Статті в журналах з теми "Simone Veil"

Simone Veil had a remarkable career as a public figure in France, but her personal life was shrouded in profound trauma as a victim of the Holocaust. Veil’s autobiographical narrative reveals a unique form of testimonial writing in which she uses her agency, as a survivor, to demonstrate resistance to Jewish absence and ‘otherness’. As will be shown, a close study of the writer’s autobiography reveals a multilayered text in which the author acts as a spokeswoman for the victims to impart global awareness of the Shoah, especially to young people. This essay will focus on the pedagogical objective of Veil’s memoir, the impossibility of conveying unimaginable suffering, and the power of feminine solidarity as a survival strategy. The latter part of the analysis will broaden the perspective, with emphasis on how writing a testimonial narrative serves as a way in which the autobiographer can recover the shattered self.

This article focuses on the way embodiment is articulated in Prabhā Khetān’s autobiography Anyā se ananyā, first published in 2007. It is introduced as an existentialist autobiography – focusing on the existential self – emphasizing the complexity of embodiment and its implications for identity and self-representation. Best known as the writer who introduced French feminist existentialism to Hindi-speaking readers through her translation of Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex, Prabhā Khetān has written an autobiography that is at the same time a unique woman’s intellectual and personal journey, the success story of a professional woman, as well as a profoundly moving reflection on human relationships. Prabhā Khetān never taught in the world of academia, but her influence as a poet, novelist, and feminist has been extensive. Anyā se ananyā has been acclaimed as a piece of “extreme sincerity,” insofar as it pulls the veil off the “other woman,” a very rare voice in Hindi autobiographical literature.

Cet article sur l’histoire des intersecteurs de psychiatrie infanto-juvénile en France se propose d’investiguer un projet ambitieux qui néanmoins n’a pas émergé dans toute sa dimension : le Service Unifié de l’Enfance. Ce dispositif à l’initiative du pédopsychiatre Michel Soulé dans le 14e arrondissement de Paris est devenu un projet politique porté par Simone Veil lorsqu’elle est devenue ministre de la Santé. Comment et dans quel contexte ce projet a été construit, quels ont été ses acteurs, son évolution et ses limites. Et surtout pourquoi le Service Unifié de l’Enfance semble avoir été oublié ? Au moment où l’organisation des soins psychiatriques, sous couvert d’unité et de regrou- pement, semble plus morcelée que jamais, l’histoire du découpage des institutions pour enfants est plus que jamais d’actualité. Ce travail est issu d’une réflexion qui a pour point de départ un travail de recherche mené actuellement dans le cadre de l’École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) portant sur la création et l’histoire des intersecteurs en France depuis les années 1960 à aujourd’hui, sous la direction de Nicolas Henckes.

Rad predstavlja kritičku analizu stanja demokratije danas, posebno onih koje smo mi nazvali krhke demokratije. U prvom delu rada istakli smo najznačajnije karakteristike, kao i razloge njihovih slabih institucija. Kao najbitnija odlika, po našem mišljenju, je njihova politizacija. Takođe, utvrdili smo sam izvor politizacije institucija, a koji se nalazi u političkim partijama. Pokazali smo da su one najvažniji politički akter u krhkim demokratijama, preko kojih politička elita ima kontrolu nad čitavim društvom. Na primerima učenja Simon Veil i Roberta Gudina pokazali smo dva dijametralno suprotna stava o ulozi partija u demokratskom društvu. Pokazali smo da nedemokrtaskim delovanjem partija u društvima krhkih demokratija dovodi do fenomena ”zarobljene države”. U drugom delu rada dali smo svoj predlog kvalitativnog prevazilaženja stanja u krhkim demokratijama. On bi se ogledao u tome da građani treba da na principima deliberativne demokratije prvo utvrde agendu prioritetnih problema koji opterećuju društva krhke demokratije, a onda i da daju predloge za njihovo rešavanje. Po našem mišljenju najbolji način da se to postigne bio bi istinska institucionalizacija deliberativne demokratije.

Kozlov and Kononova (1983) classified 53 Palearctic species of the genus Trissolcus Ashmead into five groups. The presence of the hyperoccipital carina, convex frons, absence of notauli, and elongate postmarginal vein (longer than the stigmal vein) in the fore wing are characteristics delimiting the gonopsidis-group. These species differ from the flavipes-group only in the lack of notauli. Kozlov and Kononova placed three species in the gonopsidis-group: T. mentha Kozlov and Lê, T. gonopsidis (Watanabe), and T. elasmuchae (Watanabe). In a taxonomic study of the Trissolcus species of Korea and Japan, Ryu and Hirashima (1984) reported three other species with characteristics of the gonopsidis-group: T. nigripedius (Nakagawa), T. itoi Ryu and T. yamagishi Ryu. Most of these species are known only from Japan or Korea. Trissolcus elasmuchae has been observed in Ukraine and Russia as well as Japan, and T. mentha is known only from Uzbekistan. Trissolcus antakyaensis Doganlar was described recently as an egg parasitoid of the pentatomid Rhaphigaster nebulosa (Poda) from Turkey (Doganlar 2001). It, too, fits within this gonopsidis- group. The New World species of Trissolcus were divided into three groups (Johnson 1984, 1985a, 1985b); the thyantae, basalis, and flavipes groups of Johnson are roughly equivalent to the simoni, semistriatus, and flavipes groups of Kozlov and Kononova respectively. No species of gonopsidis and oobius groups of Kozlov and Kononova have been reported in New World fauna.

INTRODUCTION At the root of science lie basic rules, if we can discover or deduce them. This is not an abstract project but practical; if we can understand the why then perhaps we can rationally intervene. One of the unifying unsolved problems in physics is the hypothetical “Theory of Everything.” In a similar vein, we can ask whether our own field contains such hidden fundamental truths and, if so, how we can use them to develop better therapies and outcomes for our patients. Modern oncology has developed as drugs and translational science have matured over the 50 years since ASCO's founding, but almost from that beginning tumor modeling has been a key tool. Through this general approach Norton and Simon changed our understanding of cancer biology and response to therapy when they described the fit of Gompertzian curves to both clinical and animal observations of tumor growth. The practical relevance of these insights has only grown with the development of DNA sequencing promising a raft of new targets (and drugs). In that regard, Larry Norton's contribution to this year's Educational Book reminds us to always think creatively about the fundamental problems of tumor growth and metastases as well as therapeutic response. Demonstrating the creativity and thoughtfulness that have marked his remarkable career, he now incorporates a newer concept of self-seeding to further explain why Gompertzian growth occurs and, in the process, provides a novel potential therapeutic target. As you read his elegantly presented discussion, consider how this understanding, wisely applied to the modern era of targeted therapies, might speed the availability of better treatments. But even more instructive is his personal model—not only the Norton-Simon Hypothesis—of how to live and approach science, biology, patients and their families, as well as the broader community. He shows that with energy, enthusiasm, optimism, intellect, and hard work we can make the world better. Clifford A. Hudis, MD, FACP, 2013–2014 ASCO President

In 1999, a severe outbreak (i.e., 100% infection) of a virus disease was observed in a single field of common bean in Colusa County, CA. The symptoms included a yellow mosaic, leaf epinasty and, in some plants, a systemic necrosis. This field was adjacent to a clover field that had been harvested early in the development of the bean plants. A preliminary serological test (enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay, ELISA) suggested that the virus infecting these bean plants was Peanut mottle virus (PeMoV). This would represent the first report of this virus in California. A range of common bean cultivars (Black Turtle Soup, Topcrop, California Early Light Red Kidney, and Sutter Pink) were inoculated with sap prepared from symptomatic leaves collected from this field. Symptoms developing on these plants ranged from systemic necrosis (cvs. Sutter Pink and Black Turtle Soup) to strong yellow green mosaic and leaf distortion (cvs. Topcrop and California Early Light Red Kidney). Furthermore, inoculated primary leaves of cv. Topcrop failed to develop local lesions, which is characteristic of PeMoV. ELISAs on all symptomatic plants with antisera against PeMoV, BYMV, BCMV, and BCMNV as well as reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) analysis with primer pairs specific for PeMoV, BYMV, BCMV, and BCMNV were negative. To further investigate the nature of this virus, a minipurification method was used to purify virions from symptomatic leaves of all four cultivars. Sodium dodecyl sulfate polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis analysis of purified virions from these cultivars revealed a 32-kDa band consistent with infection by a potyvirus. Transmission electron microscopy analysis of these preparations revealed the presence of potyvirus-like flexous rods (approximately 750 nm long and 10 nm wide). We next designed a primer pair specific for the coat protein gene of Clover yellow vein virus (ClYVV) and RT-PCR with these primers resulted in the amplification of a 630-bp DNA fragment from four isolates of the unknown potyvirus. No fragments were amplified from an uninfected control. The PCR-amplified fragments were direct-sequenced, and sequence comparisons revealed that the sequences of all four isolates were 95% identical to that of ClYVV (Genbank accession number D89541). Subsequently, a ClYVV antiserum was obtained from Simon Scott (Department of Plant Pathology, Clemson University), and ELISAs performed on leaves infected with all four isolates were positive. Finally, to assess whether the virus was seed-transmitted, seed harvested from this field was planted in a greenhouse (two lots of 400 seed each). None of the plants from these seeds developed virus symptoms, suggesting that the virus was not seed-transmitted. Together, these results indicate that the virus disease outbreak in this bean field was caused by ClYVV rather than PeMoV. The inoculum source for the virus was probably the adjacent clover field. This is the first report of ClYVV infecting common bean in California.

Op het einde van de Tweede Wereldoorlog slaagde een aantal nazi's en collaborateurs erin onder te duiken of de vlucht te nemen naar het buitenland. In deze bijdrage proberen we een aanzet te geven voor verder onderzoek.Volgens nazi-jager Simon Wiesenthal werd kort na de oorlog een organisatie van voormalige SS-ers opgericht, met de naam 'Odessa'. Die zorgde voor vluchtroutes en dekmantels voor voormalige nazi's. Veel harde bewijzen voor het bestaan van een dergelijk netwerk werden tot nog toe niet gevonden. Hoewel Wiesenthals versie vaak kritiekloos werd overgenomen door heel wat auteurs, rees in de voorbije jaren steeds meer twijfel.Ook in Vlaanderen doken nazi's en collaborateurs onder, of ze slaagden erin naar het buitenland (vooral Spanje, Ierland en Zuid-Amerika) te ontkomen. Bij hun onderduiken en hun vlucht konden zij rekenen op de steun van medestanders in België en in de omringende landen. Er bestonden wel degelijk ontsnappingslijnen voor ondergedoken incivieken. De ondersteuning van de onderneming werd wellicht mogelijk gemaakt door lotgenoten, sympathisanten en de katholieke kerk. Voor zover we tot nu toe konden nagaan, was er ook in België echter geen sprake van een alomvattend netwerk van steunverlening aan ondergedoken en vluchtende collaborateurs. Toch dient dit verder onderzocht. Bronnen voor verder onderzoek bevinden zich onder meer in het ADVN, het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken en in diverse buitenlandse archieven.________Persons in hiding and fugitives after the Second World War: a new area of researchAt the end of the Second World War a number of Nazis and collaborators managed to go into hiding or take refuge abroad. In this contribution we attempt to instigate further research into this subject.According to Nazi-hunter Simon Wiesenthal an organisation of former SS members, called 'Odessa', was founded shortly after the war. It provided escape routes and covers for former Nazis. Until now not much hard evidence has been found for the existence of such a network. Although quite a few authors often repeated Wiesenthal’s version without criticism, doubts concerning these matters have increased over the past years.In Flanders Nazis and collaborators also went into hiding or managed to escape abroad (particularly to Spain, Ireland and South America). When they went into hiding or took refuge they could count on the support of their associates in Belgium and surrounding countries. There were indeed escape lines for collaborators in hiding. It is possible that the enterprise was facilitated by fellow-sufferers, sympathizers and the Catholic Church. In as far as we have been able to verify until now, however, there was no question of the existence in Belgium of a comprehensive network to assist collaborators in hiding and in flight. Yet this deserves further investigation. Sources for additional research may be found among others in the ADVN, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in various foreign archives.

All inaccuracies and distortions of the language use in modern British media, revealed by Simon Heffer in his book «Strictly English», enable the author of the article to draw a distinct demarcation line between King's English, the English of the press, on the one hand, and the English of the upper classes of Great Britain, on the other. The errors in the press, such as confusion of words similar in a sound form or spelling, the use of foreign words in the wrong meanings, distortions of names, etc. testify to the deterioration of education at some universities of Great Britain. They also point to the lack of a classical education based on the study of foreign languages, Greek and Latin, in the first place, which facilitates learning foreign words and mastering complicated grammar structures and subtleties of modality in the English language. The language of the press is clearly opposed to the language of the upper classes by methods of communication. If the former is characterized by direct and straightforward ways of communication, the latter manifests indirect and hidden ways of interaction. Cultivated by the upper classes and the aristocracy, this code is based on the categories of words which originate ambiguity in speech or texts and raise the eternal question «What is meant by this or that? ». In journalism these categories of words are labeled as «killers» of meaning. They include foreign words which considerably obscure understanding, abstract nouns that serve to create distance and insincerity in communication, adjectives which very often veil the real state of things, serve as a means of linguistic manipulation, especially when used to describe emotions, opinions and feelings. Here, also, belong euphemism and metaphorical meanings of nouns and verbs. The author concludes that, despite stringent prohibition for journalists to use these categories of words in the media, journalists and professional writers would only benefit if they were aware of them as well as of social connotations of words marked as U - non-U words in the book «Noblesse Oblige» by Alan Ross, Evelyn Waugh and Nancy Mitford. Heffer's book allows to clearly see the demarcation line between the English of the media and the English of the upper classes of Great Britain based on play upon words and various implications to express individuality and sense of humour, intellect and social exclusiveness.

O estudo das línguas moçambicanas tem conhecido melhores tempos nas últimas décadas como resultado do que se pode chamar crescimento da consciência dos moçambicanos sobre a necessidade de construir uma nação forte, próspera e desenvolvida, o que só é possível numa sociedade democrática onde cada ator está consciente do seu papel no processo de desenvolvimento. A decisão sobre a introdução das línguas no ensino básico em Moçambique, através do modelo de ensino bilingue, fundamentada na necessidade de remoção de um dos mais importantes obstáculos do sucesso escolar, marcou um dos momentos mais importantes de rutura entre a visão nacionista (Fishman 1968) da política linguística moçambicana adotada nos primeiros tempos da independência e a visão nacionalista (Fishman op. cit.) e democrática onde a contribuição de cada moçambicano na construção de estado de direito é valorizada. Este triunfo de visão nacionalista sobre a visão nacionista coloca aos moçambicanos, sobretudo aos linguistas, para começar, grandes desafios. Com efeito, ao mesmo tempo que a referida decisão veio estimular a investigação tanto através de estudos visando analisar o impacto da decisão política de introdução das línguas no ensino (Moisés 2011, Ngunga et al. 2010) na educação em geral como da descrição da gramática das línguas visando municiar os professores, alunos e técnicos de educação de conhecimentos sobre a estrutura e o funcionamento destas línguas (NGUNGA 2002, NGUNGA e SIMBINE 2012, LANGA 2012, MACALANE 2012). A presente comunicação apresenta o estado atual da investigação das línguas africanas em Moçambique à luz dos desenvolvimentos mais recentes da situação sociopolítica do país.

719 Background: FOLFOXIRI and bevacizumab achieves high objective response rate (ORR)/R0 resections in pts with unresectable CLM. Bevacizumab increases pathological response, a surrogate endpoint of survival after CLM resection. COI-B regimen is feasible in pts with advanced colorectal cancer. In this phase II study, we aimed at assessing safety and efficacy of perioperative COI-B for pts with borderline resectable or high recurrence risk CLM. Methods: Inclusion criteria: borderline resectability with portal embolization/2-stage hepatectomy, involvement of > 1 hepatic vein or > 4 segments; and/or at least one poor prognostic factor: > 4 metastases; CEA > 200; synchronicity. Limited resectable extraepatic disease and in situ primary allowed. Primary endpoint: TRG1-3 (Rubbia-Brandt et al) according to Simon 2-stage design (first step 22; target 46 pts); secondary endpoints: ORR; R0 resection; safety; progression-free and overall survival. Pts received bi-weekly irinotecan (180 mg/m2) and bevacizumab (5 mg/Kg) day 1, oxaliplatin (85 mg/m2) day 2 and capecitabine (1000 mg/m2/day b.i.d.) days 2–6; 5 cycles pre-operatively (the last without bevacizumab) and 4 post-operatively. Results: We present preliminary data on the first 25 pts. M/F: 13/12, median age 61 years, synchronous disease 19 (76%), multiple nodules 15 (60%), N+ primary tumour 14 (56%), CEA > 200 4 (16%), extrahepatic disease 1, RAS mutation 15 (60%)/BRAF mutation 0. Involvement ≥ 4 hepatic segments 9 (36%) and involvement of > 1 hepatic veins 4 (16%). ORR was 91% (21 out of 23 evaluable, 2 too early), while 1 SD and 1 PD. Surgery performed in 21 pts (4 awaiting) and R0 resection in 18 (86%). TRG1-2 was observed in 6 (29%), TRG3 in 9 (43%), i.e. pathological response 72% (first step reached). Grade ≥ 3 toxicities: neutropenia 2, diarrhea 2, thrombosis 2. Median follow up 13 months, with only 4 relapses and 1 death. Conclusions: COI-B regimen is a feasible neoadjuvant strategy for borderline resectable or high recurrence risk CLM. This is the first trial to select pathological response as primary surrogate endpoint with encouraging results. Clinical trial information: NCT02086656.

Abstract Background: AG-013736 is a potent and selective inhibitor of VEGF, PDGF and cKit receptor tyrosine kinases with broad preclinical activity in solid tumors and an AML model. To investigate the anti-leukemic effects of AG-013736 in patients with poor prognosis AML and MDS, we performed a multicenter Phase II Trial. Methods: Eligible patients (pts) had poor prognosis AML (defined as age of pt ≥65 years, secondary AML, or unfavorable cytogenetics) or poor prognosis MDS (defined as ≥10% myeloblasts in marrow or blood). A 2-stage Simon design was employed with an “unimportant” response rate set at 10% and an “important” rate at 30%. The α and β rates were set at 0.1 with 1 response (complete or partial) in 11 pts in the first stage required before proceeding to the second stage. A successful trial required at least 5 responses in 25 pts. AG-013736 was dosed orally at 5 mg twice a day. Marrow and blood samples were taken for various markers of angiogenesis and microvessel density. Results: 12 pts (8 AML; 4 MDS) were enrolled including 1 pt who replaced a patient who was withdrawn for lack of compliance after 1 dose. Average age was 77 (range 58–88) years; 7 men, 5 women; 10 white and 2 Asian. All pts were ECOG performance status 0 (5 pts) or 1 (7). 8 pts required blood and 9 platelet transfusions. 8 pts discontinued for lack of efficacy, 3 for non-compliance, and 1 for refusal to participate further. AG-013736-related Grade 3 and 4 adverse events (AEs) included hypertension or blood pressure (BP) elevation (4), mucosal inflammation (1), and deep vein thrombosis (1). Common (>10%) mild-moderate AEs included hoarseness (8 pts), diarrhea (5), BP increased or hypertension (4), proteinuria (3), and mucosal inflammation (2). 9 (75%) pts required at least 1 antihypertensive medication. There were no responses, and therefore enrollment was stopped at 12 patients. Patients received study drug for a median of 53 (range 1–190) days, and 2 pts, one with AML and one with MDS, had stable disease for 132 and 190 days, respectively. Treatment-related changes in biomarkers are being assessed. Conclusion: AG-013736 was generally well tolerated in this small cohort of elderly pts, 2 of whom had stable disease of significant duration. The combination of AG-013736 with other targeted therapies or cytotoxic agents appears feasible and may be warranted in future studies in patients with poor prognosis AML/MDS.

275 Background: Venous tumor thrombus (VTT) extension occurs in 4-15% cases of renal cell cancer (RCC). The Mayo classification distinguishes 4 levels of VTT extension between the renal vein and supradiaphragmatic inferior vena cava (IVC). Although surgery is performed with curative intent, mortality is high (5-15%) with complications increasing with the level of the VTT. 5-year survival rates are poor; ~40-65% in non-metastatic RCC. It is hypothesised that neoadjuvant targeted therapy could downstage the VTT reducing the extent of surgery, leading to reduced surgical morbidity and mortality, and increased survival. However, level I or II evidence is lacking. NAXIVA provides the first level II evidence in this patient group, assessing the response of VTT to axitinib. Extensive translational sampling will provide in depth interrogation of VTT (using genomics, proteomics, immunophenotyping and metabolomics) to examine the role of the tumor microenvironment of VTT and response to axitinib. Methods: NAXIVA was a single arm, single agent, multi-center phase 2 feasibility study of axitinib in patients with both metastatic and non-metastatic clear cell RCC prior to nephrectomy and thrombectomy. A Simon two stage minimax design was adopted and the trial designed for adequate power to distinguish a <5% from a >25% improvement in the Mayo VTT level. 21 patients were recruited over a 24 month period between 15/Dec/2017 and 06/Jan/2020 at 5 sites across the UK. Patients were treated with 8 weeks of axitinib (starting dose 5mg bd, increasing to 10mg bd as tolerated) prior to planned surgery. The primary endpoint was the percentage of evaluable patients with an improvement in VTT according to the Mayo classification (assessed using MRI abdomen scans at screening and week 9, prior to surgery. Secondary endpoints were percentage change in surgical approach, percentage change in VTT height, response rate (by RECIST) and evaluation of surgical morbidity assessed by Clavien-Dindo classification. Results: The percentage of evaluable patients with an improvement in VTT according to the Mayo classification was 26.58% [80% CI: 15.76%, 39.74%] (6 of 21 evaluable patients). 35.29% (6 of 17 patients who progressed to surgery) had a change in surgical approach to a less invasive option. There was a median percentage reduction in VTT height of 21.49% (SD=27.60%). The response rate (by RECIST) in the evaluable population was 61.90% SD, 14.29% PR, 9.52% PD. In terms of surgical morbidity 11.76% (2 of 17 patients who progressed to surgery) experienced a Clavien-Dindo 3 or greater complication (0 CD3, 1 CD4, 1 CD5). Conclusions: NAXIVA provides unique prospective data on the feasibility of neoadjuvant axitinib administration to down stage IVC VTT and reduce the extent of surgery. Work is ongoing to establish predictors of response. Clinical trial information: NCT03494816 .

Abstract Corresponding author: Dr. Simon. C. Robson (srobson@bidmc.harvard.edu). Introduction: CD39/ENTPD1 (ectonucleoside triphosphate diphosphohydrolase-1) is the prototypic member of the GDA1-CD39 superfamily of ectonucleotidases and modulates purinergic signaling pathways. CD39 expression has been noted in human acute myeloid leukemia (AML) and likely contributes to chemoresistance [1]. Our study reported here elucidates the impact of Cd39 on engraftment and invasiveness of AML TIB-49 cells using an immunocompetent murine experimental model. Methods: Wild-type (WT) mice and Cd39 -/- mice on C57BL/6 background were bred at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center. The syngeneic murine AML cell line TIB-49 (Cd39 negative in vitro) was purchased from American Type Culture Collection. For bioluminescence imaging experiments, TIB-49 cells were transduced with luciferase/mCherry using a lentiviral vector. For AML model, mice were administered with 1×10 6 TIB-49-luciferase cells intravenously via tail vein injection. For chloroma model, mice were subcutaneously inoculated with 1×10 6 TIB-49 cells in the right flank. Bioluminescence imaging of TIB-49-luciferase bearing mice was conducted with the IVIS TM 50 Imaging System. Blood, spleen and bone marrow (BM) were also collected from TIB-49 bearing AML mice for FACS (fluorescence activated cell sorting) analysis. To explore Cd39 in TIB engraftment and invasiveness, TIB-49 cells were further transduced with a lentiviral vector overexpressing mCd39 with TdTomato. WT mice were intravenously inoculated with 1×10 6 of either TIB-49-TdTomato cells or TIB-49-mCd39-TdTomato cells, and the above read-outs were determined. To investigate the potential of CD39 as a therapeutic target, we engineered anti-mouse Cd39 antibodies (αCd39 mAb) with isotype selection and removal of fucose to further promote Fc receptor (FcR) interactions. Results: Bioluminescence imaging results indicated that TIB-49 engraftment was decreased in global Cd39 -/- mice with decreased disease burdens noted relative to WT (Figure 1A). FACS analysis of blood, spleen and BM-derived cells from TIB-49 bearing AML-model mice (day 31) confirmed higher engraftment of TIB-49 cells (TdTomato+) at all sites in WT compared to Cd39 -/- mice (Figure 1B). TIB-49 cells did not express Cd39 in vitro, but TIB-49 cells harvested from spleen and BM of WT but not Cd39 -/- mice displayed high levels of Cd39. This indicated TIB-49 cells acquired Cd39 from host cells, in a process of antibody-independent trogocytosis (Figure 1C), as RT-PCR did not detect Cd39 mRNA expression in TIB-49 cells in vivo. Additionally, circulating TIB-49 cells from the blood of WT mice were Cd39 negative (Figure 1C), suggesting a role for the tumor microenvironment in mediating trogocytosis. TIB-49 cells expressing host Cd39 in WT mice spleen and BM lost Cd39 after being exposed to αCd39 mAb treatment. Cd39 translocated from TIB-49 cells to effector cells, at least in part, dependent on FcR mediated trogocytosis (Figure 1D). When Cd39 was overexpressed on TIB-49 cells (TIB-49-mCd39-TdTomato), the engraftment was boosted in WT mice in vivo when compared to TIB-49-TdTomato cells (day 19, Figure 1E) with higher levels of Cd39 expression than that observed on TIB-49-TdTomato cells in spleen and BM (day 26) (Figure 1F). Moreover, TIB-49-mCd39-TdTomato bearing mice displayed shorter survival times, when compared with TIB-49-TdTomato bearing AML mice (Figure 1G). The αCd39 mAb monotherapy had no effect on TIB-49 chloroma model growth. However, pretreatment with αCd39 mAb effectively boosted daunorubicin chemotherapeutic effects in vivo (Figure 1H and 1I). Conclusions: Our study suggests bidirectional trogocytosis between TIB-49 AML and host immune cells, which is further modulated by FcR interaction. Re-distribution of Cd39 from host to TIB-49 cells or induced high level expression contributes to engraftment and invasiveness, resulting in decreased survival. Targeting CD39 is a potential therapeutic approach, operational not only by boosting chemosensitivity but furthering anti-leukemic effects in experimental models. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare. References: [1] Nesrine Aroua, Emeline Boet, Margherita Ghisi, et al. Extracellular ATP and CD39 Activate cAMP-Mediated Mitochondrial Stress Response to Promote Cytarabine Resistance in Acute Myeloid Leukemia. Cancer Discov. 2020. Figure 1 Figure 1. Disclosures Stroopinsky: The Blackstone Group: Consultancy. Avigan: Celgene: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding; Pharmacyclics: Research Funding; Kite Pharma: Consultancy, Research Funding; Juno: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Partner Tx: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Karyopharm: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Bristol-Myers Squibb: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Aviv MedTech Ltd: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Takeda: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Legend Biotech: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Chugai: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Janssen: Consultancy; Parexcel: Consultancy; Takeda: Consultancy; Sanofi: Consultancy.

A obra “Juventudes Brasileiras – questões contemporâneas” apresenta estudos diversos sobre as Juventudes, considerada como tema atual e fértil para investigação. É uma área do saber complexa, plural e que instiga muita reflexão, principalmente, em um país tão diverso como o Brasil. O livro, publicado em 2021, é organizado por Victor Hugo Nedel Oliveira e Rosane Castilho e composto por 15 textos, além da Apresentação. Todos os capítulos tiveram, como contexto, a relação dos jovens no meio social atual. O livro tem aproximadamente 27 pesquisadores e envolve mais de 19 instituições. O primeiro capítulo, de Victor Hugo Oliveira e Andreia dos Santos, intitulado “’Gripezinha? Não! Algo muito grave e preocupante’: as percepções de jovens de Porto Alegre (RS) em relação à pandemia da Covid-19”, aborda percepções e preocupações dos jovens em relação à pandemia. O estudo demonstrou que os jovens, em sua maioria, têm conhecimento sobre a importância das medidas protetivas para diminuir a disseminação do covid-19 e apontam a despreocupação do governo e seu negacionismo sobre a pandemia. O texto afirma que os jovens estão atentos a sua realidade social, com percepção e preocupação social, já que isso afeta direta e significativamente suas vidas. O segundo capítulo, de Rosane Castilho, tem como título “O povo quer saber: nos meios acadêmicos, quanto vale um pesquisador de juventudes?”. A autora destaca que a pesquisa é um processo que se organiza de maneira sistemática, mas que, até o final de seu percurso, pode sofrer alterações, pois, ao pesquisar, não se tem total domínio sobre o que pode vir a acontecer, precisando, no processo, redirecionar objetivos e metodologia, buscando novos meios de desvelamento do objeto proposto pelo estudo. Sobre a pergunta do título, ela afirma que a resposta estaria “atrelada ao status da instituição e dos grupos de elite aos quais o mesmo se vincula, pela via da chancela que sustenta o seu poder ou determina a sua ‘subalternidade’ no campo acadêmico” (p. 40). E, de outro lado, tem-se em mente os saberes já construídos e que são prerrogativas para a pesquisa, além da curiosidade de desvelar novos saberes. “Os tipos de violências e seus efeitos na convivência escolar: o que pensam as/os jovens”, de Shara Adad e Vanessa dos Santos, é o terceiro capítulo. As autoras destacam que é preciso desmistificar e desvelar as potencialidades desse público, que tem muito a mostrar por meio da música, da poesia, da arte, da dança, do teatro. O texto cita a pesquisa Sociopoética, cujo primeiro ponto é “as violências na relação com a convivência no espaço escolar” (p. 48); sendo que, nesse modelo de pesquisa, tem-se os facilitadores de oficinas (pesquisadores) e os copesquisadores (público-alvo). Existem diversos tipos de violência, dentre eles, Bagunça-na-cabeça-dor da violência-carinha-triste-na-escola, que se refere às relações familiares e sua precarização; Formas de Violência-olhos-não-têm-um-nome-bocas-bullying, que faz referência ao preconceito, julgamento, humilhação, até mesmo o bullying pode ser considerado como um assédio moral. As autoras salientam a importância da escuta e do diálogo, pois influenciam os jovens a falarem sobre seus sentimentos, medos, inseguranças. “Pertencimento religioso e atuações juvenis na escola de ensino médio” é o título do estudo de Ana Porelli, Douglas Bortone, Luís Groppo e Dirce Pacheco e Zan, que compõe o quarto capítulo da obra. O texto discute o pertencimento religioso, experiências religiosas de jovens e como isso influencia o engajamento na política, bem como a mudança de religião, após as ocupações secundaristas que ocorreram entre 2015 e 2016. Os autores apontam que os jovens estão reconstruindo seus caminhos, suas identidades, sendo que essa reconstrução está passando pela religiosidade, pela educação escolar e pela política. Para os autores, conhecer como os jovens têm vivido a religiosidade é importante para entender possibilidades e riscos da relação entre religião e política.“Juventudes brasileiras e participação política no contexto das tecnologias digitais” é o quinto capítulo, assinado por Aline Camargo. Diante de uma pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa, observou-se a descredibilidade que os jovens têm na política atual. Quais os meios que os jovens encontram para manifestarem sua participação? O espaço encontrado e cada vez mais buscado por eles vai desde as petições, passando pelos projetos de iniciativa popular, até as mobilizações e representações juvenis dentro dos espaços públicos. Estudiosos acreditam que as mídias sociais são um meio de empoderamento social em vista do bem coletivo, dando-se pela dimensão política e da comunicação. O texto aponta que as redes sociais têm sido um espaço importante para ampliar, divulgar, expor, informar sobre as organizações de grupos sociais, sobre mobilizações, além de ser um espaço de divulgação de assembleias, plebiscitos e da própria opinião, seja singular, seja plural. O sexto capítulo, intitulado “A docência universitária e as juventudes: ampliação das relações pedagógicas em uma perspectiva humanizadora”, de Caroline Bellenzier, Simone Guerra e Altair Fávero, trata da docência e a heterogeneidade atual. Como administrar a docência universitária e como pensá-la em âmbito humanizador? Os autores afirmam que a docência universitária perpassa o ensino teórico e abrange as dimensões e transformações sociais e históricas. Defendem que os profissionais que saem da universidade sejam ativos na sociedade, comprometidos e não meros executores. A partir dos momentos que o professor entende-se como educador e deixa o aluno tomar as rédeas de sua própria educação, além de ensinar, um estará aprendendo com o outro, formando um profissional dedicado a si mesmo, seus estudos, suas reflexões e discussões. Por fim, defendem que é preciso pensar uma educação humanizadora que vai permitir aos jovens sentirem-se protagonistas e não meros ouvintes de sua formação. No capítulo intitulado “Educação, cultura e juventude: uma experiência sensível na prática de Artes Visuais”, Marise de Souza, Nádia Alves e Poliana de Jesus discorrem sobre a escola como um espaço significativo de “possibilidades, experimentações e elaborações de diferentes percepções do real” (p. 127). E, assim, a arte apresenta-se como um importante meio de expressão das subjetividades dos sujeitos, pois, na medida que se conhece o mundo, conhece-se a si mesmo. Segundo as autoras, no cotidiano, os jovens assimilam experiências e informações recebidas, elaborando novos significados. Há de se ressaltar a importância das redes sociais como um importante meio de democratização do conhecimento. As autoras indicam a significativa contribuição da disciplina de Artes, já que os jovens expressam o que sentem, o que conhecem, o que querem mudar.Na sequência, Maria Luisa Carvalho apresenta o texto “Juventude e economia solidária: potencialidades e desafios para inserção da juventude no trabalho a partir de uma perspectiva emancipatória”. Para a autora, a pandemia do covid-19 agravou a situação educacional e trabalhadora dos jovens. Por isso, propõe a economia solidária como um meio para a inserção dos jovens no campo estudantil e de trabalho diante de um enfoque emancipatório. A economia solidária tem, como enfoque, “práticas de produção, comercialização, consumo e finanças pautadas em princípios da solidariedade, cooperação, respeito à natureza, comércio justo e solidário e autogestão” (p. 151). É nesse tipo de economia que o sujeito desenvolve a autogestão e espaço para romper os paradigmas ditados pela sociedade, deixando de ser objeto, espectador e passando a ser protagonista. Embora, pelas desigualdades existentes, seja difícil essa economia ser implantada, pois, dentro dessa realidade, ela corre o risco de se tornar mais um meio capitalista, que não é o seu foco. O texto de Camila Dutra trata sobre “Juventude invisível: uma análise sobre a interface da relação entre espaço escolar, violências e as crianças e adolescentes em situação de acolhimento institucional”. Traz uma reflexão sobre juventude dentro da relação família, sociedade, educação, escola e quais as maiores dificuldades em garantir uma educação igualitária, que respeite e seja justa para todos os jovens. A frase “educação se aprende em casa, na família” é muito conhecida por todos, mas como aprender educação se a pessoa está inserida em uma realidade de violência? Qual é a visão social, cultural, educacional perante essas situações? Dentre as violências mais comuns estão: física, psicológica e sexual; no âmbito escolar, o bullying e o cyber bullying. Para a autora, a escola tem o papel de, por meio do ensino, promover a reflexão e a autonomia dos alunos para agirem, serem protagonistas de sua educação e de sua transformação social, já que mais do que reprodução de informações, é local de desenvolvimento afetivo e moral. No capítulo seguinte, Wagna Gonçalves discute “A percepção da juventude como agente do desenvolvimento: uma análise crítica a partir dos enfoques da OIT”. A Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT) é “responsável pelo estabelecimento e monitoramento de padrões trabalhistas” (p. 188) e vale-se, principalmente, da relação entre as dimensões política, humana e econômica. A autora lembra que o foco sobre a questão do trabalho só veio a explodir nos anos de 1990-2000, evidenciando o desemprego juvenil e, como consequência, a pobreza e o abandono escolar. Por isso, é necessário discutir as condições existentes e que possibilitam ao jovem o desenvolvimento. Aliado a isso, é importante debater sobre o que faz parte do jovem no seu dia a dia, como, por exemplo, violência, criminalidade, drogas, pobreza e desemprego. Portanto, é preciso levar em conta, primeiro, as relações políticas e sociais que determinam as formas de atuação dos jovens no mercado de trabalho. “Diálogos e (des)encontros na escola: (im)possibilidades para a relação entre jovens e adultos”, assinado por Luciana Corrêa e Konstans Steffen, compõe o próximo capítulo. As autoras afirmam que o distanciamento causado pela pandemia e a opção pelas aulas híbridas ocasionaram perda ainda maior da atenção dos jovens, além da sobrecarga de atividades tanto de professores, quanto de alunos. Há de se considerar também que, com a mudança de época, o papel do educador tornou-se complexo. Dentre os fatores que geram distanciamento entre jovens e adultos, está a perspectiva destes que tentam ensinar aqueles com base em suas vivências, que, geralmente, são de outros tempos, em outros contextos. Em contrapartida, não se pode descartar que isso também gera uma troca positiva entre ambos, pois nem tudo que é passado é condenável ou usual. No campo dos desencontros, pode-se destacar a metodologia usada pelas instituições de ensino: todos sentados um atrás do outro e, agora, com a pandemia, houve mais desencontro, visto que a sala de aula tornou-se virtual.“Diálogos entre a sociologia das juventudes e vivências das juventudes negras”, de Isabela Ligeiro, é o título do décimo segundo capítulo. A autora defende a importância do reconhecimento e da valorização das múltiplas vivências das juventudes negras. As escolas têm o papel de se renovar e remodelar para atender toda a demanda jovem que se faz presente nele. Dentro desse ambiente escolar, existem vários fatores que deveriam ser combatidos e que são reflexo da sociedade em que vivemos, tais como: racismo, homofobia, gordofobia, entre tantas outras formas de violência. A autora sinaliza que a resistência ecoa nos mais diversos lugares, desde universidades até espaços sociais, de trabalho, da música, do empreendedorismo, da moda, da fama, da religião, da música. E nesses espaços difunde-se a ideia do valor do jovem negro. Além dos espaços culturais, que, por meio de versos e canções, denunciam o racismo que vivem na pele. Diferente do passado, existem hoje diversos movimentos que denunciam o preconceito, o racismo, a falta de políticas públicas e de conscientização do valor da população negra. “Experiência de cuidado pelo SUS com juventudes na região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro: itinerários possíveis com jovens vinculados ao CAPS AD”, de autoria de Kássia Rapella e Aluísio da Silva Junior, é o tema do décimo terceiro capítulo. A investigação analisou o atendimento a jovens (entre 15 e 29 anos) cadastrados em um Centro de Atenção Psicossocial de atenção ao uso de Álcool e outras Drogas (CAPS AD). Segundo os autores, infelizmente, o uso exacerbado de drogas nessa faixa etária é frequente, mais que em pessoas adultas e idosas. Importante lembrar que, no Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS), há objetivos que são seguidos, dentre eles: diminuir a desigualdade social e dar assistência psicossocial, principalmente, para usuários de álcool e drogas. O papel do CAPS AD é realizar atendimentos a esses jovens e, mais do que isso, oferecer acolhimento, escuta sem julgamento, dando atenção à saúde deles para que se recuperem.O décimo quarto capítulo, assinado por Plínio de Figueirôa, trata do “Grêmio estudantil: garantias e legislações no contexto da participação dos estudantes na escola”. Grêmio estudantil é um espaço de estudantes que contribuem, questionam, indagam sobre problemas relacionados à educação, à escola, aos alunos e isso se dá de forma voluntária. Além de conhecimento, as escolas são um espaço de desenvolvimento da consciência política dos estudantes, já que é um importante ambiente de: “convivência; aprendizagem; cidadania; responsabilidade e de lutas por direito” (p. 266). Para o autor, são imprescindíveis a participação e o incentivo dos alunos nesses espaços, pois, a partir desse meio político, eles vão criando consciência e dispondo-se a fazer mais pela política também fora do ambiente escolar.Por fim, o décimo quinto capítulo: “Orientação profissional para a educação profissional técnica: um direito estudantil” é assinado por Luciano Curi e Flávia Rodrigues. Os autores afirmam que o questionamento mais recorrente no período inicial do jovem é: o que você quer ser quando crescer? Este, na medida em que se vai avançando na idade, gera grande apreensão aos jovens. No caso das profissões, felizmente, dispõe-se das orientações profissionais que ajudam os jovens a abraçar aquilo que gostam, que querem. A orientação profissional é importante porque desencadeará quem serão, mais do que qual profissão seguirão. Para os autores, é interessante criar políticas públicas educacionais permanentes que ajudem os jovens desde o ensino fundamental até a saída do ensino médio a refletirem sobre o que desejam.Em síntese, os quinze capítulos que compõem a obra discutem temas atuais sobre as juventudes brasileiras, seus dilemas, seus desafios, suas perspectivas e seus diversos contextos dentro de um país com desigualdades sociais, econômicas, educacionais. Desse modo, recomenda-se a obra “Juventudes Brasileiras – questões contemporâneas” a pesquisadores da área e a professores que atuam com essa diversidade de juventudes, seja na educação básica, em cursos profissionalizantes ou na educação superior.

This paper is meant to study the apocalyptic scenario of the at the perspectives of the Great Acceleration. the apocalyptic scenario is not a pure imagination of the literature works. Instead, scientific evidences are in favour of dramatic change in the climatic conditions related to the climax of Man actions. the modelling of the future climate leads to horrible situations including intolerable temperatures, dryness, tornadoes, and noticeable sear level rise evading coastal regions. Going far from these scientific claims, Homo Sapiens Sapiens extended his imagination through the Climate-Fiction (cli-fi) to propose a dramatic end. Climate Fiction is developed into a recording machine containing every kind of fictions that depict environmental condition events and has consequently lost its true significance. Introduction The Great Acceleration may be considered as the Late Anthropocene in which Man actions reached their climax to lead to dramatic climatic changes paving the way for a possible apocalyptic scenario threatening the existence of the humanity. So, the apocalyptic scenario is not a pure imagination of the literature works. Instead, many scientific arguments especially related to climate change are in favour of the apocalypse1. As a matter of fact, the modelling of the future climate leads to horrible situations including intolerable temperatures (In 06/07/2021, Kuwait recorded the highest temperature of 53.2 °C), dryness, tornadoes, and noticeable sear level rise evading coastal regions. These conditions taking place during the Great Acceleration would have direct repercussions on the human species. Considering that the apocalyptic extinction had really caused the disappearance of many stronger species including dinosaurs, Homo Sapiens Sapiens extended his imagination though the Climate-Fiction (cli-fi) to propose a dramatic end due to severe climate conditions intolerable by the humankind. The mass extinction of animal species has occurred several times over the geological ages. Researchers have a poor understanding of the causes and processes of these major crises1. Nonetheless, whatever the cause of extinction, the apocalyptic scenario has always been present in the geological history. For example, dinosaurs extinction either by asteroids impact or climate changes could by no means denies the apocalyptic aspect2.At the same time as them, many animal and plant species became extinct, from marine or flying reptiles to marine plankton. This biological crisis of sixty-five million years ago is not the only one that the biosphere has suffered. It was preceded and followed by other crises which caused the extinction or the rarefaction of animal species. So, it is undeniable that many animal groups have disappeared. It is even on the changes of fauna that the geologists of the last century have based themselves to establish the scale of geological times, scale which is still used. But it is no less certain that the extinction processes, extremely complex, are far from being understood. We must first agree on the meaning of the word "extinction", namely on the apocalyptic aspect of the concept. It is quite understood that, without disappearances, the evolution of species could not have followed its course. Being aware that the apocalyptic extinction had massacred stronger species that had dominated the planet, Homo Sapiens Sapiens has been aware that the possibility of apocalyptic end at the perspective of the Anthropocene (i.e., Great Acceleration) could not be excluded. This conviction is motivated by the progressive defaunation in some regions3and the appearance of alien species in others related to change of mineralogy and geochemistry4 leading to a climate change during the Anthropocene. These scientific claims fed the vast imagination about climate change to set the so-called cli-fi. The concept of the Anthropocene is the new geological era which begins when the Man actions have reached a sufficient power to modify the geological processes and climatic cycles of the planet5. The Anthropocene by no means excludes the possibility of an apocalyptic horizon, namely in the perspectives of the Great Acceleration. On the contrary, two scenarios do indeed seem to dispute the future of the Anthropocene, with a dramatic cross-charge. The stories of the end of the world are as old as it is, as the world is the origin of these stories. However, these stories of the apocalypse have evolved over time and, since the beginning of the 19th century, they have been nourished particularly by science and its advances. These fictions have sometimes tried to pass themselves off as science. This is the current vogue, called collapsology6. This end is more than likely cli-fi driven7and it may cause the extinction of the many species including the Homo Sapiens Sapiens. In this vein, Anthropocene defaunation has become an ultimate reality8. More than one in eight birds, more than one in five mammals, more than one in four coniferous species, one in three amphibians are threatened. The hypothesis of a hierarchy within the living is induced by the error of believing that evolution goes from the simplest to the most sophisticated, from the inevitably stupid inferior to the superior endowed with an intelligence giving prerogative to all powers. Evolution goes in all directions and pursues no goal except the extension of life on Earth. Evolution certainly does not lead from bacteria to humans, preferably male and white. Our species is only a carrier of the DNA that precedes us and that will survive us. Until we show a deep respect for the biosphere particularly, and our planet in general, we will not become much, we will remain a predator among other predators, the fiercest of predators, the almighty craftsman of the Anthropocene. To be in the depths of our humanity, somehow giving back to the biosphere what we have taken from it seems obvious. To stop the sixth extinction of species, we must condemn our anthropocentrism and the anthropization of the territories that goes with it. The other forms of life also need to keep their ecological niches. According to the first, humanity seems at first to withdraw from the limits of the planet and ultimately succumb to them, with a loss of dramatic meaning. According to the second, from collapse to collapse, it is perhaps another humanity, having overcome its demons, that could come. Climate fiction is a literary sub-genre dealing with the theme of climate change, including global warming. The term appears to have been first used in 2008 by blogger and writer Dan Bloom. In October 2013, Angela Evancie, in a review of the novel Odds against Tomorrow, by Nathaniel Rich, wonders if climate change has created a new literary genre. Scientific basis of the apocalyptic scenario in the perspective of the Anthropocene Global warming All temperature indices are in favour of a global warming (Fig.1). According to the different scenarios of the IPCC9, the temperatures of the globe could increase by 2 °C to 5 °C by 2100. But some scientists warn about a possible runaway of the warming which can reach more than 3 °C. Thus, the average temperature on the surface of the globe has already increased by more than 1.1 °C since the pre-industrial era. The rise in average temperatures at the surface of the globe is the first expected and observed consequence of massive greenhouse gas emissions. However, meteorological surveys record positive temperature anomalies which are confirmed from year to year compared to the temperatures recorded since the middle of the 19th century. Climatologists point out that the past 30 years have seen the highest temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere for over 1,400 years. Several climatic centres around the world record, synthesize and follow the evolution of temperatures on Earth. Since the beginning of the 20th century (1906-2005), the average temperature at the surface of the globe has increased by 0.74 °C, but this progression has not been continuous since 1976, the increase has clearly accelerated, reaching 0.19 °C per decade according to model predictions. Despite the decline in solar activity, the period 1997-2006 is marked by an average positive anomaly of 0.53 °C in the northern hemisphere and 0.27 °C in the southern hemisphere, still compared to the normal calculated for 1961-1990. The ten hottest years on record are all after 1997. Worse, 14 of the 15 hottest years are in the 21st century, which has barely started. Thus, 2016 is the hottest year, followed closely by 2015, 2014 and 2010. The temperature of tropical waters increased by 1.2 °C during the 20th century (compared to 0.5 °C on average for the oceans), causing coral reefs to bleach in 1997. In 1998, the period of Fort El Niño, the prolonged warming of the water has destroyed half of the coral reefs of the Indian Ocean. In addition, the temperature in the tropics of the five ocean basins, where cyclones form, increased by 0.5 °C from 1970 to 2004, and powerful cyclones appeared in the North Atlantic in 2005, while they were more numerous in other parts of the world. Recently, mountains of studies focused on the possible scenario of climate change and the potential worldwide repercussions including hell temperatures and apocalyptic extreme events10 , 11, 12. Melting of continental glaciers As a direct result of the global warming, melting of continental glaciers has been recently noticed13. There are approximately 198,000 mountain glaciers in the world; they cover an area of approximately 726,000 km2. If they all melted, the sea level would rise by about 40 cm. Since the late 1960s, global snow cover has declined by around 10 to 15%. Winter cold spells in much of the northern half of the northern hemisphere are two weeks shorter than 100 years ago. Glaciers of mountains have been declining all over the world by an average of 50 m per decade for 150 years. However, they are also subject to strong multi-temporal variations which make forecasts on this point difficult according to some specialists. In the Alps, glaciers have been losing 1 meter per year for 30 years. Polar glaciers like those of Spitsbergen (about a hundred km from the North Pole) have been retreating since 1880, releasing large quantities of water. The Arctic has lost about 10% of its permanent ice cover every ten years since 1980. In this region, average temperatures have increased at twice the rate of elsewhere in the world in recent decades. The melting of the Arctic Sea ice has resulted in a loss of 15% of its surface area and 40% of its thickness since 1979. The record for melting arctic sea ice was set in 2017. All models predict the disappearance of the Arctic Sea ice in summer within a few decades, which will not be without consequences for the climate in Europe. The summer melting of arctic sea ice accelerated far beyond climate model predictions. Added to its direct repercussions of coastal regions flooding, melting of continental ice leads to radical climatic modifications in favour of the apocalyptic scenario. Fig.1 Evolution of temperature anomaly from 1880 to 2020: the apocalyptic scenario Sea level rise As a direct result of the melting of continental glaciers, sea level rise has been worldwide recorded14 ,15. The average level of the oceans has risen by 22 cm since 1880 and 2 cm since the year 2000 because of the melting of the glaciers but also with the thermal expansion of the water. In the 20th century, the sea level rose by around 2 mm per year. From 1990 to 2017, it reached the relatively constant rate of just over 3mm per year. Several sources contributed to sea level increase including thermal expansion of water (42%), melting of continental glaciers (21%), melting Greenland glaciers (15%) and melting Antarctic glaciers (8%). Since 2003, there has always been a rapid rise (around 3.3 mm / year) in sea level, but the contribution of thermal expansion has decreased (0.4 mm / year) while the melting of the polar caps and continental glaciers accelerates. Since most of the world’s population is living on coastal regions, sea level rise represents a real threat for the humanity, not excluding the apocalyptic scenario. Multiplication of extreme phenomena and climatic anomalies On a human scale, an average of 200 million people is affected by natural disasters each year and approximately 70,000 perish from them. Indeed, as evidenced by the annual reviews of disasters and climatic anomalies, we are witnessing significant warning signs. It is worth noting that these observations are dependent on meteorological survey systems that exist only in a limited number of countries with statistics that rarely go back beyond a century or a century and a half. In addition, scientists are struggling to represent the climatic variations of the last two thousand years which could serve as a reference in the projections. Therefore, the exceptional nature of this information must be qualified a little. Indeed, it is still difficult to know the return periods of climatic disasters in each region. But over the last century, the climate system has gone wild. Indeed, everything suggests that the climate is racing. Indeed, extreme events and disasters have become more frequent. For instance, less than 50 significant events were recorded per year over the period 1970-1985, while there have been around 120 events recorded since 1995. Drought has long been one of the most worrying environmental issues. But while African countries have been the main affected so far, the whole world is now facing increasingly frequent and prolonged droughts. Chile, India, Australia, United States, France and even Russia are all regions of the world suffering from the acceleration of the global drought. Droughts are slowly evolving natural hazards that can last from a few months to several decades and affect larger or smaller areas, whether they are small watersheds or areas of hundreds of thousands of square kilometres. In addition to their direct effects on water resources, agriculture and ecosystems, droughts can cause fires or heat waves. They also promote the proliferation of invasive species, creating environments with multiple risks, worsening the consequences on ecosystems and societies, and increasing their vulnerability. Although these are natural phenomena, there is a growing understanding of how humans have amplified the severity and impacts of droughts, both on the environment and on people. We influence meteorological droughts through our action on climate change, and we influence hydrological droughts through our management of water circulation and water processes at the local scale, for example by diverting rivers or modifying land use. During the Anthropocene (the present period when humans exert a dominant influence on climate and environment), droughts are closely linked to human activities, cultures, and responses. From this scientific overview, it may be concluded apocalyptic scenario is not only a literature genre inspired from the pure imagination. Instead, many scientific arguments are in favour of this dramatic destiny of Homo Sapiens Sapiens. Fig.2. Sea level rise from 1880 to 2020: a possible apocalyptic scenario (www.globalchange.gov, 2021) Apocalyptic genre in recent writing As the original landmark of apocalyptic writing, we must place the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem in 587 BC and the Exile in Babylon. Occasion of a religious and cultural crossing with imprescriptible effects, the Exile brought about a true rebirth, characterized by the maintenance of the essential ethical, even cultural, of a national religion, that of Moses, kept as pure as possible on a foreign land and by the reinterpretation of this fundamental heritage by the archaic return of what was very old, both national traditions and neighbouring cultures. More precisely, it was the place and time for the rehabilitation of cultures and the melting pot for recasting ancient myths. This vast infatuation with Antiquity, remarkable even in the vocabulary used, was not limited to Israel: it even largely reflected a general trend. The long period that preceded throughout the 7th century BC and until 587, like that prior to the edict of Cyrus in 538 BC, was that of restorations and rebirths, of returns to distant sources and cultural crossings. In the biblical literature of this period, one is struck by the almost systematic link between, on the one hand, a very sustained mythical reinvestment even in form and, on the other, the frequent use of biblical archaisms. The example of Shadday, a word firmly rooted in the Semites of the Northwest and epithet of El in the oldest layers of the books of Genesis and Exodus, is most eloquent. This term reappears precisely at the time of the Exile as a designation of the divinity of the Patriarchs and of the God of Israel; Daily, ecological catastrophes now describe the normal state of societies exposed to "risks", in the sense that Ulrich Beck gives to this term: "the risk society is a society of catastrophe. The state of emergency threatens to become a normal state there1”. Now, the "threat" has become clearer, and catastrophic "exceptions" are proliferating as quickly as species are disappearing and climate change is accelerating. The relationship that we have with this worrying reality, to say the least, is twofold: on the one hand, we know very well what is happening to us; on the other hand, we fail to draw the appropriate theoretical and political consequences. This ecological duplicity is at the heart of what has come to be called the “Anthropocene”, a term coined at the dawn of the 21st century by Eugene Stoermer (an environmentalist) and Paul Crutzen (a specialist in the chemistry of the atmosphere) in order to describe an age when humanity would have become a "major geological force" capable of disrupting the climate and changing the terrestrial landscape from top to bottom. If the term “Anthropocene” takes note of human responsibility for climate change, this responsibility is immediately attributed to overpowering: strong as we are, we have “involuntarily” changed the climate for at least two hundred and fifty years. Therefore, let us deliberately change the face of the Earth, if necessary, install a solar shield in space. Recognition and denial fuel the signifying machine of the Anthropocene. And it is precisely what structures eco-apocalyptic cinema that this article aims to study. By "eco-apocalyptic cinema", we first mean a cinematographic sub-genre: eco-apocalyptic and post-eco-apocalyptic films base the possibility (or reality) of the end of the world on environmental grounds and not, for example, on damage caused by the possible collision of planet Earth with a comet. Post-apocalyptic science fiction (sometimes abbreviated as "post-apo" or "post-nuke") is a sub-genre of science fiction that depicts life after a disaster that destroyed civilization: nuclear war, collision with a meteorite, epidemic, economic or energy crisis, pandemic, alien invasion. Conclusion Climate and politics have been linked together since Aristotle. With Montesquieu, Ibn Khaldûn or Watsuji, a certain climatic determinism is attributed to the character of a nation. The break with modernity made the climate an object of scientific knowledge which, in the twentieth century, made it possible to document, despite the controversies, the climatic changes linked to industrialization. Both endanger the survival of human beings and ecosystems. Climate ethics are therefore looking for a new relationship with the biosphere or Gaia. For some, with the absence of political agreements, it is the beginning of inevitable catastrophes. For others, the Anthropocene, which henceforth merges human history with natural history, opens onto technical action. The debate between climate determinism and human freedom is revived. The reference to the biblical Apocalypse was present in the thinking of thinkers like Günther Anders, Karl Jaspers or Hans Jonas: the era of the atomic bomb would mark an entry into the time of the end, a time marked by the unprecedented human possibility of 'total war and annihilation of mankind. The Apocalypse will be very relevant in describing the chaos to come if our societies continue their mad race described as extra-activist, productivist and consumerist. In dialogue with different theologians and philosophers (such as Jacques Ellul), it is possible to unveil some spiritual, ethical, and political resources that the Apocalypse offers for thinking about History and human engagement in the Anthropocene. What can a theology of collapse mean at a time when negative signs and dead ends in the human situation multiply? What then is the place of man and of the cosmos in the Apocalypse according to Saint John? Could the end of history be a collapse? How can we live in the time we have left before the disaster? Answers to such questions remain unknown and no scientist can predict the trajectory of this Great Acceleration taking place at the Late Anthropocene. When science cannot give answers, Man tries to infer his destiny for the legend, religion and the fiction. Climate Fiction is developed into a recording machine containing every kind of fictions that depict environmental condition events and has consequently lost its true significance. Aware of the prospect of ecological collapse additionally as our apparent inability to avert it, we tend to face geology changes of forceful proportions that severely challenge our ability to imagine the implications. Climate fiction ought to be considered an important supplement to climate science, as a result, climate fiction makes visible and conceivable future modes of existence inside worlds not solely deemed seemingly by science, however that area unit scientifically anticipated. Hence, this chapter, as part of the book itself, aims to contribute to studies of ecocriticism, the environmental humanities, and literary and culture studies. References David P.G. Bondand Stephen E. Grasby. "Late Ordovician mass extinction caused by volcanism, warming, and anoxia, not cooling and glaciation: REPLY." Geology 48, no. 8 (Geological Society of America2020): 510. Cyril Langlois.’Vestiges de l'apocalypse: ‘le site de Tanis, Dakota du Nord 2019’. Accessed June, 6, 2021, https://planet-terre.ens-lyon.fr/pdf/Tanis-extinction-K-Pg.pdf NajouaGharsalli,ElhoucineEssefi, Rana Baydoun, and ChokriYaich. ‘The Anthropocene and Great Acceleration as controversial epoch of human-induced activities: case study of the Halk El Menjel wetland, eastern Tunisia’. Applied Ecology and Environmental Research 18(3) (Corvinus University of Budapest 2020): 4137-4166 Elhoucine Essefi, ‘On the Geochemistry and Mineralogy of the Anthropocene’. International Journal of Water and Wastewater Treatment, 6(2). 1-14, (Sci Forschen2020): doi.org/10.16966/2381-5299.168 Elhoucine Essefi. ‘Record of the Anthropocene-Great Acceleration along a core from the coast of Sfax, southeastern Tunisia’. Turkish journal of earth science, (TÜBİTAK,2021). 1-16. Chiara Xausa. ‘Climate Fiction and the Crisis of Imagination: Alexis Wright’s Carpentaria and The Swan Book’. Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 8(2), (WARWICK 2021): 99-119. Akyol, Özlem. "Climate Change: An Apocalypse for Urban Space? An Ecocritical Reading of “Venice Drowned” and “The Tamarisk Hunter”." Folklor/Edebiyat 26, no. 101 (UluslararasıKıbrısÜniversitesi 2020): 115-126. Boswell, Suzanne F. "The Four Tourists of the Apocalypse: Figures of the Anthropocene in Caribbean Climate Fiction.". Paradoxa 31, (Academia 2020): 359-378. Ayt Ougougdal, Houssam, Mohamed YacoubiKhebiza, Mohammed Messouli, and Asia Lachir. "Assessment of future water demand and supply under IPCC climate change and socio-economic scenarios, using a combination of models in Ourika Watershed, High Atlas, Morocco." Water 12, no. 6 (MPDI 2020): 1751.DOI:10.3390/w12061751. Wu, Jia, Zhenyu Han, Ying Xu, Botao Zhou, and Xuejie Gao. "Changes in extreme climate events in China under 1.5 C–4 C global warming targets: Projections using an ensemble of regional climate model simulations." Journal of Geophysical Research: Atmospheres 125, no. 2 (Wiley2020): e2019JD031057.https://doi.org/10.1029/2019JD031057 Khan, Md Jamal Uddin, A. K. M. Islam, Sujit Kumar Bala, and G. M. Islam. "Changes in climateextremes over Bangladesh at 1.5° C, 2° C, and 4° C of global warmingwith high-resolutionregionalclimate modeling." Theoretical&AppliedClimatology 140 (EBSCO2020). Gudoshava, Masilin, Herbert O. Misiani, Zewdu T. Segele, Suman Jain, Jully O. Ouma, George Otieno, Richard Anyah et al. "Projected effects of 1.5 C and 2 C global warming levels on the intra-seasonal rainfall characteristics over the Greater Horn of Africa." Environmental Research Letters 15, no. 3 (IOPscience2020): 34-37. Wang, Lawrence K., Mu-Hao Sung Wang, Nai-Yi Wang, and Josephine O. Wong. "Effect of Global Warming and Climate Change on Glaciers and Salmons." In Integrated Natural Resources Management, ed.Lawrence K. Wang, Mu-Hao Sung Wang, Yung-Tse Hung, Nazih K. Shammas(Springer 2021), 1-36. Merschroth, Simon, Alessio Miatto, Steffi Weyand, Hiroki Tanikawa, and Liselotte Schebek. "Lost Material Stock in Buildings due to Sea Level Rise from Global Warming: The Case of Fiji Islands." Sustainability 12, no. 3 (MDPI 2020): 834.doi:10.3390/su12030834 Hofer, Stefan, Charlotte Lang, Charles Amory, Christoph Kittel, Alison Delhasse, Andrew Tedstone, and Xavier Fettweis. "Greater Greenland Ice Sheet contribution to global sea level rise in CMIP6." 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Soccer is a game, but also a social phenomenon. As Simon Kuper said, 'when billions of people care about a game, it stops being just a game'. With this new sport, the idea of dispassionate cheering and support for one's hometown team has also spread, synonymous with a sense of belonging to one's homeland. In order to understand the phenomenon of organized supporters, it is necessary to put aside the prejudices and stereotypes that see a veil of violence and ignorance around this world. Through this study, supported by various bibliographic sources, newspaper articles, websites and field surveys, we have investigated the phenomenon in order to better understand its origins, its diffusion and the internal links within the groups that lead most of the public opinion to consider the so-called "Hooligans" as hooligans and troublemakers. The parochialism behind the violent events, the mentality and the hierarchies were examined. The aim of the study was twofold: to verify the knowledge and opinions of a selected sample about the social phenomenon analyzed, also in relation to macro topics such as the relationship with organized crime and political extremism, and to outline a profiling of the organized fan.

Resumo O presente artigo, escrito em homenagem à antropóloga Simoni Guedes (1949-2019), reconstitui elementos da trajetória de uma autora que exerceu notável influência na constituição de um campo de estudos para a antropologia dos esportes no Brasil. De início, o propósito do texto é dar a conhecer dados biográficos de suas origens familiares e de sua formação em Ciências Sociais na Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), entre os anos 1960 e 1970, informações via de regra pouco conhecidas, mesmo entre seus discípulos. Em seguida, aborda-se a importância de sua formação acadêmica no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Antropologia Social (PPGAS), do Museu Nacional, entre as décadas de 1970 e 1990, instituição em que se tornou mestra e doutora. Depois de traçar esse percurso intelectual formativo, tenciona-se por fim um exame mais detido em sua primeira publicação de vulto, dedicada à temática esportiva - “Subúrbio, celeiro de craques” -, que veio a lume em 1982, em coletânea germinal organizada por Roberto DaMatta: Universo do futebol.

O artigo questiona três concepções de políticas públicas que se apresentam hoje como propostas alternativas ao paradigma econômico neoliberal e à precarização do mercado laboral que veio em sua esteira: desenvolvimento local, empreendedorismo e governança urbana, tendo como objeto as empresas que compõem o Arranjo Produtivo Local de Tecnologia de Informação da região de Londrina (PR) , o qual se insere dentro das políticas públicas aqui problematizadas. Os dados coletados do MTE demonstram que essas empresas tendem a aportar as atividades rotineiras presentes nas cadeias de valor das grandes transnacionais do ramo, que são mais sujeitas às vulnerabilidades laborais postas pela mobilidade que o capital ganhou com a globalização da economia. Assim, diferente da perspectiva oficial que orienta essas políticas, os resultados remetem a indicadores de precarização já consensuais na literatura especializada sobre o tema: baixo grau (relativo) de escolaridade, salários em torno de 0,5 a um salário mínimo, e alto índice de rotatividade. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Desenvolvimento local. Empreendedorismo. Governança urbana. Arranjos Produtivos Locais. Precarização do trabalho.LOCAL DEVELOPMENT, ENTREPREUNERISM AND URBAN “GOVERNANCE”: where is labor inserted within this context? Simone Wolff This paper questions three concepts of public policies presented nowadays as alternatives to the neoliberal economic paradigm and to the precarization of the labor market that has come in its wake: local development, entrepreneurism and urban governance. As their object are the companies that form the Productive Local Arrangement of Information Technology in the region of Londrina, Paraná, inserted within the public policies here problematized. Data collected from the Ministry of Labor and Employment (MTE) show that these companies tend to provide the routine activities present in the chains of value of the sector’s large transnational corporations, which are more susceptible to the labor vulnerabilities imposed by the mobility that capital has acquired with economic globalization. Thus, different from the official perspective that guides these policies, the results refer to precarization indicators that are a consensus in specialized literature on the topic: lower schooling grade, salaries around 0.5 to one minimum wage and high turnover level. KEY WORDS: Local Development. Entrepreneurism. Urban governance. Local productive arrangements. Labor precarization.DÉVELOPPEMENT LOCAL, ENTREPRENEURIAT ET “GOUVERNANCE” URBAINE: quelle est la place du travail dans ce contexte? Simone Wolff On s’interroge sur trois conceptions de politiques publiques présentées aujourd’hui comme des propositions alternatives pour le paradigme économique néo-libéral et la précarisation du marché du travail qui l’a accompagné: le développement local, l’entrepreuneuriat et la gouvernance urbaine ayant pour objet les entreprises qui font partie de l’Arrangement Productif Local de Technologie de l’Information de la Région de Londrina (PR), et qui s’insère dans les politiques publiques ici problématisées. Les données recueillies auprès du MTE démontrent que les entreprises ont tendance à faire l’apport des activités courantes présentes dans les chaînes de valeur des grandes entreprises transnationales du secteur, qu’elles sont plus sujettes aux vulnérabilités de la main-d’oeuvre à cause de la mobilité du capital due à la mondialisation de l’économie. Ainsi, à l’oposé de la perspective officielle qui oriente ces politiques, les résultats renvoient à des indicateurs de précarisation, fruits d’un consensus dans la littérature spécialisée sur le sujet: bas niveau (relatif) de scolarité, salaires d’environ 0,5 à 1 salaire minimum et un indice de rotativité très élevé. MOTS-CLÉS: Développement local. Entreprenariat. Gouvernance urbaine. Arrangements Productifs Locaux. Précarisation du travail. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Traditioneel gezien heeft veel onderzoek op het gebied van organisatiegedrag, management en personeelsbeleid als impliciete assumptie dat er sprake is van een zekere symmetrie in de onderzochte relaties en fenomenen. Deze assumptie is niet verwonderlijk, aangezien symmetrie (en balans, harmonie e.d.) ook centraal staat in andere wetenschappen. In deze bewerking van mijn oratie stel ik dat het wenselijk is om vaker stil te staan bij dit soort impliciete assumpties tijdens onze wetenschappelijke onderzoeken en praktijkinterventies. Om dat belang te illustreren geef ik een overzicht van recent onderzoek naar asymmetrieën in taakafhankelijkheid, waaruit duidelijk wordt dat het negeren van deze asymmetrieën belangrijke machtsdynamieken over het hoofd ziet. Naast het bespreken van dit soort specifieke 'horizontale' (a)symmetrieën laat ik ook meer algemene 'verticale' asymmetrieën aan bod komen door onderzoek op het gebied van leiderschap en 'HR-practices' te beschrijven. Toekomstig onderzoek kan horizontale en verticale (a)symmetrieën verder onderzoeken in de aparte theoretische velden en/of proberen de velden te 'kruisbestuiven' door de (a)symmetrieën van één veld in het andere veld te onderzoeken. Daarnaast kunnen er tijds(a)symmetrieën onderzocht worden, bijvoorbeeld door meer longitudinaal onderzoek te verrichten. De implicaties voor wetenschap en praktijk (en hun onderlinge samenhang) worden besproken aan het einde van het artikel.

Introduction Darkness is often characterised as something that warrants heightened caution and scrutiny – signifying increased danger and risk. Within settler-colonial settings such as Australia, cautionary and negative connotations of darkness are projected upon Black people and their bodies, forming part of continuing colonial regimes of power (Moreton-Robinson). Negative stereotypes of “dark” continues to racialise all Indigenous peoples. In Australia, Indigenous peoples are both Indigenous and Black regardless of skin colour, and this plays out in a range of ways, some of which will be highlighted within this article. This article demonstrates that for Indigenous peoples, associations of fear and danger are built into the structural mechanisms that shape and maintain colonial understandings of Indigenous peoples and their bodies. It is this embodied form of darkness, and its negative connotations, and responses that we explore further. Figure 1: Megan Cope’s ‘I’m not afraid of the Dark’ t-shirt (Fredericks and Heemsbergen 2021) Responding to the anxieties and fears of settlers that often surround Indigenous peoples, Quandamooka artist and member of the art collective ProppaNow, Megan Cope, has produced a range of t-shirts, one of which declares “I’m not afraid of the Dark” (fig. 1). The wording ‘reflects White Australia’s fear of blackness’ (Dark + Dangerous). Exploring race relations through the theme of “darkness”, we begin by discussing how negative connotations of darkness are represented through everyday lexicons and how efforts to shift prejudicial and racist language are often met with defensiveness and resistance. We then consider how fears towards the dark translate into everyday practices, reinforced by media representations. The article considers how stereotype, conjecture, and prejudice is inflicted upon Indigenous people and reflects white settler fears and anxieties, rooting colonialism in everyday language, action, and norms. The Language of Fear Indigenous people and others with dark skin tones are often presented as having a proclivity towards threatening, aggressive, deceitful, and negative behaviours. This works to inform how Indigenous peoples are “known” and responded to by hegemonic (predominantly white) populations. Negative connotations of Indigenous people are a means of reinforcing and legitimising the falsity that European knowledge systems, norms, and social structures are superior whilst denying the contextual colonial circumstances that have led to white dominance. In Australia, such denial corresponds to the refusal to engage with the unceded sovereignty of Aboriginal peoples or acknowledge Indigenous resistance. Language is integral to the ways in which dominant populations come to “know” and present the so-called “Other”. Such language is reflected in digital media, which both produce and maintain white anxieties towards race and ethnicity. When part of mainstream vernacular, racialised language – and the value judgments associated with it – often remains in what Moreton-Robinson describes as “invisible regimes of power” (75). Everyday social structures, actions, and habits of thought veil oppressive and discriminatory attitudes that exist under the guise of “normality”. Colonisation and the dominance of Eurocentric ways of knowing, being, and doing has fixated itself on creating a normality that associates Indigeneity and darkness with negative and threatening connotations. In doing so, it reinforces power balances that presents an image of white superiority built on the invalidation of Indigeneity and Blackness. White fears and anxieties towards race made explicit through social and digital media are also manifest via subtle but equally pervasive everyday action (Carlson and Frazer; Matamoros-Fernández). Confronting and negotiating such fears becomes a daily reality for many Indigenous people. During the height of the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests in the United States, which extended to Australia and were linked to deaths in custody and police violence, African American poet Saul Williams reminded his followers of the power of language in constructing racialised fears (saulwilliams). In an Instagram post, Williams draws back the veil of an uncontested normality to ask that we take personal responsibility over the words we use. He writes: here’s a tip: Take the words DARK or BLACK in connection to bad, evil, ominous or scary events out of your vocabulary. We learn the stock market crashed on Black Monday, we read headlines that purport “Dark Days Ahead”. There’s “dark” or “black” humour which implies an undertone of evil, and then there are people like me who grow up with dark skin having to make sense of the English/American lexicon and its history of “fair complexions” – where “fair” can mean “light; blond.” OR “in accordance with rules or standards; legitimate.” We may not be fully responsible for the duplicitous evolution of language and subtle morphing of inherited beliefs into description yet we are in full command of the words we choose even as they reveal the questions we’ve left unasked. Like the work of Moreton-Robinson and other scholars, Williams implores his followers to take a reflexive position to consider the questions often left unasked. In doing so, he calls for the transcendence of anonymity and engagement with the realities of colonisation – no matter how ugly, confronting, and complicit one may be in its continuation. In the Australian context this means confronting how terms such as “dark”, “darkie”, or “darky” were historically used as derogatory and offensive slurs for Aboriginal peoples. Such language continues to be used today and can be found in the comment sections of social media, online news platforms, and other online forums (Carlson “Love and Hate”). Taking the move to execute personal accountability can be difficult. It can destabilise and reframe the ways in which we understand and interact with the world (Rose 22). For some, however, exposing racism and seemingly mundane aspects of society is taken as a personal attack which is often met with reactionary responses where one remains closed to new insights (Whittaker). This feeds into fears and anxieties pertaining to the perceived loss of power. These fears and anxieties continue to surface through conversations and calls for action on issues such as changing the date of Australia Day, the racialised reporting of news (McQuire), removing of plaques and statues known to be racist, and requests to change placenames and the names of products. For example, in 2020, Australian cheese producer Saputo Dairy Australia changed the name of it is popular brand “Coon” to “Cheer Tasty”. The decision followed a lengthy campaign led by Dr Stephen Hagan who called for the rebranding based on the Coon brand having racist connotations (ABC). The term has its racist origins in the United States and has long been used as a slur against people with dark skin, liking them to racoons and their tendency to steal and deceive. The term “Coon” is used in Australia by settlers as a racist term for referring to Aboriginal peoples. Claims that the name change is example of political correctness gone astray fail to acknowledge and empathise with the lived experience of being treated as if one is dirty, lazy, deceitful, or untrustworthy. Other brand names have also historically utilised racist wording along with imagery in their advertising (Conor). Pear’s soap for example is well-known for its historical use of racist words and imagery to legitimise white rule over Indigenous colonies, including in Australia (Jackson). Like most racial epithets, the power of language lies in how the words reflect and translate into actions that dehumanise others. The words we use matter. The everyday “ordinary” world, including online, is deeply politicised (Carlson and Frazer “They Got Filters”) and comes to reflect attitudes and power imbalances that encourage white people to internalise the falsity that they are superior and should have control over Black people (Conor). Decisions to make social change, such as that made by Saputo Dairy Australia, can manifest into further white anxieties via their ability to force the confrontation of the circumstances that continue to contribute to one’s own prosperity. In other words, to unveil the realities of colonialism and ask the questions that are too often left in the dark. Lived Experiences of Darkness Colonial anxieties and fears are driven by the fact that Black populations in many areas of the world are often characterised as criminals, perpetrators, threats, or nuisances, but are rarely seen as victims. In Australia, the repeated lack of police response and receptivity to concerns of Indigenous peoples expressed during the Black Lives Matter campaign saw tens of thousands of people take to the streets to protest. Protestors at the same time called for the end of police brutality towards Indigenous peoples and for an end to Indigenous deaths in custody. The protests were backed by a heavy online presence that sought to mobilise people in hope of lifting the veil that shrouds issues relating to systemic racism. There have been over 450 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to die in custody since the end of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody in 1991 (The Guardian). The tragedy of the Indigenous experience gains little attention internationally. The negative implications of being the object of white fear and anxiety are felt by Indigenous and other Black communities daily. The “safety signals” (Daniella Emanuel) adopted by white peoples in response to often irrational perceptions of threat signify how Indigenous and other Black peoples and communities are seen and valued by the hegemony. Memes played out in social media depicting “Karens” – a term that corresponds to caricaturised white women (but equally applicable to men) who exhibit behaviours of entitlement – have increasing been used in media to expose the prevalence of irrational racial fears (also see Wong). Police are commonly called on Indigenous people and other Black people for simply being within spaces such as shopping malls, street corners, parks, or other spaces in which they are considered not to belong (Mohdin). Digital media are also commonly envisioned as a space that is not natural or normal for Indigenous peoples, a notion that maintains narratives of so-called Indigenous primitivity (Carlson and Frazer). Media connotations of darkness as threatening are associated with, and strategically manipulated by, the images that accompany stories about Indigenous peoples and other Black peoples. Digital technologies play significant roles in producing and disseminating the images shown in the media. Moreover, they have a “role in mediating and amplifying old and new forms of abuse, hate, and discrimination” (Matamoros-Fernández and Farkas). Daniels demonstrates how social media sites can be spaces “where race and racism play out in interesting, sometimes disturbing, ways” (702), shaping ongoing colonial fears and anxieties over Black peoples. Prominent footballer Adam Goodes, for example, faced a string of attacks after he publicly condemned racism when he was called an “Ape” by a spectator during a game celebrating Indigenous contributions to the sport (Coram and Hallinan). This was followed by a barrage of personal attacks, criticisms, and booing that spread over the remaining years of his football career. When Goodes performed a traditional war dance as a form of celebration during a game in 2015, many turned to social media to express their outrage over his “confrontational” and “aggressive” behaviour (Robinson). Goodes’s affirmation of his Indigeneity was seen by many as a threat to their own positionality and white sensibility. Social media were therefore used as a mechanism to control settler narratives and maintain colonial power structures by framing the conversation through a white lens (Carlson and Frazer “They Got Filters”). Indigenous peoples in other highly visible fields have faced similar backlash. In 1993, Elaine George was the first Aboriginal person to feature on the cover of Vogue magazine, a decision considered “risky” at the time (Singer). The editor of Vogue later revealed that the cover was criticised by some who believed George’s skin tone was made to appear lighter than it actually was and that it had been digitally altered. The failure to accept a lighter skin colour as “Aboriginal” exposes a neglect to accept ethnicity and Blackness in all its diversity (Carlson and Frazer “They Got Filters”; Carlson “Love and Hate”). Where Adam Goodes was criticised for his overt expression of Blackness, George was critisised for not being “black enough”. It was not until seventeen years later that another Aboriginal model, Samantha Harris, was featured on the cover of Vogue (Marks). While George inspired and pathed the way for those to come, Harris experienced similar discrimination within the industry and amongst the public (Carson and Ky). Singer Jessica Mauboy (in Hornery) also explains how her identity was managed by others. She recalls, I was pretty young when I first received recognition, and for years I felt as though I couldn't show my true identity. What I was saying in public was very dictated by other people who could not handle my sense of culture and identity. They felt they had to take it off my hands. Mauboy’s experience not only demonstrates how Blackness continues to be seen as something to “handle”, but also how power imbalances play out. Scholar Chelsea Watego offers numerous examples of how this occurs in different ways and arenas, for example through relationships between people and within workplaces. Bargallie’s scholarly work also provides an understanding of how Indigenous people experience racism within the Australian public service, and how it is maintained through the structures and systems of power. The media often represents communities with large Indigenous populations as being separatist and not contributing to wider society and problematic (McQuire). Violence, and the threat of violence, is often presented in media as being normalised. Recently there have been calls for an increased police presence in Alice Springs, NT, and other remotes communities due to ongoing threats of “tribal payback” and acts of “lawlessness” (Sky News Australia; Hildebrand). Goldberg uses the phrase “Super/Vision” to describe the ways that Black men and women in Black neighbourhoods are continuously and erroneously supervised and surveilled by police using apparatus such as helicopters and floodlights. Simone Browne demonstrates how contemporary surveillance practices are rooted in anti-black domination and are operationalised through a white gaze. Browne uses the term “racializing surveillance” to describe a ”technology of social control where surveillance practices, policies, and performances concern the production of norms pertaining to race and exercise a ‘power to define what is in or out of place’” (16). The outcome is often discriminatory treatment to those negatively racialised by such surveillance. Narratives that associate Indigenous peoples with darkness and danger fuel colonial fears and uphold the invisible regimes of power by instilling the perception that acts of surveillance and the restrictions imposed on Indigenous peoples’ autonomy are not only necessary but justified. Such myths fail to contextualise the historic colonial factors that drive segregation and enable a forgetting that negates personal accountability and complicity in maintaining colonial power imbalances (Riggs and Augoustinos). Inayatullah and Blaney (165) write that the “myth we construct calls attention to a darker, tragic side of our ethical engagement: the role of colonialism in constituting us as modern actors.” They call for personal accountability whereby one confronts the notion that we are both products and producers of a modernity rooted in a colonialism that maintains the misguided notion of white supremacy (Wolfe; Mignolo; Moreton-Robinson). When Indigenous and other Black peoples enter spaces that white populations don’t traditionally associate as being “natural” or “fitting” for them (whether residential, social, educational, a workplace, online, or otherwise), alienation, discrimination, and criminalisation often occurs (Bargallie; Mohdin; Linhares). Structural barriers are erected, prohibiting career or social advancement while making the space feel unwelcoming (Fredericks; Bargallie). In workplaces, Indigenous employees become the subject of hyper-surveillance through the supervision process (Bargallie), continuing to make them difficult work environments. This is despite businesses and organisations seeking to increase their Indigenous staff numbers, expressing their need to change, and implementing cultural competency training (Fredericks and Bargallie). As Barnwell correctly highlights, confronting white fears and anxieties must be the responsibility of white peoples. When feelings of shock or discomfort arise when in the company of Indigenous peoples, one must reflexively engage with the reasons behind this “fear of the dark” and consider that perhaps it is they who are self-segregating. Mohdin suggests that spaces highly populated by Black peoples are best thought of not as “black spaces” or “black communities”, but rather spaces where white peoples do not want to be. They stand as reminders of a failed colonial regime that sought to deny and dehumanise Indigenous peoples and cultures, as well as the continuation of Black resistance and sovereignty. Conclusion In working towards improving relationships between Black and white populations, the truths of colonisation, and its continuing pervasiveness in local and global settings must first be confronted. In this article we have discussed the association of darkness with instinctual fears and negative responses to the unknown. White populations need to reflexively engage and critique how they think, act, present, address racism, and respond to Indigenous peoples (Bargallie; Moreton-Robinson; Whittaker), cultivating a “decolonising consciousness” (Bradfield) to develop new habits of thinking and relating. To overcome fears of the dark, we must confront that which remains unknown, and the questions left unasked. This means exposing racism and power imbalances, developing meaningful relationships with Indigenous peoples, addressing structural change, and implementing alternative ways of knowing and doing. Only then may we begin to embody Megan Cope’s message, “I’m not afraid of the Dark”. Acknowledgements We thank Dr Debbie Bargallie for her feedback on our article, which strengthened the work. References ABC News. 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This article is a comparison of two remarkably different takes on a single subject, namely the shifting meaning of the word ‘publishing’ brought about by the changes in literacy habits related to Web 2.0. One the one hand, we have Andrew Keen’s much lambasted 2007 book The Cult of the Amateur, which is essentially an attempt to defend traditional gatekeeper models of cultural production by denigrating online, user-generated content. The second is Spin journalist Andy Greenwald’s Nothing Feels Good, focusing on the Emo subculture of the early 2000s and its reliance on Web 2.0 as an integral medium for communication and the accumulation of subcultural capital. What I want to suggest in this article is that these two books, with their contrasting readings of Web 2.0, both tell us something specific about what the word “publishing” means and how it is currently undergoing a significant change brought about by a radical adaptation of literacy practices. What I think both books also do is give us an insight into how those changes are being interpreted, to be rejected on the one hand and applauded on the other. Both books have their faults. Keen’s work can fairly easily be passed off as a sort of cantankerous reminiscence for the legitimacy of an earlier era of publishing, and Greenwald’s Emos have, like all teen subcultures, changed somewhat. Yet what both books portray is an attempt to digest how Web 2.0 has altered perceptions of what constitutes legitimate speaking positions and how that is reflected in the literacy practices that shape the relationships among authors, readers, and the channels through which they interact. Their primary difference is a disparity in the value they place on Web 2.0’s amplification of the Internet’s use as a social and communicative medium. Greenwald embraces it as the facilitator of an open-access dialogue, whereas Keen sees it as a direct threat to other, more traditional, gatekeeper genres. Accordingly, Keen begins his book with a lament that Web 2.0’s “democratization” of media is “undermining truth, souring civic discourse and belittling expertise, experience, and talent … it is threatening the very future of our cultural institutions” (15). He continues, Today’s editors, technicians, and cultural gatekeepers—the experts across an array of fields—are necessary to help us to sift through what’s important and what’s not, what is credible from what is unreliable, what is worth spending our time on as opposed to the white noise that can be safely ignored. (45) As examples of the “white noise,” he lists some of the core features of Web 2.0—blogs, MySpace, YouTube and Facebook. The notable similarity between all of these is that their content is user generated and, accordingly, comes from the position of the personal, rather than from a gatekeeper. In terms of their readership, this presents a fundamental shift in an understanding of authenticated speaking positions, one which Keen suggests underwrites reliability by removing the presence of certifiable expertise. He looks at Web 2.0 and sees a mass of low grade, personal content overwhelming traditional benchmarks of quality and accountability. His definition of “publishing” is essentially one in which a few, carefully groomed producers express work seen as relevant to the wider community. The relationship between reader and writer is primarily one sided, mediated by a gatekeeper and rests on the assumption by all involved that the producer has the legitimacy to speak to a large, and largely silent, readership. Greenwald, by contrast, looks at the same genres and comes to a remarkably different and far more positive conclusion. He focuses heavily on the lively message boards of the social networking site Makeoutclub, the shift to a long tail marketing style by key Emo record labels such as Vagrant and Drive-Thru Records and, in particular, the widespread use of LiveJournal (www.livejournal.com) by suburban, Emo fixated teenagers. Of this he writes: The language is inflated, coded as ‘adult’ and ‘poetic’, which often translates into affected, stilted and forced. But if one can accept that, there’s a sweet vulnerability to it. The world of LiveJournal is an enclosed circuit where everyone has agreed to check their cynicism at the sign on screen; it’s a pulsing, swoony realm of inflated emotions, expectations and dialogue. (287) He specifically notes that one cannot read mediums like LiveJournal in the same style as their more traditional counterparts. There is a necessity to adopt a reading style conducive to a dialogue devoid of conventional quality controls. It is also, he notes, a heavily interconnected, inherently social medium: LiveJournals represent the truest and easiest realization of the essential teenage (and artistic) tenet of the importance of a ‘room of one’s own’, and yet the framework of the website is enough to make each individual room interconnected into a mosaic of richly felt lives. (288) Where Keen sees Web 2.0 as a shift way from established cultural forums, Greenwald sees it as an interconnected conversation. His definition of publishing is more fluid, founded on a belief not in the authenticity of a single, validated voice but on the legitimacy of interaction and communication entirely devoid of any gatekeepers. Central to understanding the difference between Greenwald and Keen is the issue or whether or not we accept the legitimacy of personal voices and how we evaluate the kind of reading practices involved in interpreting them. In this respect, Greenwald’s reference to “a room of one’s own” is telling. When Virginia Woolf wrote A Room of One’s Own in 1929, Web 2.0 wasn’t even a consideration, but her work dealt with a similar subject matter, detailing the key role the novel genre played in legitimising women’s voices precisely because it was “young enough to be soft in [their] hands” (74). What would eventually emerge from Woolf’s work was the field of feminist literary criticism, which hit its stride in the mid-eighties. In terms of its understanding of the power relations inherent to cultural production, particularly as they relate to gatekeeping, it’s a rich academic tradition notably lacking in the writing on Web 2.0. For example, Celia Lury’s essay “Reading the Self,” written more than ten years before the popularisation of the internet, looks specifically at the way in which authoritative speaking positions gain their legitimacy not just through the words on the page but through the entire relationships among author, genre, channels of distribution, and readership. She argues that, “to write is to enter into a relationship with a community of readers, and various forms of writing are seen to involve and imply, at any particular time, various forms of relationship” (102). She continues, so far as text is clearly written/read within a particular genre, it can be seen to rest upon a more or less specific set of social relations. It also means that ‘textual relations’—that is, formal techniques, reading strategies and so on—are not held separate from ‘non-textual relations’—such as methods of cultural production and modes of distribution—and that the latter can be seen to help construct ‘literary value.’ (102) The implication is that an appropriation of legitimised speaking positions isn’t done purely by overthrowing or contesting an established system of ‘quality’ but by developing a unique relationship between author, genre, and readership. Textual and non-textual practices blur together to create literary environments and cultural space. The term “publishing” is at the heart of these relationships, describing the literacies required to interpret particular voices and forms of communication. Yet, as Lury writes, literacy habits can vary. Participation in dialogue-driven, user-generated mediums is utterly different from conventional, gatekeeper-driven ones, yet the two can easily co-exist. For instance, reading last year’s Man Booker prize-winner doesn’t stop one from reading, or even writing, blogs. One can enact numerous literacy practices, move between discourses and inhabit varied relationships between genre, reader, and writer. However, with the rise of Web 2.0 a whole range of literacies that used to be defined as “private sphere” or “everyday literacies,” everything from personal conversations and correspondence to book clubs and fanzines, have become far, far more public. In the past these dialogue-based channels of communication have never been in a position where they could be defined as “publishing.” Web 2.0 changes that, moving previously private sphere communication into online public space in a very obvious way. Keen dismisses this shift as a wall of white noise, but Greenwald does something equally interesting. To a large extent, his positive treatment of Web 2.0’s “affected, stilted and forced” user-generated content is validated by his focus on a “Youth” subculture, namely Emo. Indeed, he heavily links the impact of youthful subcultural practices with the internet, writing that Teenage life has always been about self-creation, and its inflated emotions and high stakes have always existed in a grossly accelerated bubble of hypertime. The internet is the most teenage of media because it too exists in this hypertime of limitless limited moments and constant reinvention. If emo is the soundtrack to hypertime, then the web is its greatest vehicle, the secret tunnel out of the locked bedroom and dead-eyed judgmental scenes of youth. (277) In this light, we accept the voices of his Emo subjects because, underneath their low-quality writing, they produce a “sweet vulnerability” and a “dialogue,” which provides them with a “secret tunnel” out of the loneliness of their bedrooms or unsupportive geographical communities. It’s a theme that hints at the degree to which discussions of Web 2.0 are often heavily connected to arguments about generationalism, framed by the field of youth studies and accordingly end up being mined for what Tara Brabazon calls “spectacular youth subcultures” (23). We see some core examples of this in some of the quasi-academic writing on the subject of “Youth.” For example, in his 2005 book XYZ: The New Rules of Generational Warfare, Michael Grose declares Generation Y as “post-literate”: Like their baby boomer parents and generation X before them, generation Ys get their information from a range of sources that include the written and spoken word. Magazines and books are in, but visual communication is more important for this cohort than their parents. They live in a globalised, visual world where images rather than words are universal communication media. The Internet has heightened the use of symbols as a direct communicator. (95) Given the Internet is overwhelmingly a textual medium, it’s hard to tell exactly what Grose’s point is other than to express his confusion over new literacy practices. In a similar vein and in a similar style, Rebecca Huntley writes in her book The World According to Y, In the Y world, a mobile phone is not merely a phone. It is, as described by demographer Bernard Salt, “a personal accessory, a personal communications device and a personal entertainment centre.” It’s a device for work and play, flirtation and sex, friendship and family. For Yers, their phone symbolizes freedom and flexibility. More than that, your mobile phone symbolizes you. (16) Like Keen, Grose and Huntley are trying to understand a shift in publishing and media that has produced new literacy practices. Unlike Keen, Grose and Huntley pin the change on young people and, like Greenwald, they turn a series of new literacy practices into something akin to what Dick Hebdige called “conspicuous consumption” (103). It’s a term he linked to his definition of bricolage as the production of “implicitly coherent, though explicitly bewildering, systems of connection between things which perfectly equip their users to ‘think’ their own world” (103). Thus, young people are differentiated from the rest of the population by their supposedly unique consumption of “symbols” and mobile phones, into which they read their own cryptic meanings and develop their own generational language. Greenwald shows this methodology in action, with the Emo use of things like LiveJournal, Makeoutclub and other bastions of Web 2.0 joining their record collections, ubiquitous sweeping fringes and penchant for accessorised outfits as part of the conspicuous consumption inherent to understandings of youth subculture. The same theme is reflected in Michel de Certeau’s term “tactics” or, more common amongst those studying Web 2.0, Henry Jenkins’s notion of “poaching”. The idea is that people, specifically young people, appropriate particular forms of cultural literacy to redefine themselves and add a sense of value to their voices. De Certeau’s definition of tactics, as a method of resistance “which cannot count on a ‘proper’ (a spatial or institutional localization), nor thus on a borderline distinguishing the other as a visible totality” (489), is a prime example of how Web 2.0 is being understood. Young people, Emo or not, engage in a consumption of the Internet, poaching the tools of production to redefine the value of their voices in a style completely acceptable to the neo-Marxist, Birmingham school understanding of youth and subculture as a combination producing a sense of resistance. It’s a narrative highly compatible within the fields of cultural and media studies, which, despite major shifts brought about by people like Ken Gelder, Sarah Thornton, Keith Kahn-Harris and the aforementioned Tara Brabazon, still look heavily for patterns of politicised consumption. The problem, as I think Keen inadvertently suggests, is that the Internet isn’t just about young people and their habits as consumers. It’s about what the word “publishing” actually means and how we think about the interaction among writers, readers, and the avenues through which they interact. The idea that we can pass off the redefinition of literacy practices brought about by Web 2.0 as a subcultural youth phenomena is an easy way of bypassing wider cultural shifts onto a token demographic. It presents Web 2.0 as an issue of “Youth” resisting the hegemony of traditional gatekeepers, which is effectively what Greenwald does. Yet such an approach has a very short shelf life. It’s a little like claiming the telephone or the television set were “youth genres.” The uptake of new technologies will inadvertently impact differently on those who grew up with them as compared to those who grew up without them. Yet ultimately changes in literacy habits are much larger than a generationalist framework can really express, particularly given the first generation of “digital natives” are now in their thirties. There’s a lot of things wrong with Andrew Keen’s book but one thing he does do well is ground the debate about Web 2.0 back to issues of legitimate speaking positions and publishing. That said, he also significantly simplifies those issues when he claims the problem is purely about the decline of traditional gatekeeper models. Responding to Keen’s criticism of him, Creative Commons founder Lawrence Lessig writes, I think it is a great thing when amateurs create, even if the thing they create is not as great as what the professional creates. I want my kids to write. But that doesn’t mean that I’ll stop reading Hemingway and read only what they write. What Keen misses is the value to a culture that comes from developing the capacity to create—independent of the quality created. That doesn’t mean we should not criticize works created badly (such as, for example, Keen’s book…). But it does mean you’re missing the point if you simply compare the average blog to the NY times (Lessig). What Lessig expresses here is the different, but not mutually exclusive, literacy practices involved in the word “publishing.” Publishing a blog is very different to publishing a newspaper and the way readers react to both will change as they move in and out the differing discursive spaces each occupies. In a recent collaborative paper by Sue Thomas, Chris Joseph, Jess Laccetti, Bruce Mason, Simon Mills, Simon Perril, and Kate Pullinger, they describe this capacity to move across different reading and writing styles as “transliteracy.” They define the term as “the ability to read, write and interact across a range of platforms, tools and media from signing and orality through handwriting, print, TV, radio and film, to digital social networks” (Thomas et al.). It’s a term that perfectly describes the capacity to move fluidly across discursive environments. Here we return to Greenwald’s use of a framework of youth and subculture. While I have criticised the Birminghamesque fixation on a homogeneous “Youth” demographic enacting resistance through conspicuous consumption, there is good reason to use existing subculture studies methodology as a means of understanding how transliteracies play out in everyday life. David Chaney remarks, the idea of subculture is redundant because the type of investment that the notion of subculture labelled is becoming more general, and therefore the varieties of modes of symbolization and involvement are more common in everyday life. (37) I think the increasing commonality of subcultural practices in everyday life actually makes the idea more relevant, not less. It does, however, make it much harder to pin things on “spectacular youth subcultures.” Yet the focus on “everyday life” is important here, shifting our understanding of “subculture” to the types of literacies played out within localised, personal networks and experiences. As de Certeau has argued, the practice of everyday life is an issue of “a way of thinking invested in a way of acting, an art of combination which cannot be dissociated from an art of using” (Certeau 486). This is as true for our literacy practices as anything else. Whether we choose to label those practices subcultural or not, our ability to interpret, take part in and react to different communicative forums is clearly fundamental to our understanding of the world around us, regardless of our age. Sarah Thornton suggests a useful alternate definition of subculture when she talks about subcultural capital: Subcultural capital is the linchpin of an alternative hierarchy in which the aces of age, gender, sexuality and race are all employed in order to keep the determinations of class, income and occupation at bay (105). This is an understanding that avoids easy narratives of young people and their consumption of Web 2.0 by recognising the complexity with which people’s literacy habits, in the cultural sense, connect to their active participation in the production of meaning. Subcultural capital implies that the framework through which individuals read, interpret, and shift between discursive environments, personalising and building links across the strata of cultural production, is acted out at the local and personal level, rather than purely through the relationship between a producing gatekeeper and a passive, consuming readership. If we recognise the ability for readers to connect multiple mediums, to shift between reading and writing practices, and to seamlessly interpret and digest markedly different assumptions about legitimate speaking voices across genres, our understanding of what it means to “publish” ceases to be an issue of generationalism or conventional mediums being washed away by the digital era. The issue we see in both Keen and Greenwald is an attempt to digest the way Web 2.0 has forced the concept of “publishing” to take on a multiplicity of meanings, played out by individual readers, and imbued with their own unique and interwoven textual and cultural literacy habits. It’s not only Emos who publish livejournals, and it’s incredibly naive to assume gatekeepers have ever really held a monopoly on all aspects of cultural production. What the rise of Web 2.0 has done is simply to bring everyday, private sphere dialogue driven literacies into the public sphere in a very obvious way. The kind of discourses once passed off as resistant youth subcultures are now being shown as common place. Keen is right to suggest that this will continue to impact, sometimes negatively, on traditional gatekeepers. Yet the change is inevitable. As our reading and writing practices alter around new genres, our understandings of what constitutes legitimate fields of publishing will also change. References Brabazon, Tara. From Revolution to Revelation. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005. de Certeau, Michel. “Practice of Every Day Life.” Cultural Theory and Popular Culture. Ed. John Story. London: Prentice Hall, 1998. 483–94. Chaney, David. “Fragmented Culture and Subcultures.” After Subculture. Ed. Andy Bennett and Keith Kahn-Harris. Houndsmill: Palgrave McMillian, 2004. 36–48. Greenwald, Andy. Nothing Feels Good: Punk Rock, Teenagers and Emo. New York: St Martin’s Griffin, 2003. Grose, Michael. XYZ: The New Rules of Generational Warfare. Sydney: Random House, 2005. Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Methuen and Co Ltd, 1979. Huntley, Rebecca. The World According to Y. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2006. Keen, Andrew. The Cult of the Amateur. London: Nicholas Brealey Publishing, 2007. Lessig, Lawrence. “Keen’s ‘The Cult of the Amateur’: BRILLIANT!” Lessig May 31, 2007. Aug. 19 2008 ‹http://www.lessig.org/blog/2007/05/keens_the_cult_of_the_amateur.html>. Lury, Celia. “Reading the Self: Autobiography, Gender and the Institution of the Literary.” Off-Centre: Feminism and Cultural Studies. Ed. Sarah. Franklin, Celia Lury, and Jackie Stacey. Hammersmith: HarperCollinsAcademic, 1991. 97–108. Thomas, Sue, Chris Joseph, Jess Laccetti, Bruce Mason, Simon Mills, Simon Perril, and Kate Pullinger. “Transliteracy: Crossing Divides.” First Monday 12.12. (2007). Apr. 1 2008 ‹http://www.uic.edu/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/2060/1908>. Thornton, Sarah. Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital. Oxford: Polity Press, 1995. Woolf, Virginia. A Room of One’s Own. Frogmore: Triad/Panther Press, 1977.

Introduction The term monster might have its roots in the Latin word monere (to warn), but it has since evolved to have various symbolic meanings, from a terrifying mythical creature to a person of extreme cruelty. No matter the flexibility in use, the term is mostly meant to be derogatory (Asma). As Gilmore puts it, monsters “embody all that is dangerous and horrible in the human imagination” (1). However, it may be argued that monsters sometimes perform the much-needed work of defining and policing our norms (Mittman and Hensel). Since their archetype is predisposed to transgressing boundaries of human integrity (Gilmore), they help establish deviation between human and in-human. Their cognition and action are considered ‘other’ (Kearney) and a means with which people can understand what is right and wrong, and what is divergent from appropriate ways of being. The term monster need not even refer to the werewolves, ogres, vampires, zombies and the like that strike fear in audiences through their ‘immoral, heinous or unjust’ appearance or behaviours. Rather, the term monster can be, and has been, readily applied as a metaphor to describe the unthinkable, unethical, and brutal actions of human beings (Beville 5). Inadvertently, “through their bodies, words, and deeds, monsters show us ourselves” (Mittman and Hensel 2), or what we consider monstrous about ourselves. Therefore, humans acting in ways that deviate from societal norms and standards can be viewed as monstrous. This is evident in the representations of public relations practitioners in media offerings. In the practice of public relations, ethical standards are advocated as the norm, and deviating from them considered unprofessional (Fawkes), and as we contend: monstrous. However, the practice has long suffered a negative stereotypical perception of being deceptive, and with public relations roles receiving less screen time than shows and films about lawyers, accountants, teachers and the like, these few derogatory depictions can distort how audiences view the occupation (Johnston). Depictions of professions (lawyers, cops, journalists, etc.) tend to be cliché, but our contention is that fewer depictions of public relations practitioners on screen further limit the possibility for diverse depictions. The media can have a socialising impact and can influence audiences to view the content they consume as a reflection of the real world around them (Chandler). Television, in particular, with its capacity to prompt heuristic processing in audiences (Shurm), has messages that can be easily decoded by people of various literacies as they become immersed in the viewing experiences (Gerbner and Gross). These messages gain potency because, despite being set in fictional worlds, they can be understood as reflective of the world and audiences’ experiences of it (Gerbner and Gross). Tsetsura, Bentley, and Newcomb add that popular stories recounted in the media have authoritative power and can offer patterns of meaning that shape individual perceptions. Admittedly, as Stuart Hall suggests, media offerings can be encoded with ideologies and representations that are considered appropriate according to the dominant elite, but these may not necessarily be decoded as preferred meanings. In other words, those exposed to stories of monstrous public relations practitioners can agree with such a position, oppose this viewpoint, or remain neutral, but this is dependent on individual experiences. Without other frames of reference, it could be that viewers of negative portrayals of public relations accept the encoded representation that inevitably does a disservice to the profession. When the representations of the field of public relations suggest, inaccurately, that the industry is dominated by men (Johnston), and women practitioners are shown as slick dressers who control and care little about ethics (Dennison), the distortions can adversely impact on the identities of public relations practitioners and on how they are collectively viewed (Tsetsura et al.). Public relations practitioners view this portrayal as the ‘other’ and tend to distance the ideal self from it, continuing to be stuck in the dichotomy of saints and sinners (Fawkes). Our observation of television offerings such as Scandal, Flack, Call My Agent!, Absolutely Fabulous, Sex and the City, You’re the Worst, and Emily in Paris reveals how television programmes continue to perpetuate the negative stereotypes about public relations practice, where practitioners are anything but ethical—therefore monstrous. The characters, mostly well-groomed women, are shown as debased, liars and cheaters who will subvert ethical standards for personal and professional gain. Portrayals of Public Relations Practitioners in Television and Media According to Miller, the eight archetypical traits identified in media representations of public relations practitioners are: ditzy, obsequious, cynical, manipulative, money-minded, isolated, accomplished, or unfulfilled. In later research, Yoon and Black found that television representations of public relations tended to suggest that people in these roles were heartless, manipulative bullies, while Lambert and White contend that the depiction of the profession has improved to be more positive, but nonetheless continues to do a disservice to the practice by presenting female workers, especially, as “shallow but loveable” (18). We too find that public relations practitioners continue to be portrayed as morally ambiguous characters who are willing to break ethical codes of conduct to suit the needs of their clients. We discuss three themes prevalent as popular tropes in television programmes that characterise public relations practitioners as monstrous. To Be or Not to Be a Slick and Skilful Liar? Most television programmes present public relations practitioners as slick and skilful liars, who are shown as well-groomed and authoritative, convinced that they are lying only to protect their clients. In fact, in most cases the characters are shown to not only believe but also advocate to their juniors that ‘a little bit of lying’ is almost necessary to maintain client relationships and ensure campaign success. For example, in the British drama Flack, the main character of Robyn (played by Anna Paquin) is heard advising her prodigy “just assume we are lying to everyone”. The programmes also feature characters who are in dilemma about the monstrous expectations from their roles, struggling to accept that that they engage in deception as part of their jobs. However, most of them are presented as somewhat of an ugly duckling or the modest character in the programme, who is not always rational or in an explicit position of power. For example, Emily from Emily in Paris (played by Lily Collins), while working as a social media manager, regularly questions the approaches taken by the firm she works for. Her boss Sylvie Grateux (played by Philippine Leroy-Beaulieu), who embodies the status quo, is constantly disapproving of Emily’s lack of sophisticated self-presentation, among other aspects. In the episode ‘Faux Amis’, Sylvie quips “it’s not you personally. It’s everything you stand for. You’re the enemy of luxury because luxury is defined by sophistication and taste, not emilyinparis”. Similarly, in the first episode of Call My Agent!, Samuel Kerr (played by Alain Rimoux), the head of a film publicity firm, solves the conundrum faced by his anxious junior Gabriel (played by Grégory Montel) by suggesting that he lie to his client about the real reason why she lost the film. When a modestly dressed Gabriel questions how he can lie to someone he cares for, Samuel, towering over him in an impeccable suit and a confident demeanour, advises “who said anything about lying? Don’t lie. Simply don’t tell her the truth”. However, the subtext here is that the lie is to protect the client from unnecessary hurt and in doing so nurtures the client relationship. So, it lets the audience decide the morality of lying here. It may be argued that moral ambiguity may not necessarily be monstrous. Such grey characters are often crafted because they allow audiences to relate more readily to themselves by encouraging what Hawkins refers to as mental play. Audiences are less interested in the black and white of morality and veer towards shows such as Call My Agent! where storylines hone in on the need to do bad for the greater good. In these ways, public relations practitioners still transgress moral standards but are less likely to be considered monstrous because the impact and effect on others is utilitarian in nature. It is also interesting to note that in these programmes physical appearance is made to play a crucial role in showcasing the power and prestige of the senior public relations practitioner. This focus on attire can tend to further perpetuate unfavourable stereotypes about public relations practitioners being high income earners (Grandien) who are styled with branded apparel but lacking in substance and morals (Fröhlich and Peters). Promiscuous Women The urge to attract audiences to a female character can also lead to developing and cementing unfavourable stereotypes of public relations practitioners as uninhibited women who live on blurred lines between personal and professional. These characters are not portrayed as inherently bad, but instead are found to indulge in lives of excess. In her definition of the monstrous, Arumugam suggests that excess and insatiable appetites direct the monster’s behaviour, and Kearney outlines that this uncontainable excess is what signals the difference between humans and others. Such excess is readily identifiable in the character of Patsy Stone (played by Joanna Lumley) in Absolutely Fabulous. She is an alcoholic, regularly uses recreational drugs, is highly promiscuous, and chain-smokes throughout the series. She is depicted as prone to acting deceptively to maintain her vices. In Flack, Robyn is shown as regularly snorting cocaine and having sex with her clients. Those reviewing the show highlight how it will attract those interested in “its dark, acidic sense of humour” (Greene) while others condemn it because it emphasises the “depraved publicist” trope (Knibbs) and call it “one of the worst TV shows ever made” even though it is trying to highlight concerns raised in the MeToo movement about how men need to respect women (McGurk). Female characters such as Robyn, with her willingness to question why a client has not tried to sleep with her, appear to undermine the empowerment of the movement rather than support it, and continue to maintain the archetypes that those working in the field of public relations abhor. Similarly, Samantha Jones (played by Kim Cattrell) of Sex and the City is portrayed as sexually liberated, and in one episode another character describes Samantha’s vagina as “the hottest spot in town: it’s always open”. In many ways Samantha’s sexual behaviour reflects a post-feminist narrative of empowerment, agency, and choice, but it could also be read as a product of being a public relations practitioner frequenting parties and bars as she rubs shoulders with clients, celebrities, and high-profile businesspeople. To this end, Patsy, Samantha, and Robyn glamourise public relations and paint it as simply an extension of their liberated and promiscuous selves, with little care for any expectation of professionalism or work ethic. This is also in stark contrast to the reality, where women often tend to occupy technical roles that see much of their time spent in doing the hard yards of publicity and promotion (Krugler). Making Others Err Public relations practitioners are not just shown as being morally ambiguous themselves, but often quite adept at making others do deceitful acts on their behalf, thus nonchalantly oppressing others to get their way. For example, although lauded for elevating an African-American woman to the lead role despite the show maintaining misrepresentations of race (Lambert), the main character of Olivia Pope (played by Kerry Washington) in the television programme Scandal regularly subverts the law for her clients despite considering herself one of the “good guys” and wearing a “white hat”. Over the course of seven seasons, Olivia Pope is found to rig elections, plant listening devices in political figures’ offices, bribe, threaten, and conduct an affair with the President. In some cases, she calls on the services of her colleague Huck to literally, and figuratively, get rid of the barriers in the way of protecting her clients. For example, in season one’s episode Crash and Burn she asks Huck to torture a suspect for information about a dead client. Her willingness to request such actions of her friend and colleague, regardless of perceived good motivations, reinforces Mittman’s categorisation that monsters are identified by their effect and impact on others. Here, the impact includes the torturing of a suspect and the revisiting of psychological trauma by Huck’s character. Huck struggles to overcome his past as a killer and spends much of the show trying to curb his monstrous tendencies which are often brought on by PR woman Olivia’s requests. Although she is sometimes striving for justice, Olivia’s desire for results can lead her to act monstrously, which inadvertently contributes to the racist and sexist ideologies that have long been associated with monsters and perceptions of the Other. Across time and space, certain ethnic groups, such as those of African descent, have been associated with the demonic (Cohen). Similarly, all that is feminine often needs to be discarded as the monster to conform to the patriarchal order of society (Creed). Therefore, Olivia Pope’s monstrous behaviour not only does a disservice to representations of public relations practitioners, but also inadvertently perpetuates negative and inaccurate stereotypes about women of African American descent. Striving to be Ethical The majority of public relations practitioners are encouraged, and in some cases expected, to conform to ethical guidelines to practice and gain respect, admiration, and in-group status. In New Zealand, those who opt to become members of the Public Relations Institute of New Zealand (PRINZ) are required to abide by the association’s code of ethics. The code stipulates that members are bound to act in ways that serve public interests by ensuring they are honest, disclose conflict of interests, follow the law, act with professionalism, ensure openness and privacy are maintained, and uphold values of loyalty, fairness, and independence (PRINZ). Similarly, the Global Alliance of Public Relations and Communication Management that binds practitioners together identifies nine guiding principles that are to be adhered to to be recognised as acting ethically. These include obeying laws, working in the public’s interest, ensuring freedom of speech and assembly, acting with integrity, and upholding privacy in sensitive matters (to name a few). These governing principles are designed to maintain ethical practice in the field. Of course, the trouble is that not all who claim to practice public relations become members of the local or global governing bodies. This implies that professional associations like PRINZ are not able to enforce ethics across the board. In New Zealand alone, public relations consultants have had to offer financial reparations for acting in defamatory ways online (Fisher), or have been alleged to have bribed an assault victim to prevent the person giving evidence in a court case (Hurley). Some academics have accused the industry of being engaged in organised lying (Peacock), but these are not common, nor are these moral transgressors accepted into ethical bodies that afford practitioners authenticity and legitimacy. In most cases, public relations practitioners view their role as acting as the moral conscience of the organisations they support (Schauster, Neill, Ferrucci, and Tandoc). Furthermore, they rated better than the average adult when it came to solving ethical dilemmas through moral reasoning (Schuaster et al.). Additionally, training of practitioners through guidance of mentors has continued to contribute to the improved ethical ratings of public relations. What these findings suggest is that the monsters of public relations portrayed on our television screens are exaggerations that are not reflective of most of the practice. Women of Substance, But Not Necessarily Power Exploring the role of women in public relations, Topic, Cunha, Reigstad, Jele-Sanchez, and Moreno found that female practitioners were subordinated to their male counterparts but were found to be more inclined to practice two-way communication, offer balanced perspectives, opt to negotiate, and build relationships through cooperation. The competitiveness, independence, and status identified in popular media portrayals were found to be exhibited more by male practitioners, despite there being more women in the public relations industry than men. As Fitch argues, popular culture continues to suggest that men dominate public relations, and their preferred characteristics end up being those elements that permeate the media messages, regardless of instances where the lead character is a woman or the fact that feminist values of “loyalty, ethics, morality, [and] fairness” are advocated by female practitioners in real life (Vardeman-Winter and Place 333). Additionally, even though public relations is a feminised field, female practitioners struggle to break the glass ceiling, with male practitioners dominating executive positions and out-earning women (Pompper). Interestingly, in public relations, power is not just limited due to gender but also area of practice. In her ethnographic study of the New Zealand practice, Sissons found that practitioners who worked in consultancies were relatively powerless vis-à-vis their clients, and often this asymmetry negatively affected the practitioner’s decision-making. This implies that in stark contrast to the immoral, glamourous, and authoritative depiction of public relations women in television programmes, in reality they are mired by the struggles of a gendered occupation. Accordingly, they are not in fact in a position to have monstrous power over and impact on others. Therefore, one of the only elements the shows seem to capture and emphasise is that public relations is an occupation that specialises in image management; but what these shows contribute to is an ideology that women are expected to look and carry themselves in particular ways, ultimately constructing aesthetic standards that can diminish women’s power and self-esteem. Conclusion Miller’s archetypes may be over twenty years old, but the trend towards obsequious, manipulative, and cynical television characters remains. Although there have been identifiable shifts to loveable, yet shallow, public relations practitioners, such as Alexis Rose on Schitt’s Creek, the appeal of monstrous public relations practitioners remains. As Cohen puts it, monsters reveal to audiences “what a member of that society can become when those same dictates are rejected, when the authority of leaders or customs disintegrates and the subordination of individual to hierarchy is lost” (68). In other words, audiences enjoy watching the stories of metaphorical monsters because they exhibit the behaviours that are expected to be repressed in human beings; they depict what happens when the social norms of society are disturbed (Levina and Bui). At the very least, these media representations can act, much as monster narratives do, as a cautionary tale on how not to think and act to remain accepted as part of the in-group rather than being perceived as the Other. As Mittman and Hensel argue, society can learn much from monsters because monsters exist within human beings. According to Cohen, they offer meaning about the world and can teach audiences so they can learn, in this case, how to be better. Although the representations of public relations in television can offer insights into roles that are usually most effective when they are invisible (Chorazy and Harrington), the continued negative stereotypes of public relations practitioners can adversely impact on the industry if people are unaware of the practices of the occupation, because lacking a reference point limits audiences’ opportunities to critically evaluate the media representations. This will certainly harm the occupation by perpetuating existing negative stereotypes of charming and immoral practitioners, and perhaps add to its struggles with gendered identity and professional legitimacy. References Absolutely Fabulous. Created by Jennifer Saunders and Dawn French. 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Image 1: “Oklahoma State Highway Re-imagined.” CC BY-SA 4.0 2015 by author, using Wikimedia image by Ks0stm (CC BY-SA 3 2013). Introduction This article is divided in three major parts. First a scenario, second its context, and third, an analysis. The text draws on ethnographic research on security practices in the United States among police and parts of the intelligence community from 2006 through to the beginning of 2014. Real names are used when the material is drawn from archival sources, while individuals who were interviewed during fieldwork are referred to by their position rank or title. For matters of fact not otherwise referenced, see the sources compiled on “The Complete 911 Timeline” at History Commons. First, a scenario. Oklahoma, 2001 It is 1 April 2001, in far western Oklahoma, warm beneath the late afternoon sun. Highway Patrol Trooper C.L. Parkins is about 80 kilometres from the border of Texas, watching trucks and cars speed along Interstate 40. The speed limit is around 110 kilometres per hour, and just then, his radar clocks a blue Toyota Corolla going 135 kph. The driver is not wearing a seatbelt. Trooper Parkins swung in behind the vehicle, and after a while signalled that the car should pull over. The driver was dark-haired and short; in Parkins’s memory, he spoke English without any problem. He asked the man to come sit in the patrol car while he did a series of routine checks—to see if the vehicle was stolen, if there were warrants out for his arrest, if his license was valid. Parkins said, “I visited with him a little bit but I just barely remember even having him in my car. You stop so many people that if […] you don't arrest them or anything […] you don't remember too much after a couple months” (Clay and Ellis). Nawaf Al Hazmi had a valid California driver’s license, with an address in San Diego, and the car’s registration had been legally transferred to him by his former roommate. Parkins’s inquiries to the National Crime Information Center returned no warnings, nor did anything seem odd in their interaction. So the officer wrote Al Hazmi two tickets totalling $138, one for speeding and one for failure to use a seat belt, and told him to be on his way. Al Hazmi, for his part, was crossing the country to a new apartment in a Virginia suburb of Washington, DC, and upon arrival he mailed the payment for his tickets to the county court clerk in Oklahoma. Over the next five months, he lived several places on the East Coast: going to the gym, making routine purchases, and taking a few trips that included Las Vegas and Florida. He had a couple more encounters with local law enforcement and these too were unremarkable. On 1 May 2001 he was mugged, and promptly notified the police, who documented the incident with his name and local address (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 139). At the end of June, having moved to New Jersey, he was involved in a minor traffic accident on the George Washington Bridge, and officers again recorded his real name and details of the incident. In July, Khalid Al Mihdhar, the previous owner of the car, returned from abroad, and joined Al Hazmi in New Jersey. The two were boyhood friends, and they went together to a library several times to look up travel information, and then, with Al Hazmi’s younger brother Selem, to book their final flight. On 11 September, the three boarded American Airlines flight 77 as part of the Al Qaeda team that flew the mid-sized jet into the west façade of the Pentagon. They died along with the piloting hijacker, all the passengers, and 125 people on the ground. Theirs was one of four airplanes hijacked that day, one of which was crashed by passengers, the others into significant sites of American power, by men who had been living for varying lengths of time all but unnoticed in the United States. No one thought that Trooper Parkins, or the other officers with whom the 9/11 hijackers crossed paths, should have acted differently. The Commissioner of the Oklahoma Department of Public Safety himself commented that the trooper “did the right thing” at that April traffic stop. And yet, interviewed by a local newspaper in January of 2002, Parkins mused to the reporter “it's difficult sometimes to think back and go: 'What if you had known something else?'" (Clay and Ellis). Missed Opportunities Image 2: “Hijackers Timeline (Redacted).” CC BY-SA 4.0 2015 by author, using the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)’s “Working Draft Chronology of Events for Hijackers and Associates”. In fact, several of the men who would become the 9/11 hijackers were stopped for minor traffic violations. Mohamed Atta, usually pointed to as the ringleader, was given a citation in Florida that spring of 2001 for driving without a license. When he missed his court date, a bench warrant was issued (Wall Street Journal). Perhaps the warrant was not flagged properly, however, since nothing happened when he was pulled over again, for speeding. In the government inquiries that followed attack, and in the press, these brushes with the law were “missed opportunities” to thwart the 9/11 plot (Kean and Hamilton, Report 353). Among a certain set of career law enforcement personnel, particularly those active in management and police associations, these missed opportunities were fraught with a sense of personal failure. Yet, in short order, they were to become a source of professional revelation. The scenarios—Trooper Parkins and Al Hazmi, other encounters in other states, the general fact that there had been chance meetings between police officers and the hijackers—were re-imagined in the aftermath of 9/11. Those moments were returned to and reversed, so that multiple potentialities could be seen, beyond or in addition to what had taken place. The deputy director of an intelligence fusion centre told me in an interview, “it is always a local cop who saw something” and he replayed how the incidents of contact had unfolded with the men. These scenarios offered a way to recapture the past. In the uncertainty of every encounter, whether a traffic stop or questioning someone taking photos of a landmark (and potential terrorist target), was also potential. Through a process of re-imagining, police encounters with the public became part of the government’s “national intelligence” strategy. Previously a division had been marked between foreign and domestic intelligence. While the phrase “national intelligence” had long been used, notably in National Intelligence Estimates, after 9/11 it became more significant. The overall director of the US intelligence community became the Director National Intelligence, for instance, and the cohesive term marked the way that increasingly diverse institutional components, types of data and forms of action were evolving to address the collection of data and intelligence production (McConnell). In a series of working groups mobilised by members of major police professional organisations, and funded by the US Department of Justice, career officers and representatives from federal agencies produced detailed recommendations and plans for involving police in the new Information Sharing Environment. Among the plans drawn up during this period was what would eventually come to be the Nationwide Suspicious Activity Reporting Initiative, built principally around the idea of encounters such as the one between Parkins and Al Hazmi. Map 1: Map of pilot sites in the Nationwide Suspicious Activity Reporting Evaluation Environment in 2010 (courtesy of the author; no longer available online). Map 2: Map of participating sites in the Nationwide Suspicious Activity Reporting Initiative, as of 2014. In an interview, a fusion centre director who participated in this planning as well as its implementation, told me that his thought had been, “if we train state and local cops to understand pre-terrorism indicators, if we train them to be more curious, and to question more what they see,” this could feed into “a system where they could actually get that information to somebody where it matters.” In devising the reporting initiative, the working groups counter-actualised the scenarios of those encounters, and the kinds of larger plots to which they were understood to belong, in order to extract a set of concepts: categories of suspicious “activities” or “patterns of behaviour” corresponding to the phases of a terrorism event in the process of becoming (Deleuze, Negotiations). This conceptualisation of terrorism was standardised, so that it could be taught, and applied, in discerning and documenting the incidents comprising an event’s phases. In police officer training, the various suspicious behaviours were called “terrorism precursor activities” and were divided between criminal and non-criminal. “Functional Standards,” developed by the Los Angeles Police Department and then tested by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), served to code the observed behaviours for sharing (via compatible communication protocols) up the federal hierarchy and also horizontally between states and regions. In the popular parlance of videos made for the public by local police departments and DHS, which would come to populate the internet within a few years, these categories were “signs of terrorism,” more specifically: surveillance, eliciting information, testing security, and so on. Image 3: “The Seven Signs of Terrorism (sometimes eight).” CC BY-SA 4.0 2015 by author, using materials in the public domain. If the problem of 9/11 had been that the men who would become hijackers had gone unnoticed, the basic idea of the Suspicious Activity Reporting Initiative was to create a mechanism through which the eyes and ears of everyone could contribute to their detection. In this vein, “If You See Something, Say Something™” was a campaign that originated with the New York City Metropolitan Transportation Authority, and was then licensed for use to DHS. The tips and leads such campaigns generated, together with the reports from officers on suspicious incidents that might have to do with terrorism, were coordinated in the Information Sharing Environment. Drawing on reports thus generated, the Federal Government would, in theory, communicate timely information on security threats to law enforcement so that they would be better able to discern the incidents to be reported. The cycle aimed to catch events in emergence, in a distinctively anticipatory strategy of counterterrorism (Stalcup). Re-imagination A curious fact emerges from this history, and it is key to understanding how this initiative developed. That is, there was nothing suspicious in the encounters. The soon-to-be terrorists’ licenses were up-to-date, the cars were legal, they were not nervous. Even Mohamed Atta’s warrant would have resulted in nothing more than a fine. It is not self-evident, given these facts, how a governmental technology came to be designed from these scenarios. How––if nothing seemed of immediate concern, if there had been nothing suspicious to discern––did an intelligence strategy come to be assembled around such encounters? Evidently, strident demands were made after the events of 9/11 to know, “what went wrong?” Policies were crafted and implemented according to the answers given: it was too easy to obtain identification, or to enter and stay in the country, or to buy airplane tickets and fly. But the trooper’s question, the reader will recall, was somewhat different. He had said, “It’s difficult sometimes to think back and go: ‘What if you had known something else?’” To ask “what if you had known something else?” is also to ask what else might have been. Janet Roitman shows that identifying a crisis tends to implicate precisely the question of what went wrong. Crisis, and its critique, take up history as a series of right and wrong turns, bad choices made between existing dichotomies (90): liberty-security, security-privacy, ordinary-suspicious. It is to say, what were the possibilities and how could we have selected the correct one? Such questions seek to retrospectively uncover latencies—systemic or structural, human error or a moral lapse (71)—but they ask of those latencies what false understanding of the enemy, of threat, of priorities, allowed a terrible thing to happen. “What if…?” instead turns to the virtuality hidden in history, through which missed opportunities can be re-imagined. Image 4: “The Cholmondeley Sisters and Their Swaddled Babies.” Anonymous, c. 1600-1610 (British School, 17th century); Deleuze and Parnet (150). CC BY-SA 4.0 2015 by author, using materials in the public domain. Gilles Deleuze, speaking with Claire Parnet, says, “memory is not an actual image which forms after the object has been perceived, but a virtual image coexisting with the actual perception of the object” (150). Re-imagined scenarios take up the potential of memory, so that as the trooper’s traffic stop was revisited, it also became a way of imagining what else might have been. As Immanuel Kant, among others, points out, “the productive power of imagination is […] not exactly creative, for it is not capable of producing a sense representation that was never given to our faculty of sense; one can always furnish evidence of the material of its ideas” (61). The “memory” of these encounters provided the material for re-imagining them, and thereby re-virtualising history. This was different than other governmental responses, such as examining past events in order to assess the probable risk of their repetition, or drawing on past events to imagine future scenarios, for use in exercises that identify vulnerabilities and remedy deficiencies (Anderson). Re-imagining scenarios of police-hijacker encounters through the question of “what if?” evoked what Erin Manning calls “a certain array of recognizable elastic points” (39), through which options for other movements were invented. The Suspicious Activity Reporting Initiative’s architects instrumentalised such moments as they designed new governmental entities and programs to anticipate terrorism. For each element of the encounter, an aspect of the initiative was developed: training, functional standards, a way to (hypothetically) get real-time information about threats. Suspicion was identified as a key affect, one which, if cultivated, could offer a way to effectively deal not with binary right or wrong possibilities, but with the potential which lies nestled in uncertainty. The “signs of terrorism” (that is, categories of “terrorism precursor activities”) served to maximise receptivity to encounters. Indeed, it can apparently create an oversensitivity, manifested, for example, in police surveillance of innocent people exercising their right to assemble (Madigan), or the confiscation of photographers’s equipment (Simon). “What went wrong?” and “what if?” were different interrogations of the same pre-9/11 incidents. The questions are of course intimately related. Moments where something went wrong are when one is likely to ask, what else might have been known? Moreover, what else might have been? The answers to each question informed and shaped the other, as re-imagined scenarios became the means of extracting categories of suspicious activities and patterns of behaviour that comprise the phases of an event in becoming. Conclusion The 9/11 Commission, after two years of investigation into the causes of the disastrous day, reported that “the most important failure was one of imagination” (Kean and Hamilton, Summary). The iconic images of 9/11––such as airplanes being flown into symbols of American power––already existed, in guises ranging from fictive thrillers to the infamous FBI field memo sent to headquarters on Arab men learning to fly, but not land. In 1974 there had already been an actual (failed) attempt to steal a plane and kill the president by crashing it into the White House (Kean and Hamilton, Report Ch11 n21). The threats had been imagined, as Pat O’Malley and Philip Bougen put it, but not how to govern them, and because the ways to address those threats had been not imagined, they were discounted as matters for intervention (29). O’Malley and Bougen argue that one effect of 9/11, and the general rise of incalculable insecurities, was to make it necessary for the “merely imaginable” to become governable. Images of threats from the mundane to the extreme had to be conjured, and then imagination applied again, to devise ways to render them amenable to calculation, minimisation or elimination. In the words of the 9/11 Commission, the Government must bureaucratise imagination. There is a sense in which this led to more of the same. Re-imagining the early encounters reinforced expectations for officers to do what they already do, that is, to be on the lookout for suspicious behaviours. Yet, the images of threat brought forth, in their mixing of memory and an elastic “almost,” generated their own momentum and distinctive demands. Existing capacities, such as suspicion, were re-shaped and elaborated into specific forms of security governance. The question of “what if?” and the scenarios of police-hijacker encounter were particularly potent equipment for this re-imagining of history and its re-virtualisation. References Anderson, Ben. “Preemption, Precaution, Preparedness: Anticipatory Action and Future Geographies.” Progress in Human Geography 34.6 (2010): 777-98. Clay, Nolan, and Randy Ellis. “Terrorist Ticketed Last Year on I-40.” NewsOK, 20 Jan. 2002. 25 Nov. 2014 ‹http://newsok.com/article/2779124›. Deleuze, Gilles. Negotiations. New York: Columbia UP, 1995. Deleuze, Gilles, and Claire Parnet. Dialogues II. New York: Columbia UP 2007 [1977]. Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Hijackers Timeline (Redacted) Part 01 of 02.” Working Draft Chronology of Events for Hijackers and Associates. 2003. 18 Apr. 2014 ‹https://vault.fbi.gov/9-11%20Commission%20Report/9-11-chronology-part-01-of-02›. Kant, Immanuel. Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View. Trans. Robert B. Louden. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006. Kean, Thomas H., and Lee Hamilton. Executive Summary of the 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States. 25 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.9-11commission.gov/report/911Report_Exec.htm›. Kean, Thomas H., and Lee Hamilton. The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States. New York: W.W. Norton, 2004. McConnell, Mike. “Overhauling Intelligence.” Foreign Affairs, July/Aug. 2007. Madigan, Nick. “Spying Uncovered.” Baltimore Sun 18 Jul. 2008. 25 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/maryland/bal-te.md.spy18jul18-story.html›. Manning, Erin. Relationscapes: Movement, Art, Philosophy. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 2009. O’Malley, P., and P. Bougen. “Imaginable Insecurities: Imagination, Routinisation and the Government of Uncertainty post 9/11.” Imaginary Penalities. Ed. Pat Carlen. Cullompton, UK: Willan, 2008.Roitman, Janet. Anti-Crisis. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2013. Simon, Stephanie. “Suspicious Encounters: Ordinary Preemption and the Securitization of Photography.” Security Dialogue 43.2 (2012): 157-73. Stalcup, Meg. “Policing Uncertainty: On Suspicious Activity Reporting.” Modes of Uncertainty: Anthropological Cases. Eds. Limor Saminian-Darash and Paul Rabinow. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2015. 69-87. Wall Street Journal. “A Careful Sequence of Mundane Dealings Sows a Day of Bloody Terror for Hijackers.” 16 Oct. 2001.

Introduction In October 2008, the UK’s National Videogame Archive became a reality and after years of negotiation, preparation and planning, this partnership between Nottingham Trent University’s Centre for Contemporary Play research group and The National Media Museum, accepted its first public donations to the collection. These first donations came from Sony’s Computer Entertainment Europe’s London Studios who presented the original, pre-production PlayStation 2 EyeToy camera (complete with its hand-written #1 sticker) and Harmonix who crossed the Atlantic to deliver prototypes of the Rock Band drum kit and guitar controllers along with a slew of games. Since then, we have been inundated with donations, enquiries and volunteers offering their services and it is clear that we have exciting and challenging times ahead of us at the NVA as we seek to continue our collecting programme and preserve, conserve, display and interpret these vital parts of popular culture. This essay, however, is not so much a document of these possible futures for our research or the challenges we face in moving forward as it is a discussion of some of the issues that make game preservation a vital and timely undertaking. In briefly telling the story of the genesis of the NVA, I hope to draw attention to some of the peculiarities (in both senses) of the situation in which videogames currently exist. While considerable attention has been paid to the preservation and curation of new media arts (e.g. Cook et al.), comparatively little work has been undertaken in relation to games. Surprisingly, the games industry has been similarly neglectful of the histories of gameplay and gamemaking. Throughout our research, it has became abundantly clear that even those individuals and companies most intimately associated with the development of this form, do not hold their corporate and personal histories in the high esteem we expected (see also Lowood et al.). And so, despite the well-worn bluster of an industry that proclaims itself as culturally significant as Hollywood, it is surprisingly difficult to find a definitive copy of the boxart of the final release of a Triple-A title let alone any of the pre-production materials. Through our journeys in the past couple of years, we have encountered shoeboxes under CEOs’ desks and proud parents’ collections of tapes and press cuttings. These are the closest things to a formalised archive that we currently have for many of the biggest British game development and publishing companies. Not only is this problematic in and of itself as we run the risk of losing titles and documents forever as well as the stories locked up in the memories of key individuals who grow ever older, but also it is symptomatic of an industry that, despite its public proclamations, neither places a high value on its products as popular culture nor truly recognises their impact on that culture. While a few valorised, still-ongoing, franchises like the Super Mario and Legend of Zelda series are repackaged and (digitally) re-released so as to provide continuity with current releases, a huge number of games simply disappear from view once their short period of retail limelight passes. Indeed, my argument in this essay rests to some extent on the admittedly polemical, and maybe even antagonistic, assertion that the past business and marketing practices of the videogames industry are partly to blame for the comparatively underdeveloped state of game preservation and the seemingly low cultural value placed on old games within the mainstream marketplace. Small wonder, then, that archives and formalised collections are not widespread. However antagonistic this point may seem, this essay does not set out merely to criticise the games industry. Indeed, it is important to recognise that the success and viability of projects such as the NVA is derived partly from close collaboration with industry partners. As such, it is my hope that in addition to contributing to the conversation about the importance and need for formalised strategies of game preservation, this essay goes some way to demonstrating the necessity of universities, museums, developers, publishers, advertisers and retailers tackling these issues in partnership. The Best Game Is the Next Game As will be clear from these opening paragraphs, this essay is primarily concerned with ‘old’ games. Perhaps surprisingly, however, we shall see that ‘old’ games are frequently not that old at all as even the shiniest, and newest of interactive experiences soon slip from view under the pressure of a relentless industrial and institutional push towards the forthcoming release and the ‘next generation’. More surprising still is that ‘old’ games are often difficult to come by as they occupy, at best, a marginalised position in the contemporary marketplace, assuming they are even visible at all. This is an odd situation. Videogames are, as any introductory primer on game studies will surely reveal, big business (see Kerr, for instance, as well as trade bodies such as ELSPA and The ESA for up-to-date sales figures). Given the videogame industry seems dedicated to growing its business and broadening its audiences (see Radd on Sony’s ‘Game 3.0’ strategy, for instance), it seems strange, from a commercial perspective if no other, that publishers’ and developers’ back catalogues are not being mercilessly plundered to wring the last pennies of profit from their IPs. Despite being cherished by players and fans, some of whom are actively engaged in their own private collecting and curation regimes (sometimes to apparently obsessive excess as Jones, among others, has noted), videogames have, nonetheless, been undervalued as part of our national popular cultural heritage by institutions of memory such as museums and archives which, I would suggest, have largely ignored and sometimes misunderstood or misrepresented them. Most of all, however, I wish to draw attention to the harm caused by the videogames industry itself. Consumers’ attentions are focused on ‘products’, on audiovisual (but mainly visual) technicalities and high-definition video specs rather than on the experiences of play and performance, or on games as artworks or artefact. Most damagingly, however, by constructing and contributing to an advertising, marketing and popular critical discourse that trades almost exclusively in the language of instant obsolescence, videogames have been robbed of their historical value and old platforms and titles are reduced to redundant, legacy systems and easily-marginalised ‘retro’ curiosities. The vision of inevitable technological progress that the videogames industry trades in reminds us of Paul Duguid’s concept of ‘supersession’ (see also Giddings and Kennedy, on the ‘technological imaginary’). Duguid identifies supersession as one of the key tropes in discussions of new media. The reductive idea that each new form subsumes and replaces its predecessor means that videogames are, to some extent, bound up in the same set of tensions that undermine the longevity of all new media. Chun rightly notes that, in contrast with more open terms like multimedia, ‘new media’ has always been somewhat problematic. Unaccommodating, ‘it portrayed other media as old or dead; it converged rather than multiplied; it did not efface itself in favor of a happy if redundant plurality’ (1). The very newness of new media and of videogames as the apotheosis of the interactivity and multimodality they promise (Newman, "In Search"), their gleam and shine, is quickly tarnished as they are replaced by ever-newer, ever more exciting, capable and ‘revolutionary’ technologies whose promise and moment in the limelight is, in turn, equally fleeting. As Franzen has noted, obsolescence and the trail of abandoned, superseded systems is a natural, even planned-for, product of an infatuation with the newness of new media. For Kline et al., the obsession with obsolescence leads to the characterisation of the videogames industry as a ‘perpetual innovation economy’ whose institutions ‘devote a growing share of their resources to the continual alteration and upgrading of their products. However, it is my contention here that the supersessionary tendency exerts a more serious impact on videogames than some other media partly because the apparently natural logic of obsolescence and technological progress goes largely unchecked and partly because there remain few institutions dedicated to considering and acting upon game preservation. The simple fact, as Lowood et al. have noted, is that material damage is being done as a result of this manufactured sense of continual progress and immediate, irrefutable obsolescence. By focusing on the upcoming new release and the preview of what is yet to come; by exciting gamers about what is in development and demonstrating the manifest ways in which the sheen of the new inevitably tarnishes the old. That which is replaced is fit only for the bargain bin or the budget-priced collection download, and as such, it is my position that we are systematically undermining and perhaps even eradicating the possibility of a thorough and well-documented history for videogames. This is a situation that we at the National Videogame Archive, along with colleagues in the emerging field of game preservation (e.g. the International Game Developers Association Game Preservation Special Interest Group, and the Keeping Emulation Environments Portable project) are, naturally, keen to address. Chief amongst our concerns is better understanding how it has come to be that, in 2009, game studies scholars and colleagues from across the memory and heritage sectors are still only at the beginning of the process of considering game preservation. The IGDA Game Preservation SIG was founded only five years ago and its ‘White Paper’ (Lowood et al.) is just published. Surprisingly, despite the importance of videogames within popular culture and the emergence and consolidation of the industry as a potent creative force, there remains comparatively little academic commentary or investigation into the specific situation and life-cycles of games or the demands that they place upon archivists and scholars of digital histories and cultural heritage. As I hope to demonstrate in this essay, one of the key tasks of the project of game preservation is to draw attention to the consequences of the concentration, even fetishisation, of the next generation, the new and the forthcoming. The focus on what I have termed ‘the lure of the imminent’ (e.g. Newman, Playing), the fixation on not only the present but also the as-yet-unreleased next generation, has contributed to the normalisation of the discourses of technological advancement and the inevitability and finality of obsolescence. The conflation of gameplay pleasure and cultural import with technological – and indeed, usually visual – sophistication gives rise to a context of endless newness, within which there appears to be little space for the ‘outdated’, the ‘superseded’ or the ‘old’. In a commercial and cultural space in which so little value is placed upon anything but the next game, we risk losing touch with the continuities of development and the practices of play while simultaneously robbing players and scholars of the critical tools and resources necessary for contextualised appreciation and analysis of game form and aesthetics, for instance (see Monnens, "Why", for more on the value of preserving ‘old’ games for analysis and scholarship). Moreover, we risk losing specific games, platforms, artefacts and products as they disappear into the bargain bucket or crumble to dust as media decay, deterioration and ‘bit rot’ (Monnens, "Losing") set in. Space does not here permit a discussion of the scope and extent of the preservation work required (for instance, the NVA sets its sights on preserving, documenting, interpreting and exhibiting ‘videogame culture’ in its broadest sense and recognises the importance of videogames as more than just code and as enmeshed within complex networks of productive, consumptive and performative practices). Neither is it my intention to discuss here the specific challenges and numerous issues associated with archival and exhibition tools such as emulation which seek to rebirth code on up-to-date, manageable, well-supported hardware platforms but which are frequently insensitive to the specificities and nuances of the played experience (see Newman, "On Emulation", for some further notes on videogame emulation, archiving and exhibition and Takeshita’s comments in Nutt on the technologies and aesthetics of glitches, for instance). Each of these issues is vitally important and will, doubtless become a part of the forthcoming research agenda for game preservation scholars. My focus here, however, is rather more straightforward and foundational and though it is deliberately controversial, it is my hope that its casts some light over some ingrained assumptions about videogames and the magnitude and urgency of the game preservation project. Videogames Are Disappearing? At a time when retailers’ shelves struggle under the weight of newly-released titles and digital distribution systems such as Steam, the PlayStation Network, Xbox Live Marketplace, WiiWare, DSiWare et al bring new ways to purchase and consume playable content, it might seem strange to suggest that videogames are disappearing. In addition to what we have perhaps come to think of as the ‘usual suspects’ in the hardware and software publishing marketplace, over the past year or so Apple have, unexpectedly and perhaps even surprising themselves, carved out a new gaming platform with the iPhone/iPod Touch and have dramatically simplified the notoriously difficult process of distributing mobile content with the iTunes App Store. In the face of this apparent glut of games and the emergence and (re)discovery of new markets with the iPhone, Wii and Nintendo DS, videogames seem an ever more a vital and visible part of popular culture. Yet, for all their commercial success and seemingly penetration the simple fact is that they are disappearing. And at an alarming rate. Addressing the IGDA community of game developers and producers, Henry Lowood makes the point with admirable clarity (see also Ruggill and McAllister): If we fail to address the problems of game preservation, the games you are making will disappear, perhaps within a few decades. You will lose access to your own intellectual property, you will be unable to show new developers the games you designed or that inspired you, and you may even find it necessary to re-invent a bunch of wheels. (Lowood et al. 1) For me, this point hit home most persuasively a few years ago when, along with Iain Simons, I was invited by the British Film Institute to contribute a book to their ‘Screen Guides’ series. 100 Videogames (Newman and Simons) was an intriguing prospect that provided us with the challenge and opportunity to explore some of the key moments in videogaming’s forty year history. However, although the research and writing processes proved to be an immensely pleasurable and rewarding experience that we hope culminated in an accessible, informative volume offering insight into some well-known (and some less-well known) games, the project was ultimately tinged with a more than a little disappointment and frustration. Assuming our book had successfully piqued the interest of our readers into rediscovering games previously played or perhaps investigating games for the first time, what could they then do? Where could they go to find these games in order to experience their delights (or their flaws and problems) at first hand? Had our volume been concerned with television or film, as most of the Screen Guides are, then online and offline retailers, libraries, and even archives for less widely-available materials, would have been obvious ports of call. For the student of videogames, however, the choices are not so much limited as practically non-existant. It is only comparatively recently that videogame retailers have shifted away from an almost exclusive focus on new releases and the zeitgeist platforms towards a recognition of old games and systems through the creation of the ‘pre-owned’ marketplace. The ‘pre-owned’ transaction is one in which old titles may be traded in for cash or against the purchase of new releases of hardware or software. Surely, then, this represents the commercial viability of classic games and is a recognition on the part of retail that the new release is not the only game in town. Yet, if we consider more carefully the ‘pre-owned’ model, we find a few telling points. First, there is cold economic sense to the pre-owned business model. In their financial statements for FY08, ‘GAME revealed that the service isn’t just a key part of its offer to consumers, but its also represents an ‘attractive’ gross margin 39 per cent.’ (French). Second, and most important, the premise of the pre-owned business as it is communicated to consumers still offers nothing but primacy to the new release. That one would trade-in one’s old games in order to consume these putatively better new ones speaks eloquently in the language of obsolesce and what Dovey and Kennedy have called the ‘technological imaginary’. The wire mesh buckets of old, pre-owned games are not displayed or coded as treasure troves for the discerning or completist collector but rather are nothing more than bargain bins. These are not classic games. These are cheap games. Cheap because they are old. Cheap because they have had their day. This is a curious situation that affects videogames most unfairly. Of course, my caricature of the videogame retailer is still incomplete as a good deal of the instantly visible shopfloor space is dedicated neither to pre-owned nor new releases but rather to displays of empty boxes often sporting unfinalised, sometimes mocked-up, boxart flaunting titles available for pre-order. Titles you cannot even buy yet. In the videogames marketplace, even the present is not exciting enough. The best game is always the next game. Importantly, retail is not alone in manufacturing this sense of dissatisfaction with the past and even the present. The specialist videogames press plays at least as important a role in reinforcing and normalising the supersessionary discourse of instant obsolescence by fixing readers’ attentions and expectations on the just-visible horizon. Examining the pages of specialist gaming publications reveals them to be something akin to Futurist paeans dedicating anything from 70 to 90% of their non-advertising pages to previews, interviews with developers about still-in-development titles (see Newman, Playing, for more on the specialist gaming press’ love affair with the next generation and the NDA scoop). Though a small number of publications specifically address retro titles (e.g. Imagine Publishing’s Retro Gamer), most titles are essentially vehicles to promote current and future product lines with many magazines essentially operating as delivery devices for cover-mounted CDs/DVDs offering teaser videos or playable demos of forthcoming titles to further whet the appetite. Manufacturing a sense of excitement might seem wholly natural and perhaps even desirable in helping to maintain a keen interest in gaming culture but the effect of the imbalance of popular coverage has a potentially deleterious effect on the status of superseded titles. Xbox World 360’s magnificently-titled ‘Anticip–O–Meter’ ™ does more than simply build anticipation. Like regular features that run under headings such as ‘The Next Best Game in The World Ever is…’, it seeks to author not so much excitement about the imminent release but a dissatisfaction with the present with which unfavourable comparisons are inevitably drawn. The current or previous crop of (once new, let us not forget) titles are not simply superseded but rather are reinvented as yardsticks to judge the prowess of the even newer and unarguably ‘better’. As Ashton has noted, the continual promotion of the impressiveness of the next generation requires a delicate balancing act and a selective, institutionalised system of recall and forgetting that recovers the past as a suite of (often technical) benchmarks (twice as many polygons, higher resolution etc.) In the absence of formalised and systematic collecting, these obsoleted titles run the risk of being forgotten forever once they no longer serve the purpose of demonstrating the comparative advancement of the successors. The Future of Videogaming’s Past Even if we accept the myriad claims of game studies scholars that videogames are worthy of serious interrogation in and of themselves and as part of a multifaceted, transmedial supersystem, we might be tempted to think that the lack of formalised collections, archival resources and readily available ‘old/classic’ titles at retail is of no great significance. After all, as Jones has observed, the videogame player is almost primed to undertake this kind of activity as gaming can, at least partly, be understood as the act and art of collecting. Games such as Animal Crossing make this tendency most manifest by challenging their players to collect objects and artefacts – from natural history through to works of visual art – so as to fill the initially-empty in-game Museum’s cases. While almost all videogames from The Sims to Katamari Damacy can be considered to engage their players in collecting and collection management work to some extent, Animal Crossing is perhaps the most pertinent example of the indivisibility of the gamer/archivist. Moreover, the permeability of the boundary between the fan’s collection of toys, dolls, posters and the other treasured objects of merchandising and the manipulation of inventories, acquisitions and equipment lists that we see in the menus and gameplay imperatives of videogames ensures an extensiveness and scope of fan collecting and archival work. Similarly, the sociality of fan collecting and the value placed on private hoarding, public sharing and the processes of research ‘…bridges to new levels of the game’ (Jones 48). Perhaps we should be as unsurprised that their focus on collecting makes videogames similar to eBay as we are to the realisation that eBay with its competitiveness, its winning and losing states, and its inexorable countdown timer, is nothing if not a game? We should be mindful, however, of overstating the positive effects of fandom on the fate of old games. Alongside eBay’s veneration of the original object, p2p and bittorrent sites reduce the videogame to its barest. Quite apart from the (il)legality of emulation and videogame ripping and sharing (see Conley et al.), the existence of ‘ROMs’ and the technicalities of their distribution reveals much about the peculiar tension between the interest in old games and their putative cultural and economic value. (St)ripped down to the barest of code, ROMs deny the gamer the paratextuality of the instruction manual or boxart. In fact, divorced from its context and robbed of its materiality, ROMs perhaps serve to make the original game even more distant. More tellingly, ROMs are typically distributed by the thousand in zipped files. And so, in just a few minutes, entire console back-catalogues – every game released in every territory – are available for browsing and playing on a PC or Mac. The completism of the collections allows detailed scrutiny of differences in Japanese versus European releases, for instance, and can be seen as a vital investigative resource. However, that these ROMs are packaged into collections of many thousands speaks implicitly of these games’ perceived value. In a similar vein, the budget-priced retro re-release collection helps to diminish the value of each constituent game and serves to simultaneously manufacture and highlight the manifestly unfair comparison between these intriguingly retro curios and the legitimately full-priced games of now and next. Customer comments at Amazon.co.uk demonstrate the way in which historical and technological comparisons are now solidly embedded within the popular discourse (see also Newman 2009b). Leaving feedback on Sega’s PS3/Xbox 360 Sega MegaDrive Ultimate Collection customers berate the publisher for the apparently meagre selection of titles on offer. Interestingly, this charge seems based less around the quality, variety or range of the collection but rather centres on jarring technological schisms and a clear sense of these titles being of necessarily and inevitably diminished monetary value. Comments range from outraged consternation, ‘Wtf, only 40 games?’, ‘I wont be getting this as one disc could hold the entire arsenal of consoles and games from commodore to sega saturn(Maybe even Dreamcast’ through to more detailed analyses that draw attention to the number of bits and bytes but that notably neglect any consideration of gameplay, experientiality, cultural significance or, heaven forbid, fun. “Ultimate” Collection? 32Mb of games on a Blu-ray disc?…here are 40 Megadrive games at a total of 31 Megabytes of data. This was taking the Michael on a DVD release for the PS2 (or even on a UMD for the PSP), but for a format that can store 50 Gigabytes of data, it’s an insult. Sega’s entire back catalogue of Megadrive games only comes to around 800 Megabytes - they could fit that several times over on a DVD. The ultimate consequence of these different but complementary attitudes to games that fix attentions on the future and package up decontextualised ROMs by the thousand or even collections of 40 titles on a single disc (selling for less than half the price of one of the original cartridges) is a disregard – perhaps even a disrespect – for ‘old’ games. Indeed, it is this tendency, this dominant discourse of inevitable, natural and unimpeachable obsolescence and supersession, that provided one of the prime motivators for establishing the NVA. As Lowood et al. note in the title of the IGDA Game Preservation SIG’s White Paper, we need to act to preserve and conserve videogames ‘before it’s too late’.ReferencesAshton, D. ‘Digital Gaming Upgrade and Recovery: Enrolling Memories and Technologies as a Strategy for the Future.’ M/C Journal 11.6 (2008). 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/86›.Buffa, C. ‘How to Fix Videogame Journalism.’ GameDaily 20 July 2006. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.gamedaily.com/articles/features/how-to-fix-videogame-journalism/69202/?biz=1›. ———. ‘Opinion: How to Become a Better Videogame Journalist.’ GameDaily 28 July 2006. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.gamedaily.com/articles/features/opinion-how-to-become-a-better-videogame-journalist/69236/?biz=1. ———. ‘Opinion: The Videogame Review – Problems and Solutions.’ GameDaily 2 Aug. 2006. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.gamedaily.com/articles/features/opinion-the-videogame-review-problems-and-solutions/69257/?biz=1›. ———. ‘Opinion: Why Videogame Journalism Sucks.’ GameDaily 14 July 2006. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.gamedaily.com/articles/features/opinion-why-videogame-journalism-sucks/69180/?biz=1›. 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