is wooden and has a round back topped with wooden finials which can also be seen in the Byzantine Kahn Virgin and the Mellon Madonna, as well as in later Veneto-Cretan painting. The throne is set under a shallow ciborium arch which is rendered in relief and supportedby twisted colonettes and so the painting itself is sunk into the surface of the panel. A very similar scheme with a triumphal arch can be seen on Byzantine ivory diptychs with shallow ciborium arches and twisted colonettes. In its composition, the icon from Prijeko is a combination ofthe Kyr i ot i ss a and the Hodegitria, because the Virgin as the heavenly queen does not hold the Christ Child frontally before her but on her right-hand side while pointing at him as the road to salvation. He is seated on his mother’s arm and is supporting himself by pressing his crossed legsagainst her thigh which symbolizes his future Passion. He is wearing a formal classical costume with a red cloak over his shoulder. He is depicted in half profile which opens up the frontal view of the red clavus on his navy blue chiton.He is blessing with the two fingers of his right hand and at the same time reaching for the unusual flower rendered in pastiglia which the Virgin is raising in her left hand and offering to him. At the same time, she is holding the lower part of Christ’s body tightly with her right hand.Various scholars have dated the icon of the Benedictine Virgin to the early fourteenth century. While Gothic features are particularly evident in the costumes of the donors, the elements such as the modelling of the throne and the presence of the ceremonial cushion belong to the Byzantine style of the thirteenth century. The back of the icon of the Benedictine Virgin features the figure of St. Peter set within a border consisting of a lively and colourful vegetal scroll which could be understood as either Romanesque or Byzantine. However, St. Peter’s identifying titulus is written in Latin while that of the Virgin is in Greek. The figure of St. Peter was painted according to the Byzantine tradition: his striking and severe face is rendered linearly in a rigid composition, which is complemented by his classical contrapposto against a green-gray parapet wall, while the background is of dark green-blue colour. Equally Byzantine is themanner of depicting the drapery with flat, shallow folds filled with white lines at the bottom of the garment while, at the same time, the curved undulating hem of the cloak which falls down St. Peter’s right side is Gothic. The overall appearance of St. Peter is perhaps even more Byzantine than that of the Virgin. Such elements, together with the typically Byzantine costumes, speak clearly of a skilful artist who uses hybrid visual language consisting of Byzantine painting and elements of the Romanesque and Gothic. Of particular interest are the wide nimbuses surrounding the heads of the Virgin and Child (St. Peter has a flat one) which are rendered in relief and filled with a neat sequence of shallow blind archesexecuted in the pastiglia technique which, according to M. Frinta, originated in Cyprus. The Venetian and Byzantine elements of the Benedictine Virgin have already been pointed out in the scholarship. Apart from importing art works and artists such as painters and mosaic makers directly from Byzantium into Venice, what was the extent and nature of the Byzantineinfluence on Venetian artistic achievements in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries? We know that the art of Venice and the West alike were affected by the Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople in 1204, and by the newly founded Latin Empire which lasted until 1261.The Venetians played a particularly significant political and administrative role in this Empire and the contemporary hybrid artistic style of the eastern Mediterranean, called Crusader Art and marked by the strong involvement of the Knights Templar, must have been disseminated through the established routes. In addition to Cyprus, Apulia and Sicily which served as stops for the artists and art works en route to Venice and Tuscany, another station must have been Dalmatia where eastern and western influences intermingled and complemented each other.However, it is interesting that the icon of the Benedictine Virgin, apart from negligible variations, imitates almost completely the iconographic scheme of the Madonna di Ripalta at Cerignola on the Italian side of the Adriatic, which has been dated to the early thirteenth century and whose provenance has been sought in the area between southern Italy (Campania) and Cyprus. Far more Byzantine is another Apulian icon, that of a fourteenth-century enthroned Virgin from the basilica of St. Nicholas at Bari with which the Benedictine Virgin from Zadar shares certain features such as the composition and posture of the figures, the depictionof donors and Christ’s costume. A similar scheme, which indicates a common source, can be seen on a series of icons of the enthroned Virgin from Tuscany. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko is very important for local Romanesque painting of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century because it expands the oeuvre of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. Anicon which is now at Toronto, in the University of Toronto Art Centre Malcove Collection, has also been attributed to this master. This small two-sided icon which might have been a diptych panel, as can be judged from its typology, depicts the Virgin with the Anapeson in the upper register while below is the scene from the martyrdom of St. Lawrence. The Virgin is flanked by the figures of saints: to the left is the figure of St. Francis while the saint on the right-hand side has been lost due to damage sustained to the icon. The busts of SS Peter and Paul are at the top.The physiognomies of the Virgin and Child correspond to those of the Benedictine Virgin and the Prijeko icon. The Anapeson, unlike the one at Dubrovnik, is wrapped in a rich, red cloak decorated with lumeggiature, which covers his entire body except the left fist and shin. On the basis of the upper register of this icon, it can be concluded that the Master of the Benedictine Virgin is equally adept at applying the repertoire and style of Byzantine and Western painting alike; the lower register of the icon with its descriptive depiction of the martyrdom of St.Lawrence is completely Byzantine in that it portrays the Roman emperor attending the saint’s torture as a crowned Byzantine ruler. Such unquestionable stylistic ambivalence – the presence of the elements from both Byzantine and Italian painting – can also be seen on the icons of theBenedictine and Prijeko Virgin and they point to a painter who works in a “combined style.” Perhaps he should be sought among the artists who are mentioned as pictores greci in Dubrovnik, Kotor and Zadar. The links between Dalmatian icons and Apulia and Tuscany have already been noted, but the analysis of these paintings should also contain the hitherto ignored segment of Sicilian and eastern Mediterranean Byzantinism, including Cyprus as the centre of Crusader Art. The question of the provenance of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin remains open although the icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko points to the possibility that he may have been active in Dalmatia.However, stylistic expressions of the two icons from Zadar and Dubrovnik, together with the one which is today at Toronto, clearly demonstrate the coalescing of cults and forms which arrived to the Adriatic shores fromfurther afield, well beyond the Adriatic, and which were influenced by the significant, hitherto unrecognized, role of the eastern Mediterranean.

Banda Islands had a particular landmark in the traffic of world trade history. These islands are recognized as green gold and became one of the main sources of colonial profit. At the peak of the nutmeg trade, the Dutch colonial government built massive perkens (nutmeg plantations). The development of these perkens had scratched a typical history line in Indonesia’s history of economy and colonialism. It created a new economic zone but also laid a dark markdown on the practice of slavery and the workforce on the island. Another consequence was creating a new hybrid social and cultural identity in Banda. This article examines the development of Banda as a new economic zone, the mobilization of workers, and its working system in the nutmeg economy during the colonial period. It argues that the use of exiles and convicts in the nutmeg economy was a colonial strategy to escape to a newly legal ordonnance that abolished the practice of slavery in the perkens. Kepulauan Banda memiliki landmark tertentu dalam lalu lintas sejarah perdagangan dunia. Pulau-pulau ini diakui sebagai emas hijau dan menjadi salah satu sumber utama keuntungan kolonial. Pada puncak perdagangan pala, pemerintah kolonial Belanda membangun perken (perkebunan pala) besar-besaran. Perkembangan perken ini telah menggores garis sejarah yang khas dalam sejarah ekonomi dan kolonialisme Indonesia. Ini menciptakan zona ekonomi baru tetapi juga memberikan penurunan harga gelap pada praktik perbudakan dan tenaga kerja di pulau itu. Konsekuensi lain adalah menciptakan identitas sosial dan budaya hibrida baru di Banda. Artikel ini mengkaji perkembangan Banda sebagai kawasan ekonomi baru, mobilisasi tenaga kerja, dan sistem kerjanya dalam perekonomian pala pada masa kolonial. Ia berpendapat bahwa penggunaan orang buangan dan narapidana dalam ekonomi pala adalah strategi kolonial untuk melarikan diri ke ordonansi hukum baru yang menghapuskan praktik perbudakan di perken. Cite this article: Barjiyah, U., Margana, S.(2022). Exiled and Convict: Workers and Working System in the Nutmeg Economy in Banda, 1850-1860. Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 32(2), 171-179. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v32i2.32982

The inscription by the portrait of Jovan Oliver, the founder, in the main church of monastery Lesnovo, contains the earliest data on high Byzantine court dignities he held. The founder is portrayed invested as a sebastokrator, the inscription is written over an older one which it partially repeats and gives the information on the two Byzantine titles of Jovan Oliver: in the first part of the inscription there is reference on his title of sebastokrator ?in Serbs?, while in the second part he is mentioned with the title of despotes ?of all Serbian and maritime regions and ucestnik (sc. particeps) of Greeks?. In the inscription both of the dignities are connected with the king Stefan Dusan. The analysis of the data of the founder?s inscription, when put into the context of the civil war that lasted in Byzantium from 1341 to 1347, enables the conclusions on the exact Byzantine origin of his titles and approximate chronology of his investment. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177032: Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu

Religion has become a major extra-scientific interest of contemporary natural scientists. The topic permeates the discourse of some of the best known names in comtemporary science, including R. Dawkins, J. Lennox, F. Collins, and S. Gould. These scientists’ attitudes towards religion range from the view that science and religion are mutually exclusive and in conflict through the view that they are discrete fields without overlap to the view that they have to respect each other, engage in dialogue, and cooperate. One may discern in these approaches a number of discursive types: conflictual, integrative, dialogical, pluriperspectival, and discrete. These discourses unfold within the horizons of the epistemological constellations of evolutionism, creationism, intelligent design, and BioLogos. This paper has two main parts. The first part includes a treatment of key issues for understanding the relationship of science to religion: the question of evolutionism and, consequently, the theory of evolution, its scientific status, and its reception by theistic scientists; the attempt to establish a universal natural scientific epistemology and responses to it; and questions of the stochatic nature of the creation of the world and the origin of life. The second part includes consideration of the issue of theistic evolutionism and its major characteristics, followed by an exposition of the views of Christianity or more precisely of the Catholic Church regarding the theory of evolution and an investigation of certain echoes of its theistic reception.

Small arms delivering chemical or biological payloads have been developed by a number of states in the modern era. As the war in Vietnam was intensifying in the mid-1960s, the U. S. Army became aware of one such weapon system being developed by MBAssociates of San Ramon, California. This could silently and covertly deliver non-lethal tranquilisers to military guard dogs or lethal toxins to enemy personnel by projecting a tiny, dartlike ‘Javette’—capable of striking a target unnoticed. The Army’s Special Operations Division, Army Biological Warfare Laboratories, and the CIA subsequently acquired the new weapon, operationalising it by treating Javettes with deadly toxins such as saxitoxin. When, in 1969–1970, President Richard Nixon renounced the United States’ use of toxins and ordered stockpiles destroyed, the MBAssociates weapon was catapulted into the limelight through the actions of an unscrupulous CIA employee. This article traces the full arc of Javette development, from the predecessor experiments conducted by Robert Mainhardt and his colleagues beginning in 1960, through the Senate hearings conducted by the Church Committee in 1975, to Mainhardt’s final attempts to generate government sales in the 1990s. The author focuses on the little-known Javette projectiles themselves, but also addresses delivery devices (handguns), toxins, and the broader historical context.

The author presents reasons in support of Ukrainian (Volhynian) origin of the translation of the Quran into Polish, written in Arabic script in the Tafsir created by Lithuanian Tatars and known in extant manuscript copies of the 17th-20th centuries, written in the Belarusian lands of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The translation was made into the local regional variant of the Polish written language (polszczyzna kresowa), which is full of East Slavic linguistic features. This makes it possible to use the textually most stable (lexical and derivational) linguistic markers of the translation to determine the place of its origin: the adverb č i m a l o (‘quite a lot’) can be considered a Ukrainian-Belarusian common feature (originated in Ukraine), while the adjective r a n’ u s e n’ k y i (‘very early’) and the noun v i r š o v n y k (‘poet’) are actually Ukrainian. This indicates the emergence of the handwritten Polish translation of the Quran within the Tatar communities of Ukraine, from where it spread further north to Belarusian lands. The historical context allows us to link this Muslim translation with Ostroh as the oldest and largest Tatar centre of Volhynia and approximately date it to the turn of the 16th/17th centuries: between the publication of the Old Church Slavonic Ostroh Bible (1581) and the end of the active phase of the local Ostroh Academy (1608).

«Sluzhebnaya chertezhnaya kniga» is well known to researchers, but not all of its parts have been equally studied. The article is devoted to the analysis of the plans of 15 settlements of the Tobolsk uezd, placed in this unique source under the heading «These are examples of the described settlements». Assessing the artistic performance of the drawings, the author comes to the conclusion that they were not made by S. U. Remezov. It is suggested that they are based on the materials of descriptions of the buildings, the areas for trade, the bridges and ferries, compiled by the 1703 decree. The author considers the information potential of the plans for the reconstruction of the layout of the 17th century Ural settlements, as well as the spatial strategies of their inhabitants. The drawings correlate with the budget list of 1701/1702 and the 1683 census book of the Tobolsk uezd, which confirm the accuracy of the information of the plans. A comparative analysis of the placement on the plans of such objects of the cultural landscape as a fortress, administrative buildings, a church, a chapel, grain storages, residential courtyards, roads and bridges is carried out. The generally accepted compositional solutions and situational deviations from them during the development of settlements are revealed. It is concluded that the considered plans not only visualize the available information about the structure of Russian settlements in the Urals in the 17th – early 18th centuries, but also complement it. In particular, this applies to the placement of the churches and the chapels.

In the context of the worldview understanding of philosophy as a non-stop spiritual struggle, the development of personally rooted existential philosophizing and defending the superiority of cultures of spiritual freedom, the author offers an original, a universally centered, complete philosophical theory of personality, according to which «human is a personality not by nature, but by spirit», which only «but can contain universal content, be a potential universe in an individually unique form, constitutes «the existential center of the world» and embraces the universum as its own trait-quality. At the same time, personality is not a givenness, but a task, an ideal of development, a way of a person’s self-construction, that is, an exception, not a rule, not a substance, but a creative act, and therefore activity, living existentialization, «effort and struggle, mastering oneself and the world, victory over slavery, liberation.» Therefore, the person cherishes themselves and «carries out their destiny, finding a source of strength in a being that exceeds them,» and affirming through original creative actions themselves as a subject among subjects on the basis of ancestral and hereditary material available from nature and the environment. Hence, in fact, the thinker’s m a x i m appears: «personality is independence from nature, independence from society and the state,» it is an «absolute existential center» rooted in the internal (extra-deterministic) plan of existence – in the impeccable sphere of freedom and the secret and unlimited spiritual light – and containing a «sensual predisposition to suffering and joy.» In any case, «the human personality is the apex value,» therefore «the victory of the spiritual center means not the subordination of human to the universum, but the disclosure of the universum in the personality,» its constant, free from any causation and source-pure, transcendence, a way out of closed subjectivity into unexplored existential dimensions of transsubjectivity and movement-progress along the paths of existential communications and, finally, volitional walking on the road of true self-fulfillment. In general, «the unity of personality is created by the spirit,» its strengthening and self-expansion marks «the victory of the spirit over nature, freedom over necessity,» and then «the s p i r i t forms the personality, its integrity, which includes both the body and the face of human.» So «personality is not a naturalistic, but an ethical and spiritual c a t e g o r y.» This means that it is «independent of the material world, which is the material for the work of the spirit,» and is «a universum that is filled with an all-encompassing content and, most importantly, is the nodal point of intersection of the two worlds, where there is a struggle between spirit and nature, freedom and necessity, independence and dependence.» In other words, personality is universal and at the same time specific: «space, humanity, society are in it, and not vice versa.» And God, as the talented thinker convinces, is a personality when exists as an existential encounter with human, as transcendence, that is, as its going beyond the limits, seemingly paradoxical combination of the personal and the superpersonal, the finite and the infinite, the existing and the changing, freedom and fate. It is noteworthy that «a personality from their own depth creates their c o n s c i o u s n e s s as a strengthening, as a boundary that prevents the mixing and dissolution of «I» and «not I,» nature and spirit, earthly and Divine, individual and personality.» In addition, «the freedom of personality is the obligation to fulfill the vocation, the realization of God’s idea of a person, the answer to God’s call.» That is why the quintessence of the personality lies in the freedom of the spirit, the existential expansion of creative spiritual energy combined with conscious vocation, true austerity as a spiritual skill and as a heroic inner deed, and active resistance to the power of the world, objectivity. And here the idea of the god-like nature of human and the humanoid nature of God, who himself is a creation, a person, is crucial. Whereas at the level of a person, the personality in it awakens as an existential center-fire, overflowing with various affects and feelings – love and hatred, suffering and joy, horror, longing and delight, ecstasy. In addition, the person, standing in front of the abyss of nothingness and realizing itself activistically and actionably precisely as a soulful personality, performs transcendence, experiencing horror as a borderline state of standing before eternity. Moreover, the way out of the personality to the fullness of eternity implies death, catastrophe, a leap through the abyss,» therefore it is natural that it «is formed through a collision with evil inside and around itself,» appears in the existential design of the three actualization rhythms of consciousness – master, slave and free, where the latter, functioning in itself and for itself, has a free way out from itself to the other and to all. At the same time objectivity is the source of slavery, and «objectification is always a statement of domination that counteracts the dignity of personality» and «the enslavement of another is also a yoking of oneself.» Besides «there is an eternal tendency to tyranny» – either large (on the paths of history) or small (in the family, institution, etc.); and jealousy is «a manifestation of despotism in a suffering form.» Man tyrannizes himself by false consciousness of guilt, fears, complexes, envy, selfishness. «A tyrant is the creation of the masses who fear him,» and his «will for power is insatiable.» Moreover, «psychological violence is often more destructive than physical abuse, where hatred is the energy of death,» and l o v e, sadly, «enslaves no less than hatred»; there is still violence by the press and most of all by the power of money. Violence is resorted to through powerlessness, where its ultimate manifestation «in relation to another person finds expression in his murder.» In return, f o r c e, of course, not in the ordinary sense, but in the existential sense, «is the transformation, enlightenment, resurrection of another.» It is noteworthy that «slavery is waiting for man from all sides,» and the true explanation for this is: «man is a slave because freedom is heavy, and slavery is light»; in addition, «the highest values in the world are weaker than the lowest, and when the former crucify, the latter triumph.» Unfortunately, the truth is perished in the world, although the true power is inside as in God’s truth of life realization of the highest value – the human personality, who, showing creative activity and the power of a free spirit, lives in existential time, at every moment fills subjectivity with universal content, consciously commits the most essential «kingdom of pure existence» and assumes full responsibility for personal existence.

Expatriation research keeps to grow as a field of control inquiry, with worldwide enjoy being a growing consciousness of interest as a key contributor to the aggressive benefit of humans and agencies (Kraimer et al., Citation2016; Suutari et al., Citation2018). Expatriation is usually considered as a way comprising three levels: pre-expatriation, expatriation, and repatriation (Cerdin & Pargneux, Citation2009). Pre-expatriation typically makes a speciality of an individual’s motivations for a global undertaking and preparations for it. The expatriation level engages with reviews of residing and running overseas, and repatriation covers the go back to the house u. S. These transitions require expatriates to undertake profound cognitive, mental, and behavioural changes to successfully modify to their new environments (Bhaskar-Shrinivas et al., Citation2005), as a result making global adjustment the focus of expatriation and repatriation research (Andersen, Citation2021). Many theories were brought through pass-cultural researchers together with Torsion (Citation1982, Citation1994), Kim (Citation1988), Lofquist and Dawis (Citation1984), Berry (Citation1992, Citation1997), Gull horn and Gull horn (Citation1963), Taft (Citation1977) and Ward, (Citation1996) to take a look at fashionable worldwide adjustment. However, their theories have no longer been widely followed in control-targeted research. Instead, the expatriation and repatriation adjustment fashions superior by means of the use of Black, Stephens, Mendenhall, Gregersen, and Oddou have grown to be the maximum fantastically stated theoretical frameworks in the literature on expatriation and repatriation (Dabic et al., Citation2015; Chiang et al., Citation2018; Knocke & Schuster, Citation2017). Black and his colleagues conceptualise international adjustment as every multifaceted (artwork and state-of-the-art adjustments together with interactions with host-united states nationals) and time related (anticipatory and in-united states of america modifications) (Black & Stephens, Citation1989; Black et al., Citation1992). Based on the integration of uncertainty reduction principle and cross cultural theories (Black, Citation1988; Church, Citation1982; Torbiörn, Citation1982), Black et al’s expatriation (Black et al., Citation1991) and repatriation (Black et al., Citation1992) adjustment models advocate that expatriates can lessen the strain on account of the unknowns of residing and running abroad thru formulating expectations and getting prepared themselves hence. The more correct their expectations, the much more likely they may be capable of cope with the worrying conditions of expatriation, for that reason helping their mental nicely-being (Black & Gregersen, Citation1991; Black et al., Citation1991). Since the guide of Black et al’s model(s), students have stated their adjustment model(s) more than 3,000 instances in step with Google Scholar as of November 2023. This immoderate amount of citations serves to exemplify the iconic effect of the version(s), which have been finished in the course of pretty some geographical settings (Bhaskar-Shrinivas et al., Citation2005; Hechanova et al., Citation2003). Although several conceptual articles have emphasised the strengths of the version(s), others have highlighted their boundaries (Haslberger et al., Citation2013; Hippler et al., Citation2014; Lazar ova & Thomas, Citation2012), important to requires the development of new and opportunity techniques to the exam of global adjustment (Dabic et al., Citation2015; Takeuchi, Citation2010).

Parish records are an important historical source for demographers and historians. They contain various data of importance for researchers: records of births, marriages, and deaths, then dates, names, surnames, occupations, diseases, etc. The paper analyses the archival material through the preserved parish records of the temples of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Toplica area. Individual birth, marriage, and death records, are part of the Collection of Registers of the Historical Archive of Toplica in Prokuplje. Based on various data they contain, this original documentary material is suitable for research not only in this area, but also for wider demographic conditions, since the newly liberated parts of Serbia had been deserted since 1878 and inhabited by people from various parts of the Serbian ethnic area.

Spanish conquest in the New World has two sides, evangelization, and colonization. The former was carried by the missionaries who were heavily influenced by Bartolome de Las Casa and Vitoria, while the latter by conquistadores, the defenders of the conquest. Early missionaries fought for the dignity of the Indios where they clashed with the motives of the conquistadores to exploit human resources. The problematic part was they have to work under the Spanish crown where their point of contact was also their area for friction. When they arrived in the Philippines, that social solidarity and dynamics of social relation continued where it became complex due to the involvement of various groups including the natives and their leaders, the religious orders, and most of all the Spanish Royal Court that had the history of having a heart for the Indians. King Philip II created a space for debates within his agenda of social conscience. Using Durkheim’s structuralist-functionalist approach, historical narratives about early missionaries’ struggles for natives’ dignity in the 16th century Philippines were examined. Durkheim’s social solidarity, dynamics of social relations, and his concepts of anomie as disruptions due to dramatic changes and conflicts were utilized as tools to analyze the quest for total well-being. The achievement of sustainable development goals (SDGs) is authenticated in amplifying the value of human dignity, equality, and respect for each individual. With this, the 500 years of Christianity in the Philippines is worth the celebration.ReferencesAbella, G. (1971) From Indio to Filipino and some historical works. Philippine Historical Review. (Vol. 4).Arcilla, J. S. S.J. (1998). The Spanish conquest. Kasaysayan: The story of the Filipino people. (Vol. 3). C & C Offset Printing Co., Ltd.Bernal, R. 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Ключові слова: релігійні свята, Уманська округа, місцева преса, радянська влада, 1923–1925 роки, антирелігійна політика. Анотація У статті розглядається офіційне ставлення партійних, державних, громадських структур в Уманській окрузі до релігійних свят у 1923–1925 рр. Проаналізовані відповідні матеріали вміщені на сторінках газети «Робітниче-селянська правда» – органу Уманського окружного комітету КП(б)У і окрвиконкому Уманщини. Зроблено висновок, що в Уманській окрузі, як і загалом в радянській Україні у той період, відносно більш толерантне офіційне ставлення до релігії поєднувалося із подальшим насадженням нетерпимості до неї. Це досить виразно виявлялося в неприйнятті релігійних свят та всього пов’язаного з ними і вело до руйнації традиційних духовно-культурних цінностей тих релігійних конфесій, які були представлені у цьому регіоні. Посилання «Seider», 1923 – «Seider» y «Tainaia vecheria» ["Seider" and "The Last Supper"] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 22 bereznia. № 63. S. 2. Pidpys: F. N. [in Ukrainian]. Antyrelihiina propahanda, 1923 – Antyrelihiina propahanda v s. Tanskomu [Anti-religious propaganda in the village of Tanske] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 11 kvitnia. № 78. S. 3 Pidpys: V. B. [in Ukrainian]. Antyrelihiina propahanda, 1924 – Antyrelihiina propahanda v s. Taliankakh [Anti-religious propaganda in the village of Talianki] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 16 sichnia. № 9. S. 2. Pidpys: M. [in Ukrainian]. Babenko, 2010 – Babenko L. Osoblyvosti antyrelihiinoi propahandy 1920-kh rokiv ta yii alternatyvy [Features of anti-religious propaganda of the 1920s and its alternatives] // Filosofski obrii. 2010. № 24. S. 222–235. URL: http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/bitstream/handle/123456789/25951/18-Babenko.pdf?sequence=1 [in Ukrainian]. Baidachenko, 1925 – Baidachenko H. Proty Peruna y Khrysta – elektryka y radio [Against Perun and Christ – electricity and radio] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1925. 31 hrudnia. № 298. S. 3 [in Ukrainian]. Bezbozhnyk, 1923 – Relihiina dyskusiia v s. Nesterivtsi [Religious discussion in the village of Nesterivka] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 29 kvitnia. № 94. S. 2. Pidpys: Bezbozhnyk [in Ukrainian]. Bliau, 1923 – Bliau D. Blahochestyvыe masloboishchyky [Pious chippers] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 16 travnia. № 107. S. 4 [in Russian]. Bondarchuk, 1925 – Relihiinyi durman ta babski zabobony [Religious dope and women superstitions] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1925. 5 liutoho. № 28. S. 2. Pidpys: Bondarchuk [in Ukrainian]. Borotba komnezamu, 1923 – Borotba komnezamu s. Kniazhykiv z relihiinymy zabobonamy [The struggle of the komnezam of the village of Knyazhyky with religious prejudices] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 29 kvitnia. № 94. S. 2. Pidpys: B. [in Ukrainian]. Brusianin, 1925 – Brusianin V. Komu potribni relihiini sviata? [Who needs religious holidays?] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1925. 12 kvitnia. № 83. S. 1 [in Ukrainian]. Vecher antyrelyhyoznoi propahandы, 1923 – Vecher antyrelyhyoznoi propahandы v teatre «Kommuna» [An evening of anti-religious propaganda at the Kommuna theater] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 11 kvitnia. № 78. S. 3. Pidpys: D. [in Russian]. Vecher v klube, 1923 – Vecher v klube polyhrafystov [Evening at the club of printers] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 4 kvitnia. № 74. S. 2. Pidpys: D. [in Russian]. Vidhadai, 1923 – Bez boha khlib matymesh, a z bohom torbu chipliatymesh [Without God you will have bread, and with God you will cling to a bag] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 15 veresnia. № 209. S. 3. Pidpys: Selkor Vidhadai [in Ukrainian]. Vitrynska, 2016 – Vitrynska O. V. Polityka radianskoi vlady shchodo yudaizmu v Ukraini v 1921–1929 rokakh. [The policy of the Soviet government towards Judaism in Ukraine in 1921–1929] Dys… kand. ist. nauk. Poltava, 2016. 254 s. URL: https://shron1.chtyvo.org.ua/Vitrynska_Olena/Polityka_radianskoi_vlady_schodo_iudaizmu_v_Ukraini_v_1921–1929_rokakh.pdf [in Ukrainian]. Volska, 1925 – Ne derzhit uchniv vdoma v relihiini sviata [Do not keep students at home on religious holidays] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1925. 19 hrudnia. № 290. S. 3. Pidpys: Selkorka Volska [in Ukrainian]. Haievska, 2013 – Haievska T. Derzhavni radianski sviata: istoryko-kulturolohichnyi aspekt [State Soviet holidays: historical and cultural aspect] // Kulturolohichna dumka. 2013. № 6. S. 153–159. URL: http://nbuv.gov.ua/UJRN/ Kultdum_2013_6_21 [in Ukrainian]. Demennyi, 1923 – Shkola s. Kamianechoho boretsia z relihiinymy zabobonamy [School in the village of Kameneche struggles religious prejudices] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 14 kvitnia. № 81. S. 2. Pidpys: Demennyi [in Ukrainian]. Didus, 1923 – Antyrelihiina propahanda na paskhalni sviata v s. Hromakh [Anti-religious propaganda on Easter holidays in the village of Gromy] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 4 kvitnia. № 74. S. 2. Pidpys Didus [in Ukrainian]. Yev. Hen, 1924 – Shcho take sviato rizdva? [What is a Christmas holiday?] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 25 hrudnia. № 225. S. 2. Pidpys: Yev. Hen [in Ukrainian]. Zakrepym pobedu, 1923 – Zakrepym pobedu [Let's consolidate the victory] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 4 kvitnia. № 74. S. 1 [in Russian]. K antyrelyhyoznoi propahande, 1923 – K antyrelyhyoznoi propahande v paskhalnыe dny [To anti-religious propaganda on Easter days] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 24 bereznia. № 65. S. 1 [in Russian]. K Komsomolskoi paskhe, 1923 – K Komsomolskoi paskhe [For Komsomolskaya Easter] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 29 bereznia. № 69. S. 3 [in Russian]. Kak obmanыvaiut, 1923 – Kak obmanыvaiut Yehovu [How Jehovah is Deceived] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 1 kvitnia. № 72. S. 2 [in Russian]. Kyrydon, 2017 – Kyrydon A. M. Indoktrynatsiia radianskosti: obriadovo-sviatkovyi kanon yak marker formuvannia ateizovanoho suspilstva (1920–1930-i rr.) [The indoctrination of Sovietness: a ceremonial-festive canon as a marker of the formation of an atheistic society (1920s–1930s)] // Umanska starovyna. 2017. Vypusk 3. S. 5–20. URL: http://www.irbis-nbuv.gov.ua/cgi-bin/irbis_nbuv/cgiirbis_64.exe?I21DBN=LINK&P21DBN=UJRN&Z21ID=&S21REF=10&S21CNR=20&S21STN=1&S21FMT=ASP_meta&C21COM=S&2_S21P03=FILA=&2_S21STR=umanst_2017_3_3 [in Ukrainian]. Labenskyi, 1924 – S. Kniazhyky [The village of Knyazhiki] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 6 serpnia. № 107. S. 3. Pidpys: Labenskyi [in Ukrainian]. Litstudiia, 1925 – Litstudiia «Pluhu» pry Umanskim Ahrotekhnikumi [Litstudio "Plow" at Uman Agricultural College] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1925. 15 kvitnia. № 85. S. 2. Pidpys: P. K. [in Ukrainian]. Makukha, 1923 – Borotba z relihiinymy zabobonamy v s. Pidvysokomu [Struggle against religious prejudices in the village of Pidvysoke] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 29 kvitnia. № 94. S. 2. Pidpys: Makukha [in Ukrainian]. Matukhno, 2017 – Matukhno Yu. O. Problema klasyfikatsii radianskykh sviat u pershe porevoliutsiine desiatylittia [The problem of classifying Soviet holidays in the first post-revolutionary decade] // Naukovi pratsi istorychnoho fakultetu Zaporizkoho natsionalnoho universytetu. 2017. Vyp. 48. S. 139–142. URL: http://www.irbis-nbuv.gov.ua/cgi-bin/irbis_nbuv/cgiirbis_64.exe?C21COM=2&I21DBN=UJRN&P21DBN=UJRN&IMAGE_FILE_DOWNLOAD=1&Image_file_name=PDF/Npifznu_2017_48_27.pdf Medsanrabotnyky, 1923 – Medrabotnyky ne otstaiut [Medical workers are not lagging behind] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 6 kvitnia. № 76. S. 2 [in Russian]. Na obshchem sobranyy, 1923 – Na obshchem sobranyy transportnykov y stroytelei [At a general meeting of transport workers and builders] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 31 bereznia. № 71. S. 3 [in Ukrainian]. Naiblyzhchi zavdannia, 1924 – Naiblyzhchi zavdannia raionnykh komisii po protyrelihiinii propahandi [Immediate tasks of district commissions for anti-religious propaganda] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 11 sichnia. № 7. S. 3 [in Ukrainian]. Novoselytskyi, 1923 – Novoselytskyi F. Stradaiushchye y voskresaiushchye bohy y yskuplenye ymy liudskykh hrekhov [Suffering and resurrecting gods and their atonement for human sins] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 20 bereznia. № 61. S. 2 [in Russian]. Paskhalnaia kampanyia, 1923 – Paskhalnaia kampanyia [Easter campaign] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 28 bereznia. № 68. S. 3 [in Russian]. Polytprosvet, 1923 – Prazdnyk Paskhy y paskhalnыe obriadы [Easter holiday and Easter ceremonies] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 20 bereznia. № 61. S. 2. Pidpys: Polytprosvet Ukoma KSM [in Russian]. Polishchuk, 2009 – Polishchuk V. Onoprii Turhan – zhurnalist i pysmennyk [Onopriy Turgan is a journalist and writer] URL: https://umanliteratura.ucoz.ua/news/v_polishhuk_onoprij_turgan_zhurnalist_i_pismennik/2010-12-20-256 [in Ukrainian]. Popova, 1925 – Popova O. Sviatkuimo ne bozhi sviata, a sviata pratsi y peremohy [Let us celebrate not God's holidays, but the holidays of work and victory] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1925. 12 kvitnia. № 83. S. 2 [in Ukrainian]. Proletshkola, 1923 – Proletshkola protyv boha [Proletarian school against god] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 28 bereznia. № 68. S. 2 [in Russian]. Rabkor, 1923 – Budem borotsia s relyhyei kak y s vooruzhennыm vrahom [We will fight religion like an armed enemy] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 3 kvitnia. № 73. S. 3. Pidpys: Rabkor K. [in Ukrainian]. Rabota ahytpropa, 1923 – Rabota ahytpropa v aprele [Agitprop work in April] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 9 travnia. № 101. S. 3 [in Russian]. Robitnyk, 1924 – Osvitu zhintsi na seli [Education for a woman in the countryside] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 8 liutoho. № 18. S. 3. Pidpys: Robitnyk [in Ukrainian]. Robitnyche zhyttia, 1924 – Robitnyche zhyttia [Working life] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 23 kvitnia. № 48. S. 3 [in Ukrainian]. Sylantiev, 2005 – Sylantiev V. I. Vlada i pravoslavna tserkva v Ukraini (1917–1930 rr.) [Authorities and the Orthodox Church in Ukraine (1917–1930)] Avtoref. dys… dokt. ist. nauk. Kharkiv, 2005. 46 s. [in Ukrainian]. Syrotiuk, 1924 – Zubrytskyi KNS ne porvav shche z relihiieiu [The Zubrytsia CРР has not yet broken with religion] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 5 sichnia. № 4. S. 2. Pidpys: Syrotiuk [in Ukrainian]. Sidorenko, 1923 – Sidorenko Z. Neobkhidna chystka komnezamu s. Pobiinoi [It is necessary to clean the komnezam of the village of Pobiyna] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 19 kvitnia. № 85. S. 2 [in Ukrainian]. Soloviov, 1924 – Soloviov D. Nebazhane yavyshche [An undesirable phenomenon] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 16 sichnia. № 9. S. 2 [in Ukrainian]. Tabel, 1924 – Tabel sviat i nerobochykh dniv. Oboviazkova postanova Kyivskoho hubvykonkomu № 49 vid 19 bereznia 1924 roku [Table of holidays and non-working days. Mandatory Resolution of the Kyiv Provincial Executive Committee № 49 of March 19, 1924] // Vistnyk Kyivskoho hubvykonkomu. 1924. 2 kvitnia. № 14. S. 2 [in Ukrainian]. Tarapon, 2016 – Tarapon O. Derzhavni sviata v Ukraini 1920–1930-kh rr. yak zasib formuvannia radianskykh politychnykh tsinnostei [Public holidays in Ukraine in the 1920s and 1930s as a means of forming Soviet political values] // Aktualni pytannia humanitarnykh nauk: mizhvuzivskyi zbirnyk naukovykh prats molodykh vchenykh Drohobytskoho derzhavnoho pedahohichnoho universytetu imeni Ivana Franka. Drohobych, 2016. Vyp. 15. S. 96–102. URL: http://nbuv.gov.ua/UJRN/apgnd_2016_15_13 [in Ukrainian]. Tolko 40 pyshchevykov, 1923 – Tolko 40 pyshchevykov ne odurachenы relyhyei [Only 40 food workers are not fooled by religion] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 31 bereznia. № 71. S. 3 [in Russian]. Turhan, 1924 – Turhan O. Proty staroho rizdva [Against old Christmas] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1924. 24 hrudnia. № 224. S. 2 [in Ukrainian]. Fiialko, 1923 – Fiialko S. Antyrelihiina propahanda v s. Ksendzivtsi [Anti-religious propaganda in the village of Ksendzivka] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 19 kvitnia. № 85. S. 2 [in Ukrainian]. Flerovskyi, 1923 – Flerovskyi Y. Stradaiushchyi, umershyi y voskresshyi... [Suffering, dead and resurrected...] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 6 kvitnia. № 76. S. 3 [in Russian]. Flierovskyi, 1925 – Flierovskyi I. Zvidky pishly tserkovni sviata [Where did the church holidays come from?] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1925. 10 kvitnia. № 81. S. 2 [in Ukrainian]. Tserkvy, 1923 – Tserkvy, kostelы, synahohy – pod klubы y teatrы [Churches, churches, synagogues - for clubs and theaters] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1923. 6 kvitnia. № 76. S. 2 [in Russian]. Chuchalin, 2019 – Chuchalin O. P. Vplyv ateistychnoi propahandy radianskoi presy na relihiinu sytuatsiiu v USRR u 1920–1930-ti rr. [The influence of atheistic propaganda of the Soviet press on the religious situation in the USSR in the 1920s and 1930s] // Hileia: naukovyi visnyk. 2019. Vypusk 142(1). S. 182–188. URL: http://www.irbis-nbuv.gov.ua/cgi- bin/irbis_nbuv/cgiirbis_64.exe?I21DBN=LINK&P21DBN=UJRN&Z21ID=&S21REF=10&S21CNR=20&S21STN=1&S21FMT=ASP_meta&C21COM=S&2_S21P03=FILA=&2_S21STR=gileya_2019_142(1)__39 [in Ukrainian]. Yunenko, 1925 – Yunenko S. Nash KNS [Our СPP] // Robitnyche-selianska pravda. 1925. 16 sichnia. № 9. S. 3 [in Ukrainian].

The article researches the essence and content of multicultural pedagogical paradigms common in the world practice. Thus, J. Benx's pedagogical model is understood as a continuous process that requires long-term investments of time and effort, as well as carefully planned actions and monitoring. L. Frazierer's pedagogical concept is aimed at the development of cultural diversity through the introduction of specially designed methodological materials into the educational practices and a special procedure of this material submission. U. Hunter offers multicultural education through the establishment of structural educational priorities, in which the emphasis is shifted towards cultural pluralism and the maintenance of the cultural heritage of disappearing ethnic groups. In the concept of B. Parekh, the content of pedagogical multicultural practices, first of all, is freedom in the study of other cultures, acquainting students with different models of historic knowledge through the use of the entire world cultural heritage. The content of multicultural education for K. Grant is the approval and popularization of an alternative lifestyle for all people on the basis of equality of education and ensuring the availability of knowledge of all cultural diversity. B. Sizemor under multicultural education understands the assimilation of knowledge about various groups and organizations that counteract the oppression and exploitation by studying the realities and ideas which result from their work. S. Nieto considers multicultural education as the pedagogical process aimed at counteracting all forms of discrimination, deepening of interpersonal contacts between pupils and students, spreading the principles of democracy and social justice in the pedagogical process.From the socio-philosophical standpoint, the analysis of the prospects of introducing elements of multicultural pedagogical models into the domestic educational space of the educational institutions as an instrument of tolerance of intercultural relations between Ukraine and Poland is conducted.The problem of the emergence of intercultural contradictions in the context of the existence of the historical memory of separate individuals and the nation as a source of conflict is considered. The priority directions of practical implementation of elements of multicultural pedagogy in the sphere of education, family, church, activity of cultural and educational centers, public associations, mass media with the aim of establishing intercultural dialogue and tolerance of relations between bearers of different cultural traditions are determined.

Simonas Daukantas’s Topography of St Petersburg S u m m a r y Simonas Daukantas spent 15 years (between 1834 and 1850) living in St Petersburg, where he worked as an assistant registrar at the Senate. This article highlights the exact addresses of where Daukantas lived and published books in St Petersburg. The address of the place where Daukantas lived in 1837 is published for the first time; the drawing of the building has been obtained, the landlord identified. Apparently, in 1837 Daukantas lived in the building owned by Marya Nelsen, the wife of chief (regiment) doctor Gavrila Nelsen, at the intersection of Kazanskaya street and Voznesensky prospect (or Voznesensky avenue; the exact address: Voznesensky Ave 15–17/Kazanskaya St 45). The article features the drawing of this building and contains information about its condition, which shows that in late 1830s and in 1840s the building was in an appalling state of repair. Marya Nelsen died in 1840, and the building was assigned to a care agency. Some of the tenants continued to live at the building for some time, only to move out later; apparently, Daukantas was among those who vacated this residence. More details are provided about Daukantas’s place of residence in 1842 (address: Malaya Masterskaya 9, the building near the Church of St Stanislaus), providing the drawing of the building and publishing pictures of how it looks today, revealing the characteristics of the building’s architecture, including those from the time when Daukantas lived there. The building next to St Stanislaus Church at Malaya Masterskaya 9 was built in 1841–1842. In one letter of 1842 Daukantas claimed his residency at this address, so we suggest that he might have moved in right after the completion of construction. The addresses of three printing houses where Daukantas published his books have been identified. On top of that, details of what the buildings looked like during Daukantas’s time there have been obtained. Christian Hintze’s printing house was located at Durygina’s house at Nevsky prospect 8. The building has survived to this date virtually intact. Ivanov’s lithograph based on Sadovnikov’s picture represents the view of the building in 1830s, the approximate time of Daukantas’s book publications at Hintze’s printing house. Later, the enterprise was acquired by Merkushev. The printing house of Karl Kray was located in the corner of Frost’s building at Malaya Morskaya 12/Gorokhovaya 9. Analysis of the archive drawings of the buildings has provided some insights into what the building’s appearance was during Daukantas’s time in St Petersburg. Before 1850, Gretsch’s house (current address: Moika 92; the building was demolished in early 1960s) was home to Eduard Pratz’s printing house. The blueprints of the building that were found in the archives shed a light on what the building looked like in 1840s and 1850s, when Daukantas would publish his books there. Gretsch’s own publishing house was in the same building. The archives contain blueprints of Gretsch’s house on Moika riverfront, showing the appearance of the building at the time of Daukantas’s printing his books there: the façade off Moika, the courtyard, and the plan of the building. Giedrius Subačius has noted that 1841–1845 were the years when Daukantas was the most consistent in his orthography. Βetter living conditions in the new building constructed in 1842 most probably had allowed Daukantas to improve the quality and efficiency of his work. It is also worth noting that the publishing houses were close to the places where Daukantas lived and worked. All these buildings are located in the Admiralteisky district of St Petersburg.

This story of the life paths of the teachers and students of the seminary is told on the trail of a photograph, that is, a tableau of the graduates of the Serbian Orthodox Theological-Teaching School in Prizren, in 1896. It is about their contribution to education, church, Christianity, theology, literature, ethnology, and science. Like other photographs created in studios throughout the Serbian cultural space, they are more than documents, they are an inexhaustible treasure for historians and other cultural workers. They visually remind us of our ancestors and tell us about a time that no longer exists, the time of nobility. Professors and graduates are dressed according to the European style of clothing, unusual for those occasions and that time, when professors had to wear a fez, so as not to be distinguished from citizens of other religions. The place and time of the photograph is the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire, Kosovo Vilayet, the 'Dark Vilayet'! An authentic 1896 photo from Prizren is a true rarity. There is no information on taking photos in the archival material of the Theological School, but one thing is certain, the photography was created in Prizren that year, but the name of the photographer is unknown. There are 27 people on the tableau, rector Ilarion (Ivan) Vesić, eight teachers, Trivun Dimitrijević, Kosta Lozanić, Mihailo S. Tasić, Milan Gajić, Sava Jakić, Danilo (Nedeljković), Vasilije Stojanović, Apostol Filipovic, and 18 graduates, Toma Burković, Ljubomir A. Bulatović Ibrijski, Milutin V. Vukić, Janićije (Naća) Živković, Janko Đorđević, Haralampije Ilić, Pantelija Mandić, Dusan Nekic, Milan Nikšić, Radivoje R. Orlović, Atanasije Petrović, Blagoje Petrović, Obrad Popović, Nikola Rožić, Mladen Stojanović, Petar Ćićarić, Vladimir Popović and Zdravko Tasić. This is the first generation of high school graduates who completed the six-year Serbian Orthodox Theological-Teaching School. The Council of the Theological School declared them capable of being teachers and they were issued with certificates of teacher training. When they finished their education, they were between 17 and 26 years old. Except for one student who continued his education at the Belgrade Theological School, all the others were appointed as teachers. Obviously, the need for trained teachers throughout Old Serbia was great that year. In further service, five students were ordained as priests, one teacher became a merchant. Only one former student finished the Spiritual Academy, and two continued their education after the Theological School. Of the 18 students, five were from Prizren, three from the surrounding area. For the first time, a student from Bosnia attended the Theological School. Four young men were from Macedonia, two from Montenegro, two from the Kingdom of Serbia, and one from Kosovo. Of the nine teachers, four had university degrees, two were monks, which was a requirement for the Theological School. In different years, they were able to make contact with the students and help them not only as teachers, but also as guardians, because it was a boarding school. The goal of the Theological School in Prizren was to educate and form an educated staff of teachers and priests, which it successfully realized. Teachers and priests in Old Serbia were, in addition to their vocation, a kind of national workers and cultural activists because the Theological School moulded them as patriots.

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