Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Single Secret Leader Election"

This letters have a purpose to know and analyze authority basic of Constitution Lawcourt of Republic of Indonesia to judging the dispute from the results of district leader and district proxy leader election, and then transferring background about the authority to judging the dispute from the Results of District Leader and District Proxy Leader Election from Appellate Court to Constitution Lawcourt of Republic of Indonesia. So, to analyze basic of Constitution Lawcourt consideration that dispute objects of results of district leader and district proxy leader election don’t have the quantitative character only based on calculation voice results, but the qualitative character too, namely breaking the rules to general election principles, with the character likes ahead, general, free, secret, then downright and fairly that’s to influence the results of district leader and district proxy leader election. Analyze the election law is used by Constitution Lawcourt of Republic of Indonesia to judging the dispute in Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No 24 Tahun 2003 about Constitution Lawcourt of Republic of Indonesia or Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No 12 Tahun 2008 about Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No 32 Tahun 2008 about District Governance, do not regulate punish the dispute event of district leader and district proxy leader election results.Result of letters indicate that massive and sistematic breaking is apart of the dispute from the results of district leader and district proxy leader election become legal consideration to sufficient the sense of public justice progressively cause from quantitative breaking aspect after candidate of district leader and district proxy leader has been elected based on recapitulation and calculation voice where their quantitative just with assessed breaking collision towards procedural and substantive justice both as siniquanom. Though attempt to accommodate overall of democracy aspects from sections and process district leader and district proxy leader election must be main essential to determine and set the results of recapitulation and calculation voice in district leader and district proxy leader election.As letters recommendation, needed regulation product ownself to regulate about mechanism of district leader and district proxy leader election where has been regulated in Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah for all this time, so that affirmation that the district leader and district proxy leader election into the general election become less be clear. By conducting the ownself regulation, hence mechanism of district leader and district proxy leader election will be more clear, especially to overcome and solution the dispute from the results of district leader and district proxy leader election.

The general elections to choose regional leaders in the province of Bali is mandated by Undang-undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2016 tentang Pilkada (Law Number 10 Year 2016 about local leader election). Pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah) or the local leader election based on the principle of democracy, they are “direct, general, free and secret, honest, and fair (langsung, umum, bebas dan rahasia, jujur dan adil or luberjurdil)” based on Pancasila and the 1945 constitution. Pilkada is the responsibility of the central government and local government so that the community can actively exercise their suffrage and obtain comprehensive information on the stages, profiles or figures, and capacity of Paslon (pasangan calon, the candidates). Selection of regional heads simultaneously in 2018 in the Province of Bali has been running safely, orderly, and successful so it is expected to produce a good Bali leader. This year the election is to choose the Governor and Vice Governor of Bali, the Bupati and Wakil Bupati (the head and vice head of the regency) in Gianyar Regency and Klungkung Regency.

This thesis discusses a comparative study of the presidential election system in Indonesia in Islamic law and law.This study aims: to find out the provisions of the presidential election in Islamic law, tofind out the provisions of the presidential election in Islamic law, to find out the provisions of the presidential election in Islamic law, to find ou the mechanism of the presidential election in Indonesia in Fiqh Siyasah. The type of research used is library research using a normative juridical approach. Data collection techniques in this study are data collection by means of searching, reading and recording activities from written works in the form of books or sources related to the discussion. The results of the research from this thesis that the presidential election system in Indonesia in the laws and Islamic law contained in Law No. 7 of 2017 explained that the presidential and vice presidential election system is a series with the general election of members of the people’s representative council which is held once every five years, the presidential andvice presidential election system is conducted in a direct, public, free, secret, honest and fair manner The election of the president obtains strong support from the people so that they are able to carry out the functions of state government power in the context of achieving national goals. It is also explained that general elections in Islam are contained in Q.S An-Nisa Verse 59, it is explained that Allah obliges Muslims to obey ulil amri from among them. Ulim amri is a leader and commands to obey a leader. So, this shows that the obligation to appoint a leader for Muslims is obligatory, even the basic principles used in general elections already exist and are recognized by Islam. In the rules of Islamic law, the election of a fair leader is the goal, while the general election of a fair leader is the goal, while the general election is wasilah. As for the mechanism of the presidential election system in Indonesia and Islamic law, boh use deliberation as a method to elect a president. If in Islam deliberation to elect a president. If in Islam deliberation to elect the President, in Indonesia the model of Presidential election by the DPR is replaced by direct election by the people. In Islam also when a. When the president is elected, all the people must make a promise.

In distributed systems, a single node (referred to as a leader) coordinates all other nodes to ensure synchronization. If this node fails, another node in the system must adopt the role of leader. The classic bully algorithm suffers from some significant drawbacks, such as excessive message passing, a redundant number of election calls, and uncertainties over message delivery. The enhanced bully algorithm is one of the most recent improvements of this algorithm. However, this algorithm performs poorly in average- and worst-case scenarios. In this paper, a novel waiting time-based algorithm is proposed to improve the enhanced bully algorithm for electing a new leader during such critical scenarios. In this algorithm, if a single or multiple number of nodes discover that the leader has failed, it does not broadcast instantly. Rather, it waits for a certain period, and this waiting time is assigned to the nodes according to their load. After the timeout, the node sends its message and starts the election process. Moreover, it restricts nodes from unnecessary message passing and stops any redundant election calls. Accordingly, this algorithm detects the failure of the leader node more precisely and elects a new leader more quickly.

While a stalemate in the predominantly Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka continues despite Indian intervention on the government's behalf, in the Sinhala South death squads associated with the pseudo People's Liberation Front, the JVP, have been ruthlessly eliminating its opponents. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), having created and nurtured popular racism for over thirty years in order to get into power (through a ready-made Sinhalese majority of 70 per cent of the population), * would now like to draw back from the brink of another crippling civil war, this time in the South. But they are unable to do so because the JVP has taken up the Sinhala cause and pushed it to the point of social fascism through assassination and murder. Popular racism based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoted in the schools and expressed in song, textbook and media served to fuel the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, in which thousands were killed at the hands of street mobs. Some of the most violently anti- Tamil propaganda (deriving inspiration from mythical Sinhalese history) has emanated from the present government. Colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese was justified on the pretext of protecting ancient Buddhist shrines. And it is an open secret that ministers hired their own hit squads in the 1983 pogrom. When, in a bid to end the unwinnable war with the Tamils, the UNP signed the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, allowing Indian troops to operate on Sri Lankan soil, it alienated the very Sinhala nationalists it had itself fostered. And it was the JVP which capitalised on the resentment over India's interference in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. Accusing the UNP government (and other supporters of the Accord) of treachery, it enlarged and deepened popular racism into fanatical patriotism. But what has given the JVP terror tactics a hold over the population has been the steady erosion of democratic freedoms, on the one hand, and the self-abasement of the Left, on the other. Both the SLFP and UNP governments have postponed elections to stay in power, but the UNP went further and got itself re-elected en bloc on a phoney referendum to postpone elections. Local elections were never held under the SLFP and whatever elections took place under the UNP have either been rigged and/or carried out under conditions of massive intimidation. In the process, the political literacy that the country once boasted has been lost to the people and, with it, their will to resist. At the same time the collaborationist politics of the Left in the SLFP government of 1970-77 have not only served to decimate its own chances at the polls (it obtained not a single seat in the election of 1977) but also to leave the working-class movement defenceless. So that it was a simple matter for the UNP government to crush the general strike of 1980, imprison its leaders and throw 80, 000 workers permanently out of work. And it has been left to the JVP to pretend to take up the socialist mantle of the Left even as it devotes itself to the racist cause of the Right, and so win the support of the Sinhala-Buddhist people. In the final analysis the choice before the country is that of two terrors: that of the state or that of the JVP. Below we publish an analysis of the situation as at October 1988, put out by the underground Campaign for Social Democracy in the run up to the presidential elections.

Prince Edward Island's 65th General Election was held 4 May 2015. The Prince Edward Island Liberal Party (Liberals) won 18 of the Island's 27 seats, capturing its third straight majority. The Progressive Conservative Party of Prince Edward Island (PCs) improved its standing to eight seats, once again forming the Official Opposition. The Green Party of Prince Edward Island (Greens) picked up a single seat - its party leader winning that party's first ever in a PEI election. The New Democratic Party of Prince Edward Island (NDP) did not win a seat, despite garnering slightly more votes island-wide than did the Greens. The surprise of the election may not have been the historic election of the leader of the Greens, but the fact that two candidates tied, resulting in a coin toss to determine the winner.

A leader is to be elected from n people using the following algorithm. Each person flips a coin. Those people who wind up with tails (which occurs with probability p, 0 < p < 1) move on to the next stage. Those with heads are eliminated. Let Hn denote the number of stages needed until there is a single winner. We analyze the moments and the probability distribution of Hn. In the symmetric model we have an unbiased coin with p = 1/2; in the asymmetric model p ≠ 1/2. We analyze these models asymptotically, for n → ∞, using a variety of analytical and numerical approaches. This leads to simple derivations of some existing results, as well as some new results for the asymmetric case. Our analysis makes some assumptions about the forms of various asymptotic expansions as well as their asymptotic matching.

Elections are indicators or benchmarks in a democratic country. The means of sovereignty are realized in the form of citizens' voting rights, a general election that is based on direct, general, free, secret, honest and fair purposes to elect leaders who will continue the previous leadership relay with the aim of continuing, managing government administration and serving all levels of society. Voters have a big role in Indonesia's leadership in the upcoming 2024 election. If the wrong leader is chosen, it can result in the destruction of the nation and state. The method used in this socialization activity is as follows: (1) the lecture method is used to explain material related to "the importance of being an intelligent voter in realizing quality and integrity elections in the 2024 election. (2) the discussion method is used to deepen the discussion material with questions and answers delivered to socialization participants. (3) the method of pre-test and post-test questions to determine the increase in participants' understanding before and after socialization. This socialization activity was located in the UBR 31 classroom, the government science study program, the faculty of social sciences and political science. The result of this socialization activity is that students as socialization participants are more aware of the importance of being smart voters to realize elections of quality and integrity in the 2024 elections.

The international community often calls for negotiations in civil wars. Yet, we have limited understanding of when and why specific rebels enter into negotiations. The emergence of a new leader in a rebel group can provide an opportunity for the state seeking to end war, but this is conditional on how leaders take power. Rebel leaders who come to power through a local selection process (such as an election) provide information to the state about the likely cohesion of the rebel group. This affects state perceptions of the viability of a rebel group as a bargaining partner in civil war negotiations. Using original data on rebel leaders in civil wars, we show that new leaders coming to power through a local selection process are more likely to get to the negotiating table than leaders coming to power in other ways. We find that the election of a rebel group leader has a particularly strong and positive effect on the chance of getting to the table. Rebel leaders that founded their own group or brought together disparate rebels to create a single group are less likely to get to the negotiating table. This article advances our understanding of conflict dynamics by offering a novel argument of rebel leader ascension and its impact on conflict bargaining and has critical implications for parties external to the conflict interested in conflict resolution. External actors seeking to facilitate lasting peace may benefit from observing patterns of rebel leadership.

Cette thèse explore trois problèmes fondamentaux en informatique distribuée. La première contribution porte sur les systèmes repartis responsables et reconfigurables qui détectent et répondent aux défaillances des composants. Un cadre pour l’implémentation de services répliqués responsables et reconfigurables, en tirant parti de l’abstraction de l’accord de treillis est présente. L’implémentation asynchrone garantit que toute violation de la cohérence est suivie par une preuve indéniable de mauvaise conduite, permettant une reconfiguration transparente du système. La deuxième contribution aborde l’ élection de leader dans des environnements partiellement synchrones. Le Tirage au Sort Homomorphe, le premier protocole SSLE pour les blockchains partiellement synchrones est introduite. En utilisant le Chiffrement Totalement Homomorphe à Seuil (ThFHE), ce protocole prend en charge diverses distributions d’enjeu et une exécution hors chaîne efficace, résolvant les problèmes d’instabilité du réseau. De plus, une abstraction de Permutation de Leader Secrète (SLP) pour assurer des leaders non répétitifs dans certaines blockchains, améliorant les performances et la terminaison du consensus est proposée. Enfin, la thèse explore la génération de nombres aléatoires dans les systèmes distribués, en se concentrant sur la primitive de la pièce commune. Reconnaissant son impossibilité dans des environnements asynchrones sujets aux pannes, deux versions assouplies sont introduites : la pièce commune approximative et la pièce commune de Monte Carlo. Ces abstractions fournissent des solutions efficaces et évolutives, tolérant jusqu’ à un tiers de processus byzantins sans nécessiter de setup de confiance ou d’infrastructure à clé publique. En appliquant notre protocole de pièce commune de Monte Carlo dans l’accord binaire byzantin, j’obtiens une complexité de communication améliorée, établissant une nouvelle référence. Toutes ces contributions font progresser la robustesse, l’efficacité et la fiabilité des systèmes repartis, en fournissant de nouvelles méthodes pour gérer la responsabilité, l’élection de leader et la génération de nombres aléatoires dans les systèmes sans synchronie
This thesis explores three fundamental problems in distributed computing. The first contribution focuses on accountable and reconfigurable distributed systems that detect and respond to component failures. A framework for implementing accountable and reconfigurable replicated services, leveraging the lattice agreement abstraction is presented. The asynchronous implementation ensures any consistency violation is followed by undeniable evidence of misbehavior, enabling seamless system reconfiguration. The second contribution addresses leader election in partially synchronous environments. Homomorphic Sortition, the first SSLE protocol for partially synchronous blockchains is introduced. Using Threshold Fully Homomorphic Encryption (ThFHE), this protocol supports diverse stake distributions and efficient off-chain execution, addressing network instability issues. Additionally, a Secret Leader Permutation (SLP) abstraction to ensure non-repeating leaders in certain blockchains, improving performance and consensus termination is proposed. Finally, the thesis explores randomness generation in distributed systems, focusing on the common coin primitive. Recognizing its impossibility in asynchronous, fault-prone environments, two relaxed versions are introduced: the approximate common coin and the Monte Carlo common coin. These abstractions provide efficient, scalable solutions tolerating up to one-third Byzantine processes without requiring trusted setup or public key infrastructure. Applying our Monte Carlo common coin protocol in binary Byzantine agreement achieves improved communication complexity, setting a new standard. All these contributions advance the robustness, efficiency, and reliability of distributed systems, providing new methods to handle accountability, leader election, and randomness generation in the lack of synchrony

Conservative plans for a coalition government, a snap General Election, Prime Ministers considering whether to resign after an electoral or referendum defeat, and the contemplation of both Labour and Conservative deals with the Liberals, SNP and Northern Ireland Unionist parties, are all aspects readily identifiable in British politics since 2010, and once again following the hung parliament in June 2017. However, secret plans for all these different scenarios were drawn up by British political leaders and advisers in the 1970s. These documents challenge the mythology that dominates historical accounts, documentary films, and television news programmes, in particular, the contention that the minority governments of this era were weak, unthinking aberrations, alien to Britain’s otherwise strong majoritarian political traditions. Using declassified internal party files, this book provides new perspectives of the strategic response to minority government during the Wilson and Callaghan Administrations of the 1970s, reveals a previously unrecognized distinct British tradition of minority government that goes beyond established international minority government theory and practice, and shows how these antecedents might apply to minority government at Westminster in 2017. Employing a new model which includes historical-political interparty comparison, this work examines how both Labour Governments and Conservative Oppositions confronted challenges ranging from legislative management and electoral timing to planning for future minority or coalition governments. This study will be invaluable to all interested in minority government and British political history, from policymakers, students, and journalists to the general public.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter opens the work by introducing directly elected mayors as political leaders in systems of urban government, and the expectations that are placed upon them. It identifies the core features of the directly elected mayor model, of direct election, of the creation of a single identifiable leader with a secure term of office, before discussing its advantages and disadvantages. Directly elected mayors are then placed in the context of urban governance, urbanization, and globalization. The chapter ends with a description of the other chapters that comprise the book.

France is blocked by the self-serving tendencies of its elite. And I’ll tell you a little secret: I know it, I was part of it. Emmanuel Macron, Rally in Pau, April 2017 As the French edition of this book was barely making its way into bookshops and libraries, a major political breakdown suddenly hit France. Thirty-nine-year-old Emmanuel Macron, who was virtually unknown to the general public up to three years earlier, and had never before run a single campaign large or small nor been democratically elected to any political position, unexpectedly won the presidential election on his first try. As a victor over France’s National Front leader Marine Le Pen, he immediately became the object of liberal admiration throughout a world that saw Macron’s France as an island of resistance in a global context of the rise of populisms. As he claimed to govern France “neither at the left, neither at the right,” Macron’s political positioning that combined promarket, socially liberal, and pro-European ideas profoundly broke away from France’s past political coordinates. Within only a few months, his political movement ...

Zebulon Baird Vance, a staunch Unionist and U.S. Congressman, reluctantly embraces secession. Soon he commands the 26th North Carolina Regiment and proves himself a brave and fierce leader in battle at New Bern and Malvern Hill, Va.-he becomes a war hero. A public clamor led by newspaper editor William Woods Holden results in his election as governor-without making a single campaign speech.

Abstract Despite the efforts of Prohibitionists and other reformers, Civil War issues did not fade quickly from politics. In the late 1870s and early 1880s, the erosion of Republican power disquieted many northerners and southern blacks without assuaging the immense bitterness of ex-Confederates. The contested presidential election of 1876, between Samuel Tilden and Rutherford Hayes, went unresolved for three tense months and aroused widespread fear of renewed war. The election hinged on contested returns from several southern states; in exchange for conceding the election, Democrats won a secret promise from Republican leaders that the last Union troops would withdraw from the South. With these developments, the GOP’s national prospects looked shakier than at any time since the war.

The years immediately after the 2015 general election were dominated by another vote, held in 2016. In 2013, the electoral challenge from UKIP had forced David Cameron to promise an in–out referendum on the EU should his party win the next general election. Cameron fulfilled his promise, after negotiations with the EU which only partially addressed the grievances of Eurosceptics in UKIP and within his own party. The chapter discusses the narrow victory for ‘Leave’ in the 2016 referendum, arising from divisions within the UK which cut across previous party allegiances and introduced a new element of volatility in an electorate which was already barely recognizable from that of 1964. The situation was complicated further by the election of the radical left-wing MP Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader after his party’s 2015 defeat. By contrast, when David Cameron resigned as Conservative leader and Prime Minister after the referendum he was succeeded by Theresa May, who was regarded as a pragmatic centre-right politician who could negotiate a compromise ‘Brexit’ deal with the EU. The chapter examines May’s failure to carry out this promise, marked in particular by her inept attempt to secure a convincing parliamentary majority in the 2017 general election. When May was forced from office in 2019 she was succeeded by Boris Johnson, a far more controversial and divisive character who nevertheless was able to lead the Conservatives to a comfortable electoral victory, not least because their pro-European opponents were hopelessly divided. However, the victorious Conservatives had no reason to feel complacent; even if Johnson’s government could deliver the favourable Brexit deal which it had promised, over the years since 1964 the British electorate had become far more fickle and parties were increasingly vulnerable to events outside their control. Within a few months of the 2019 election, party competition in Britain, which had seemed so stable back in 1964, was exposed to a new and deadly source of disturbance—the outbreak in China of the Covid-19 virus—which presented the most serious challenge faced by any UK government since 1945.

Abstract The return of a Conservative government in 1951 carried no simple implication for future economic policy. On the one hand, the Conservatives had based much of their election appeal on ‘setting the people free ‘ from the austerity and rationing of the l 940s, and this suggested a much more liberal economic regime would follow their victory (Zweiniger-Bargielowska 1993). On the other hand, Labour actually secured more votes than the Tories in 1951, and Tory leaders were conscious that they did not have a mandate to reverse the major shifts in economic (or social) policy of the l 940s. The key post-war statement of policy, the Industrial Charter (Conservative Party 1947) had signalled a broad acceptance of the ‘post-war settlement ‘, especially if the focus was on actual policy proposals rather than the more liberal rhetoric of the document (Ramsden 1980: 110-11).