Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Shinkō (Tokyo, Japan)"

Japan’s leaders began 2020 with grand ambitions to make it a historic year. Tokyo was set to welcome the world for the Summer Olympics, Japan’s first since 1964, and Abe Shinzō, the powerful prime minister, planned to realize his party’s 65-year-old dream: revising Japan’s never-amended, US-drafted 1947 constitution. By spring, however, it was clear that COVID-19 had other plans. Despite public health outcomes better than in any other G7 member, daily life was severely disrupted, and the domestic political and economic fallout for Japan was significant. By late summer, circumstances were improving, but both Abe’s popularity and his personal health had suffered. He resigned in September, ending the longest prime-ministership in Japanese history. Though COVID-19 and the end of the Abe Era were the major storylines of Japan in 2020, a subplot was, paradoxically, remarkable continuity in national politics and foreign affairs.

In March 2020, Prime Minister Abe Shinzō, the Tokyo Olympic Organising Committee, and the International Olympic Committee postponed the 2020 Tokyo Olympics for one year. The delay is the most prominent consequence of the COVID-19 crisis in Japan thus far. But the “Corona Calamity” (korona ka) is bigger than the Olympics. The totality of the disaster is impossible to capture. The very thing that makes it a calamity are the myriad rhythms of crisis that intersect at COVID-19. If there is a shared theme to be found in these rhythms, it is the question of recovery. When will it happen? What will it look like? And what, exactly, will we recover? In what follows, I share three rhythms of crisis and recovery: national history, the tourism industry, and the parcel delivery industry.

Over the course of the twentieth century, Japan has experienced a radicalshift in its self-perception. After World War II, Japan embraced a peacefuland anti-militarist identity, which was based on its war-prohibitingConstitution and the foreign policy of the Yoshida doctrine. For most of thetwentieth century, this identity was unusually stable. In the last couple ofdecades, however, Japan’s self-perception and foreign policy seem to havechanged. Tokyo has conducted a number of foreign policy actions as well assymbolic internal gestures that would have been unthinkable a few decadesago and that symbolize a new and more confident Japan. Japanesepoliticians – including Prime Minister Abe Shinzō – have adopted a newdiscourse depicting pacifism as a hindrance, rather than asset, to Japan’sforeign policy. Does that mean that “Japan is back”? In order to betterunderstand the dynamics of contemporary Japan, Kolmaš joins up the dotsbetween national identity theory and Japanese revisionism. The book showsthat while political elites and a portion of the Japanese public call for re-articulation of Japan’s peaceful identity, there are still societal andinstitutional forces that prevent this change from entirely materializing.

Over the course of the twentieth century, Japan has experienced a radical shift in its self-perception. After World War II, Japan embraced a peaceful and anti-militarist identity, which was based on its war-prohibiting Constitution and the foreign policy of the Yoshida doctrine. For most of the twentieth century, this identity was unusually stable. In the last couple of decades, however, Japan’s self-perception and foreign policy seem to have changed. Tokyo has conducted a number of foreign policy actions as well as symbolic internal gestures that would have been unthinkable a few decades ago and that symbolize a new and more confident Japan. Japanese politicians – including Prime Minister Abe Shinzō – have adopted a new discourse depicting pacifism as a hindrance, rather than asset, to Japan’s foreign policy. Does that mean that “Japan is back”? In order to better understand the dynamics of contemporary Japan, Kolmaš joins up the dots between national identity theory and Japanese revisionism. The book shows that while political elites and a portion of the Japanese public call for re-articulation of Japan’s peaceful identity, there are still societal and institutional forces that prevent this change from entirely materializing.

Abstract We have developed a novel tuberculosis (TB) vaccine; a combination of the DNA vaccines expressing mycobacterial heat shock protein 65 (HSP65) and interleukin 12 (IL-12) delivered by the hemagglutinating virus of Japan (HVJ)-liposome (HSP65+IL-12/HVJ). This vaccine provided remarkable protective efficacy in BALB/C mouse and guinea pig models compared to the BCG vaccine, on the basis of an induction of the CTL activity and improvement of the histopathological tuberculosis lesions, respetively. This vaccine strongly induced CTL against HSP antigen and M.tuberculosis antigens Furthermore, we extended our studies to a cynomolgus monkey model, which is currently the best animal model of human tuberculosis. This novel vaccine provided a higher level of the protective efficacy than BCG based upon the assessment of mortality, the ESR and immune responses. The combination of HSP65 + IL-12/HVJ and BCG by the priming-booster method showed a synergistic effect in the TB-infected cynomolgus monkey (100% survival). In contrast, the survival of the BCG Tokyo group was 33%. These data indicate that our novel DNA vaccine might be useful against M.tuberculosis for human clinical trials. [H-17-Shinko-5] of Research on Emerging and Re-emerging Infectious Diseases in Health Sciences Research grants from Japan.

ObjectivesEarthquakes are a distressing natural phenomenon that can disrupt normal health-related behaviours. The aim of this study was to investigate changes in alcohol consumption behaviours in the immediate aftermath of mild to moderate earthquakes.SettingThis retrospective cohort study was conducted at a large academic hospital in Tokyo, Japan from April 2004 to March 2017.ParticipantsWe included all adult patients presenting with acute alcohol intoxication in the emergency room.Primary and secondary outcome measuresOur outcome was the number of such patients per 24 hours period comparing days with and without earthquake activity. We mainly focused on mild to moderate earthquakes (Shindo scale of less than 3). We conducted a simple generalised autoregressive conditional heteroscedasticity (GARCH) analysis, followed by a multivariate GARCH, including year-fixed effects and secular changes in alcohol taxation. Subanalyses were conducted by gender and age group.ResultsDuring the study period, 706 earthquakes were observed with a median Shindo scale of 2 (IQR: 1). During this period, 6395 patients were admitted with acute ethanol intoxication; the mean age was 42.6 (SD: 16.9) years and 4592 (71.8%) patients were male. In univariate analyses, the occurrence of daytime earthquakes was marginally inversely related to the number of acutely intoxicated patients (β coefficient: −0.19, 95% CI −0.40 to 0.01). This finding remained similar in multivariate analyses after adjustment for covariates. In analyses stratified by gender, the inverse association between daytime earthquakes and alcohol intoxication was only observed among men (p<0.03 for males and p=0.99 for females). In subanalyses by age, older people were less likely to be admitted to the hospital due to acute alcohol intoxication on days with daytime earthquakes (p=0.11), but this was not the case for younger people (p=0.36).ConclusionOn days when a mild to moderate daytime earthquake occurred, the number of patients with acute alcohol intoxication was lower compared with days without earthquakes. Even milder forms of potentially catastrophic events appear to influence social behaviour; mild to moderate earthquake activity is associated with the avoidance of excessive alcohol consumption.

Abstract (INTRODUCTION) Several clinical studies have revealed that dasatinib demonstrated deep and fast responses. We report a phase II study to evaluate the efficacy and safety of dasatinib in patients with newly diagnosed chronic-phase chronic myeloid leukemia (CML-CP) in Japan (IMIDAS PART2 study). (PATIRNTS AND METHODS) Between July 2011 and June 2013, a total of 79 consecutive patients with CML-CP received 100 mg dasatinib daily as a first-line therapy. Treatment was continued until disease progression or until toxicity became unacceptable. The primary end-point was the rate of major molecular response by 12 months. Secondary end-points included the rate of complete cytogenetic response, rate of molecular responses with a 4.5 log reduction (MR4.5) by 12 months, and adverse events. The median age was 62 years, ranging from 27 to 80 years. Patients older than 65 years comprised 41.7% of all patients. Two-thirds of patients (68.4%) were male. Nearly all patients were ECOG performance status 0. Most patients (83.6%) had low and intermediate Sokal scores. The BCR-ABL1 International Scale (BCR-ABL1 IS) in the peripheral blood was measured by the central laboratory center (BML, Tokyo, Japan). (RESULTS) The median BCR-ABL1 IS before therapy was 54.0% (7.8-230.2). Seventy patients (88.6%) received dasatinib therapy for 12 months. The median BCR-ABL1 ISs were 0.25 % at 3 months (range 0.0002-52.2 %, n =77), 0.03 % at 6 months (range not detected-29.2 %, n = 75) and 0.008 % at 12 months (not detected -0.86 %, n = 70). MMR rate was 77.2% (95% CI, 67.9-86.5 %) by 12 months. The rates of CCyR and MR4.5 by 12 months were 88.6% (95% CI; 81.5-95.7 %) and 35.4% (95% CI; 24.8-46.1 %), respectively (Figure 1). Multivariate analysis of MMR or MR4.5 by 12 months showed that female sex (odds ratio 1.1, P = 0.92, odds ratio 1.7, P = 0.35, respectively), low and intermediate Sokal score (odds ratio 0.9, P = 0.90, odds ratio 3.2, P =0.23, respectively), and BCR-ABL1 IS less than 54% at diagnosis (RR =odds ratio 0.8, P = 0.74, odds ratio 0.7, P = 0.55, respectively) were not significantly correlated with MMR by 12 months nor MR4.5 by 12 months (Table 1). However, patients who were more than 62 years old were significantly correlated with MR4.0 and MR4.5 by 12 months (odds ratio 2.8, P =0.04, odds ratio 3.5, P =0.01). Treatment-related all AEs were reported in 98.7% patients (78 of 79). Grade 3/4 non-hematologic AEs were observed in only a few cases. Lymphocytosis (more than 4x 109/L) was observed in 34.1% of patients, which was within grade 2. Only 9 patients withdrew the study because of adverse events (4 patients), ineffectiveness (3 patients), and others (2 patients). (DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION) The incidence of lymphocyte predominance may depend on a history of previous cytomegalovirus (CMV) infection in CML-CP patients (Leukemia. 2011 25(10): 1587-97). Although the frequency of CMV-positive patients was unknown in this study, that of blood donors in Japan was almost positive in the ages with 60s or older. The median age of CML-CP patients in this study was 62 years. Therefore, we assumed that some immunological effects induced by dasatinib might have improved the clinical efficacy in Japanese CML-CP patients compared to those worldwide. Our phase II study to evaluate the efficacy and safety of dasatinib in patients with newly diagnosed CML-CP in Japan revealed that the first-line dasatinib treatment of CML-CP leads to earlier achievement of MMR and MR4.5 with high safety. Elder age patients (>62 years) were significantly associated with achievement of MR4.5. Disclosures Shindo: Sysmex Corporation: Research Funding. Sakamoto:Yakult: Other: Remuneration; Takeda Pharmaceutical: Consultancy.

Abstract #3058 Norifumi Takeda, Ichiro Manabe, Yuichi Uchino, The Univ of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan; Takayuki Shindo, Shinshu Univ Graduate Sch of Med, Matsumoto, Japan; Motoaki Sano, Keio Univ Sch of Med, Tokyo, Japan; Kinya Otsu, Osaka Univ Graduate Sch of Med, Suita, Japan; Paige Snider, Simon J Conway, Indiana Univ of Med, Indianapolis, IN; Ryozo Nagai, The Univ of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan Norifumi Takeda, 2009 Finalist and Presenting Author

Introduction Fashion and beauty work are a part of identity that is shaped around normative, idealised, and often gendered bodies, and this has been the subject of much academic and popular attention. While much research focusses on fashion and beauty work as a way to highlight socially desirable traits or trends, it is important to note that fashion is equally important as a tool for the concealment of a visibly stigmatised identity. For people diagnosed with a visibly disfiguring illness, fashion and makeup practices became a way to either reinforce or negotiate stigma. In particular, writing by people diagnosed with Hansen’s disease in 1930s Japan reveals the way in which fashion—in the form of clothing issued by the institution—could reinforce the stigma of their condition, whereas clothing from home, and the use of makeup, allowed for concealment of some of the visible markers of their condition. So associated is the notion of stigma with the condition of Hansen’s disease that “leprosy” or “leper” are used as pejoratives in some languages, to indicate conditions or behaviour out of line with social norms. Yet, it is only relatively recently that stigma and Hansen’s disease have been the subject of academic attention. Since Zachary Gussow’s ground-breaking 1989 work, Leprosy, Racism, and Public Health, however, Hansen’s disease stigma has been extensively studied, with much of the recent scholarship focused on visible stigma and social reintegration. That is to say, much of the attention is focussed on stigma reduction, and creating policies and awareness to decrease stigma by third parties. Few studies have focussed on the way stigma, in the case of Hansen’s disease, has been either reinforced or resisted by the people suffering from Hansen’s disease. Stigma, as “degrading marks that are affixed to particular bodies, people, conditions and places within humiliating social interactions”, serves to mark bodies as abnormal or inferior (Tyler, 8). In the words of Erving Goffman from his classic study on stigma, the term refers to a “spoiled identity,” and limited social participation (Goffman, Stigma 11-15). More recently, in her ground-breaking book Stigma: The Machinery of Inequality, Imogen Tyler argued that stigma is both socially produced and negotiated, and that just as stigma can be leveraged to control unruly bodies, so too can it be a mode of resistance for those who are living with a stigmatised condition such as Hansen’s disease, an illness that was feared because prior to the discovery of Promin in 1943 the disease was incurable. The physical signs of illness, such as deformity of the limbs and loss of hair, made this stigma unmistakable. When sufferers were subject to quarantine, fashion was used to further mark their bodies: patients in public institutions were issued standard garments that identified them as belonging to an institution. At the same time, private clothing and makeup allowed sufferers to use fashion to conceal their stigmatised condition, to fashion liminal identities that in Goffman’s terms are not yet discredited, but “discreditable”, with their stigmatised condition hidden but social exclusion eminent should their diagnosis become clear to those around them (Goffman, Stigma 16). In the works I discuss below, we can see how clothing and makeup function to both reinforce and resist stigma in the case of writers with Hansen’s disease in Japan. This article explores the way in which illness intersected with beauty, fashion, stigma, and identity in the early years of the public institutions. First, I examine how changes in beauty marked sufferers as ill, and how that marked the sufferer as excluded from society. Makeup becomes a way to mask the visible signs of illness and inhabit a liminal space between health and marked by illness. Second, I discuss clothing as part of the process of institutionalisation to examine how clothing further demarcated sufferers. For many people admitted to a public institution, the issuance of standard clothing was another form of social death. The uniform clothing and marks of illness all reinforced patient bodies as abnormal. At the same time, even as their bodies were abject, I argue here that fashion, clothing and makeup could also allow them to inhabit a liminal space, separate from sufferers with advanced physical disfigurement, and allowed them to maintain an affective connection to society. Beauty, Making Up, and Masking Stigma While the study of physical, visible stigma and its intersections with issues of identity and social control have been the subject of renewed attention in recent years, few scholars have explored the way in which makeup is part of a masking, or resistance, of stigmatised conditions. While there is some scholarship that focusses on beauty work as biopolitics, such work often focusses on contemporary, voluntary beauty work, such as cosmetic surgery or makeup (Miller; Elfving-Hwang). At the same time, recently scholars have begun to examine the ways in which ableist standards of beauty and fashion mark physical difference as abnormal, or threatening (Davidson, 1-2). In the case of Hansen’s disease sufferers, facial changes as a manifestation of a stigmatised illness were for many writers a powerful symbol of their isolation from society. Makeup and fashion within the institution became a way for sufferers to resist the stigma associated with their disease. The application of makeup was a performance that signified inclusion in society, and its neglect was symbolic of social exclusion. This is clear in writing by women diagnosed with Hansen’s disease. For example, Hayashi Yukiko (1909-1993), in 1939, wrote that the disease first manifested on her face, in the form of a small red spot under her left eye. She wrote that she used powder to cover it, suspecting what it was. The use of makeup allowed her to continue her job at the post office until, despite her use of makeup, her co-worker noticed it (Hayashi, in Uchida, Seto no Akebono 143). After her subsequent diagnosis, she quit her job and went into isolation at home. Writing of her experience of this time, she again mentions makeup: Untouched since I got sickThe makeup case gathers dustOn the corner of the shelf病みてよりふれぬがままの化粧箱ほこり積りて棚隅にあり (Uchida, Hagi no satojima 61) A second poet, Seto Senshū, expresses similar feelings of hopelessness through an evocation of makeup: The powder that has not touchedMy hands for years Comes out of the jar with a dry rustle年久しく手にふれざりし白粉のかはきて瓶にかさと音立つ (Abe 72) For both of these authors, being quarantined because of their illness meant being cut off from society, and the discontinuance of makeup application became symbolic of social exclusion, an acknowledgement of the fact that fashion as a mode of concealment is no longer necessary. For many sufferers, an early sign of the illness was a loss of eyebrows. This was in part because Hansen's disease affects the nerve endings and the skin, the illness often manifested on the face of sufferers, and marked them as targets for discrimination or loss of social status. As eyebrows were an early sign of the illness, they were a point of concern for patients. Laura Miller and Higuchi Kiyoyuki have pointed to the importance of eyebrows in beauty work in Japan dating back to the Heian period (Miller, 141; Higuchi 81-84). Eyebrows, their shape, and the cosmetics used upon them, then, are important symbols of beauty. In Hansen’s disease literature, then, references to eyebrows and makeup are often indicators of the progress of the disease and how the illness specifically impacts the identity of women. Hayashi Yukiko wrote of her eyebrows: Every morning, every morningThe cloth with which I wipe my faceComes away with my eyebrow hairMy heart sinks朝な朝な我が顔拭ふ手拭に眉毛つき来て心が沈む Difficult to see my motherGaze anxiously at my faceI look down我が顔を気づかはしげに見る母のまみは見難く面ふせにけり (Uchida 61-62) In these poems, Hayashi’s changing appearance is tied to what it means to fashion gendered beauty in Japanese society. To have eyebrows altered in a way that is recognisable as “diseased” is a significant, traumatic impairment. This trauma is made more acute by the fact that the gaze of people is now directed at her with anxiety or fear, a response to her visibly altered body. Imogen Tyler has referred to similar phenomenon as “the stigmatising gaze”, a recognition of “stigmata on the bodies” that can no longer be masked (Tyler 12). This stigma of the illness and the gaze of those around them was particularly heavy on women. Even within the sanatorium, male patients sometimes remarked on the stigmatised beauty of the female patients. Ishikawa Kō (1906-1930), a poet who lived in Kyūshū Sanatorium, hints at the futility of makeup to hide the signs of the illness: In the waiting room in the morningWith sadness, seeing the woman patient, eyes downcastEyebrows pencilled inうつむきし女患者の書き眉をかなしく見たり朝の控所に (Kawamura and Uchida 9) Here, women pencil in their eyebrows to become invisible to the stigmatising gaze, to escape notice as being disfigured even in the hospital. They use makeup to escape the gaze of others rather than attract it, as is clear in the downcast eyes. While more women write about beauty work more than men, it was not only women applying makeup or aware of the gaze of those around them. The men also used makeup to disguise the disfigurement they suffered from their illness. Hōjō Tamio (1914-1937), one of the most famous authors of literature about his experience of illness and quarantine in the Tokyo district hospital, Tama Zenshō-en, writes of protagonist Oda’s process of institutionalisation in his most famous novella, Inochi no shoya (Life’s First Night). Describing Oda’s approach to the sanatorium, Hōjō writes: One eyebrow had thinned because of his illness, and Oda had pencilled it in. When the [local village] men came up next to him, they suddenly ceased to chatter, and as they passed by, they looked with eyes full of curiosity at … Oda … . While Oda looked down silently, he keenly felt their gaze. Similarly, in a haiku Kiyokawa Hachirō describes the act of making up his eyebrows. This poem picks up the seasonal word hatsukagami), referring to the first use of the mirror in the new year: Drawing my eyebrows heavier than usualReflected in the mirror for the first time in the New Year常よりも眉濃くひけり初鏡 (Abe 72) There is a disconnect between the poetic ideas of the first makeup application of the new year and the male author pencilling in thick eyebrows. Poems such as this make clear that eyebrow makeup was a means for both men and women to conceal the effects of their disease and conceal their illness through fashioning a discreditable but not yet discredited identity. At the same time, the poems also expose the futility of using makeup to fully conceal. The poems reveal a preoccupation with what Tyler calls the stigmatising gaze, and the scrutiny of others demonstrates the limits of makeup to conceal their stigmatised identity. Clothing, Institutionalisation, Identity After the 1931 Leprosy Prevention Law, hospitals were designed to be similar to what Erving Goffman calls “total institutions” (xiii). Total institutions such as prisons are characterised by physical boundaries separating residents from the outside world, restricting contact with that outside world, and by further boundaries within the institution separating residents from staff. Many of these elements were present in Japan’s Hansen’s Disease hospitals after 1931. Entrance into the institution involved the creation, or acceptance, of a new identity and new social status. Institutionalisation for the treatment of Hansen’s disease in the 1930s included a disinfectant bath in the presence of medical professionals. As the newly admitted patient bathed, their possessions were taken for disinfection and inspection and their money was confiscated. After this, patients were then issued hospital standard kimonos: typically a plain, vertically striped (referred to as udon shima), cotton garment that marked them clearly as patients. Although the colours or patterns varied across institutions, the garment was the same for all residents, regardless of assigned sex or age (Kimono 3). This served several purposes: first, because patients themselves made and cared for all their clothing, purchasing the same fabric in bulk was economical. At the same time, wearing the same clothing also eliminated class distinctions between residents, and served to downplay the femininity of the female residents (ibid). When working with patients, nurses and doctors dressed in head-to-toe white protective robes, complete with hats, gloves, and face masks. The seriously ill residents, confined to bed, were also issued thin, white cotton sick clothes (byōi). Thus, the boundaries between the sick and the healthy were inscribed on the clothing of individuals working and living in the hospital. The issuance of institutional clothing meant a clear severance with society, and some residents felt the clothing marked them, similar to the way prisoners in jail were identified by matching, stigmatised clothing (Kimono 3). Goffman’s notion of batch living is expressed through standardised kimono as Tamae, a poet at Seishō-en, the Shikoku area institution, expresses here: At the hot water stationThe matching yukataAll hung out to dry湯の宿に揃いの浴衣干してあり (Moshiogusa 20). Figs. 1 & 2: Examples of the standard-issue wear from the 1930s. Images courtesy of the National Hansen’s Disease Museum, Tokyo, Japan. Hōjō Tamio, again in Inochi no shoya, describes the kimono. Oda first glimpses the clothing in a voyeuristic scene, as he peeps at two young women through the hedge demarcating the institution: “Looking in the direction of the sound, he saw two women on the inside of the hedge … . Out of the corner of his eye, he saw that both women were wearing short-sleeved kimonos with the same striped pattern” (Hōjō n.p.). This scene is recalled when Oda is in the bath: a nurse showed him a new kimono as she said, “When you get out, put this on please”. The kimono was of the same striped pattern he had seen the two women wearing as he watched from outside the hedge. With its light sleeves, it looked like a kimono an elementary school student might wear, and when Oda got out of the bath and put it on, he felt he cut a shabby and ludicrous figure. He kept looking down at himself. (Hōjō n.p.) For many hospital residents in the 1930s, these issued garments would be all the clothing they had. The uniform clothing of the institution served as another way to mark the illness of the wearer on the body—fashion becomes an additional mark of stigma. Indeed, in images from that time, sufferers of Hansen’s disease are immediately identifiable not only through the manifestations of the illness on their bodies but through their clothing as well. In the three images shown below, residents wearing institutionally issued kimono are immediately identifiable through their clothing, making a resident wearing what is likely a chequered, personal kimono in the final image stand out. Furthermore, the doctors are also clearly identifiable amongst them, dressed in white and covered from head to toe. Fig. 3: Men sharing tea at a work station, wearing the standard issue kimono. Image courtesy of the National Hansen’s Disease Museum, Tokyo, Japan. Fig. 4: A group of blind patients together with medical professionals. Image courtesy of the National Hansen’s Disease Museum, Tokyo, Japan. Fig. 5: Promotional postcard from Zenshō-en in the early 1930s featuring patients, medical professionals, and an officer together on the veranda of a housing ward. Image from the author’s personal collection. Yet, as can also be seen above, there was still difference in clothing within the institution. First, because all work was performed by residents of the institution, patients would wear work-appropriate clothes, such as the aprons some women wear in fig. 4. Second, as can be seen in fig. 5 in the standing figure second from right, some patients did in fact have their own clothing within the hospital. This was, as I have discussed, fashion as resistance of a stigmatised identity, but for those within the institution personal kimono was also a performance of class and connection to home through their fashion. For example, Nogiku, a writer from Seishō-en, wrote: In the package sent to meA yukata handwoven by my mother送り来し母の手織の浴衣かな (Moshiogusa, 20) A second poem from Hayashi Michiko, also from Seishō-en, expressed similar sentiments years later: This was sewn for meBy my motherWhen it was decided I would go to the leprosarium癩園に行くが決まりしわがために母縫ひくれし単衣ぞこれは (Seishō 18) For many residents, institutionalisation meant a severing of ties with their families and communities. The stigma associated with the illness meant that a family would face discrimination in work and marriage prospects if it were widely known a relative had been diagnosed with Hansen’s disease. For many other patients, even if they were undeterred by the stigma, their families could not afford to send packages or visit. The receipt of a yukata, or Japanese summer garb, or special clothing handmade by the authors’ mothers are not only fashion; they also serve as a physical representation of a continued connection to family and society outside of the institution and of the social status of the poet. The privilege of wearing private clothes in the institution, then, was a marker of both class and continued connection to society beyond the hospital. In that sense, private fashion was also a way to resist the stigma of the disease through a clear association with the uniform of the institution. Conclusion Clothing and makeup are ephemeral objects, often things that are used every day and then discarded when they are worn out or used up. They are items that people often use as routine, without thinking. The fact that writers diagnosed with Hansen’s disease traced their experiences with illness and stigma through makeup and clothing indicates the deep, symbolic meaning these items were imbued with after a diagnosis. More than a way to express oneself, or play with identities, as other contributions in this issue discuss, for people diagnosed with Hansen’s disease, makeup, and clothing became a way to use fashion as concealment, as well as a physical connection to home and social status. Makeup and clothing were a way to resist stigma and fashion to a “not-yet-discredited” identity, to conceal the markers of illness and quarantine. The importance of makeup and fashion as a mode of concealment can be seen in writing by people who experienced illness and quarantine. All translations in this article are the author’s own. Acknowledgements The research for this article was conducted with the support of Grant-in-Aid for Early-Career Scientists 20K12936. References Abe, Masako, ed. Soka [Poems That Resonate]. Tokyo: Kōseisha, 2021. Burns, Susan. Kingdom of the Sick: A History of Leprosy and Japan. University of Hawai’i Press, 2019. Davidson, Michael. “Introduction: Women Writing Disability.” Legacy: A Journal of American Women Writers 30.1 (2013): 1-17. Elfving-Hwang, Joanna. “Cosmetic Surgery and Embodying the Moral Self in South Korean Popular Makeover Culture.” The Asia-Pacific Journal 11.24.2 (2013). 4 Aug. 2022 <https://apjjf.org/2013/11/24/Joanna-Elfving-Hwang/3956/article.html>. Goffman, Erving. Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday (1961). ———. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New York: Simon & Schuster (1963). Gussow, Zachary. Leprosy, Racism, and Public Health: Social Policy in Chronic Disease Control. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1989. Higuchi Kiyoyuki. Keshō no bunka shi [A Cultural History of Cosmetics]. Tokyo: Kokusai shōgyō shuppan, 1982. Hirokawa, Waka. Kindai Nihon no Hansen-byō mondai to chiiki shakai [Modern Japan’s Hansen’s Disease Problem and Local Communities]. Osaka: Osaka daigaku shuppankai, 2011. Hōjō Tamio, translated and with an introduction by Kathryn M. Tanaka. “‘Life's First Night’ and the Treatment of Hansen's Disease in Japan.” The Asia-Pacific Journal .13.3 (2015). 4 Aug. 2022 <https://apjjf.org/2015/13/4/Hojo-Tamio/4256.html>. Kawamura Masayuki and Uchida Morito, eds. Hi no kage dai ni shū [The Shade of the Cypress 2]. Kumamoto: Hi no kage hakkojō, 1929. Kokuritsu Hansen-byō shiryōkan, ed. Kimono ni miru ryōyōjo no kurashi [Life in the Sanatoria as Seen through Clothing]. Tokyo: Nihon Kagaku gijutsu shinkō zaidan, 2010. Miller, Laura. Beauty Up: Exploring Contemporary Japanese Body Aesthetics. Los Angeles: U of California P, 2006. Moshiogusa [Eelgrass] 40 (Sep. 1937). Seishō [Young Pine] 21.6 (July 1964). Talley, Heather Laine. Saving Face: Disfigurement and the Politics of Appearance. New York: NYU P, 2014. Tyler, Imogen. Stigma: The Machinery of Inequality. London: Zed Books, 2020. Uchida Morito, ed. Seto no Akebono [Dawn over the Inland Sea]. Tokyo: Fujokaisha, 1939. Uchida Morito, ed. Hagi no satojima [Island of the Bushclover]. Tokyo: Fujokaisha, 1939.

La vie religieuse dans un quartier de Tokyo interroge la façon dont les Japonais perçoivent aujourd'hui la religion. Comment s'articulent tant du point de vue de la pratique cultuelle que du système de représentation, les religions traditionnelles (shintô et bouddhisme) par rapport aux religions récentes (nouveaux mouvements religieux) ou considérées comme étrangères (christianisme) ? L'étude ethnographique, circonscrite à un quartier analyse les conceptions religieuses véhiculées par les formations locales (lai͏̈ques et/ou religieuses). L'observation participante et les interviews des représentants et des membres de ces formations ont permis de rendre compte de l'organisation des activités de ces instances qui jouent un rôle essentiel dans l'animation de la vie religieuse du quartier. Une enquête statistique réalisée auprès des résidents et enrichie d'entretiens semi-directifs a permis de saisir l'articulation de leurs pratiques et de leurs représentations religieuses avec cet ensemble. Ce travail montre la coexistence de plusieurs conceptions de la religion. La population âgée ou conservatrice. . . . A tendance à considérer la religion comme un système culturel global, comme une dimension du social qui transmet une identité japonaise. Les résidents nés après-guerre témoignent d'une vision plus occidentalisée. .
The study of the religious life in a specific Tokyo neighborhood allows us to wonder about Japanese perceive religion nowadays. From the point of view of worship practices as well as from the point of view of the representation systems how are the traditional religions linked to new religions (i. E. New religious movements) or foreign religions? The ethnographic study confined to a specific neighborhood analyses the religious conceptions essentially conveyed by local organizations (religious and secular ones). The participating observation and interviews of members or representatives of these local organizations allowed us to define more precisely the organization of the activities of these local organizations which play an important part in the liveliness of the religious life of the neighborhood. A statistic survey made with the residents interviews (semi oriented) help us to understand the links between their worship practices and their religious representations, on the whole. This study tends to prove the coexistence of several conceptions of religion. The older population or conservative. . . Is inclined to consider the religion as a global cultural system as well as a socia029185882l dimension which participates in the transmission of the Japanese identity. The residents born after the second world war will rather join the occidental point of view. .

Abstract Aston, William George. 1905. Shinto: The Way of the Gods. London: Longmans, Green, and Co. An early and rather laudatory description of Shintō. Aston was one of the earliest foreign scholars in Japan. The book is an excellent exposition of the Great Tradition view of one aspect of Japanese religion. Aston, William G., trans. Nihongi. 1956 London: Allen and Unwin. A translation of the second of the major works on Shinto mythology. Unfortunately, Aston’s translation is both abridged (he did not include elements that he found repetitious or conflicting, or perhaps just boring) and bowdlerized (he steers well clear of all sexual and scatological words). Batchelor, John. 1971. Ainu Life and Lore: Echoes of a Departing Race. Tokyo, Kyobunkwan, and New York: Johnson Reprint Corp. A description of the vanished way of life of the forest-dwelling Ainu of Hokkaido. Batchelor was a doctor in Hokkaido at the turn of the century, and his report, though somewhat colored by his missionary zeal, is sympathetic and authentic.

Yoshiaki Koshikawa was born in 1952, shortly after the war, in a fishing town—Chiba, Japan. Koshikawa writes about his upbringing in a traditional large farming family and his family attending to both Buddhist and Shinto altars. Koshikawa visited Cuba for research and became initiated as a babalawo, a priest of Ifá divination in the Afro-Cuban religious system. Koshikawa writes about creating an orisha-worshipping community in Tokyo, where he resides

This chapter looks first at Buddhist pilgrimage in the wider field of Japanese religion. The Seven Gods of Good Fortune (shichifukujin) are among the most accessible of all the divinities in Japan and their individual shrines, usually of relatively modest size, are places at which visitors perform a simple devotional visit. The chapter then turns to the phenomenon of circulatory pilgrimages made to a specific number of Shintō shrines and to patriotic shrine pilgrimages associated with sites at which the imperial household is held in particular reverence. It looks at the example of a pilgrimage in Tokyo round linked Shintō shrines known as Hassha Fukumairi (Good Fortune Visit to Eight Shrines) as well as other Shintō shrine circuits.

Abstract This chapter examines the changes that took place under Prime Minister Abe Shinzō in response to the March 2011 Tōhoku Earthquake and Tsunami, or 3.11. The disaster drastically reduced the nation’s energy-generating capabilities and led to the weakening of the competitiveness of Japanese firms both at home and abroad. Even before the introduction of Abe’s reform package, known as Abenomics, Japanese capitalism was already transitioning towards a more shareholder-focused form of financial capitalism. The third of the three arrows (goals) for Abenomics was systemic reform. This was designed to enhance productivity in part by modifying Japan’s workplace culture, which is often characterized by long working hours and limited opportunities for the advancement of women to executive positions. The Abe government also pegged a relatively new industry to promote, one with a high perceived potential for national as well as regional growth, tourism. The hosting of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics was to be the springboard for the new growth sector; however, due to the pandemic, the games were re-scheduled and the borders closed to tourism. While the tourism industry provides new hope for economic revitalization, it also sparks a heated debate about its sustainability. The changes that have occurred since March 2011 have created an unprecedented opportunity for a new national discussion on how to achieve a more sustainable form of Japanese capitalism—one that balances the needs of society and the economy.