Дисертації з теми "Settore SPS/05 - Storia e Istituzioni delle Americhe"
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Basso, Francesca <1992>. "Dalle Altre Americhe al mondo: lo sguardo di Sebastião Salgado sulla globalizzazione neoliberista." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/11480.
Повний текст джерелаMilanese, Juan Pablo <1977>. "Transacciones, delegación o unilateralidad. Un análisis de los equilibrios de poder en las relaciones ejecutivo-legislativo durante los primeros gobiernos de Álvaro Uribe en Colombia y Carlos Saúl Menem en Argentina." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/3346/1/Milanese_JuanPablo_Tesi.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаMilanese, Juan Pablo <1977>. "Transacciones, delegación o unilateralidad. Un análisis de los equilibrios de poder en las relaciones ejecutivo-legislativo durante los primeros gobiernos de Álvaro Uribe en Colombia y Carlos Saúl Menem en Argentina." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/3346/.
Повний текст джерелаCuppi, Valentina <1983>. "Egemonia, socialismo e democrazia nell’occidente periferico. Gli studi gramsciani di Aricó e Portantiero tra Argentina e Messico." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6559/1/cuppi_valentina_tesi.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаThis research aims to show that the “gramscian categories” have been the most important reference for two argentine intellectuals: Portantiero Juan Carlos Portantiero and José Maria Aricó . They were in exile in Mexico from 1976 to 1983. At that time they focused their analysis on the relationship between state, civil society , democracy and socialism , from a Gramscian perspective . The failure of the “war of movement” in Argentina in the early seventies led them to reflect on alternative strategies for the transition to socialism , whose focal point was the concept of “Hegemony” . Since 1975 they used the Gramsci's thought to create a political project suitable for states characterized by the presence of a “complex civil society”. Since the '50s , Aricó and Portantiero studied Gramsci. However, it was during the period of the exile that they studied deeply all his books, from the writings of his youth up to the “Prison Notebooks”.
Cuppi, Valentina <1983>. "Egemonia, socialismo e democrazia nell’occidente periferico. Gli studi gramsciani di Aricó e Portantiero tra Argentina e Messico." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6559/.
Повний текст джерелаThis research aims to show that the “gramscian categories” have been the most important reference for two argentine intellectuals: Portantiero Juan Carlos Portantiero and José Maria Aricó . They were in exile in Mexico from 1976 to 1983. At that time they focused their analysis on the relationship between state, civil society , democracy and socialism , from a Gramscian perspective . The failure of the “war of movement” in Argentina in the early seventies led them to reflect on alternative strategies for the transition to socialism , whose focal point was the concept of “Hegemony” . Since 1975 they used the Gramsci's thought to create a political project suitable for states characterized by the presence of a “complex civil society”. Since the '50s , Aricó and Portantiero studied Gramsci. However, it was during the period of the exile that they studied deeply all his books, from the writings of his youth up to the “Prison Notebooks”.
Bacchitta, Sandra <1982>. "L'amministrazione Johnson e le origini della distensione. 1964-1968." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6565/1/Bacchitta_Sandra_TESI.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаThe research intends to investigate two aspects of Johnson’s foreign policy: the establishment of a dialogue and the pursuit of cooperation with Soviet Union, regarding arms control measures and non-proliferation; the reassessment of the American policy towards Communist China and the slow detachment from the previous approach. The Sixties saw the international system becoming more complex and fragmented, the strategic balance getting closer to a condition of equality but also becoming less manageable due to nuclear proliferation; the rivalry between the two blocs was changing as well, due to the Sino-Soviet split, the increasing of contacts between eastern and western Europe and the willingness to avoid tensions between the superpowers. Being wary of both the dangers and the interdependence inherent in the bilateral relationship led to the decision to seek a common ground on strategic issues and to the establishment of a dialogue. Also during those years, the administration begun to explore the convenience of a different approach toward Communist China, which was clearly bound to emerge as a power in its own, and the possibilities that a new policy would have opened up. Both issues illustrates how the Johnson Administration, in order to face the challenges of its time, considered new options and took measures, breaking with the past, and adopting the relaxation of tensions and dialogue, or at least the possibility of it, as a policy. The research, which focuses on the debate and the decision-making process within the Administration, assumes that by doing so the administration introduced the policy of détente as at least one of the options available to the United States. Therefore the analysis of Johnson’s policies towards the main communist powers, and their challenges, may help to achieve a better definition and understanding of Détente, in its origins and motivations.
Bacchitta, Sandra <1982>. "L'amministrazione Johnson e le origini della distensione. 1964-1968." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6565/.
Повний текст джерелаThe research intends to investigate two aspects of Johnson’s foreign policy: the establishment of a dialogue and the pursuit of cooperation with Soviet Union, regarding arms control measures and non-proliferation; the reassessment of the American policy towards Communist China and the slow detachment from the previous approach. The Sixties saw the international system becoming more complex and fragmented, the strategic balance getting closer to a condition of equality but also becoming less manageable due to nuclear proliferation; the rivalry between the two blocs was changing as well, due to the Sino-Soviet split, the increasing of contacts between eastern and western Europe and the willingness to avoid tensions between the superpowers. Being wary of both the dangers and the interdependence inherent in the bilateral relationship led to the decision to seek a common ground on strategic issues and to the establishment of a dialogue. Also during those years, the administration begun to explore the convenience of a different approach toward Communist China, which was clearly bound to emerge as a power in its own, and the possibilities that a new policy would have opened up. Both issues illustrates how the Johnson Administration, in order to face the challenges of its time, considered new options and took measures, breaking with the past, and adopting the relaxation of tensions and dialogue, or at least the possibility of it, as a policy. The research, which focuses on the debate and the decision-making process within the Administration, assumes that by doing so the administration introduced the policy of détente as at least one of the options available to the United States. Therefore the analysis of Johnson’s policies towards the main communist powers, and their challenges, may help to achieve a better definition and understanding of Détente, in its origins and motivations.
Canales, Urriola Jorge Ariel <1980>. "Le valigie dell'anarchia: Percorsi e attivismo degli anarchici emiliani e romagnoli in Argentina e Brasile nella svolta di fine Ottocento." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2016. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/7655/1/Canales_Jorge_tesi.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаSince 1880s, hundreds of thousands of Italians left their country to look for better opportunities in South American republics. But not only poor peasants go abroad in those years. Fast growing of anachist movement in Italy become a real problem for ruling classes, and governments pursued activists as they were criminals. Then, anarchists chose the exile way, and many of them pointed to Argentina and Brazil. This work analyses the role of Emilia and Romagna's anarchists in the South American libertarian movements' development, and their relationships with local societies and European migrants.
Canales, Urriola Jorge Ariel <1980>. "Le valigie dell'anarchia: Percorsi e attivismo degli anarchici emiliani e romagnoli in Argentina e Brasile nella svolta di fine Ottocento." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2016. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/7655/.
Повний текст джерелаSince 1880s, hundreds of thousands of Italians left their country to look for better opportunities in South American republics. But not only poor peasants go abroad in those years. Fast growing of anachist movement in Italy become a real problem for ruling classes, and governments pursued activists as they were criminals. Then, anarchists chose the exile way, and many of them pointed to Argentina and Brazil. This work analyses the role of Emilia and Romagna's anarchists in the South American libertarian movements' development, and their relationships with local societies and European migrants.
Di, Tommaso Gaetano <1986>. "America's Energy Transition, the Evolution of the National Interest, and the Middle Eastern Connection at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2017. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/7980/6/Di%20Tommaso_Gaetano_tesi.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаMallocci, Martina <1990>. ""Walking a tightrope": Una biografia politica di E. Franklin Frazier, 1894-1962." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2019. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/8843/1/Mallocci_Martina_Tesi.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаThis research examines African-American sociologist E. Franklin Frazier’s thought, in a historical perspective (1894-1962). This thesis focuses on three aspects. Firstly, it takes into account Frazier’s role as a sociologist, within the American academic context. Secondly, it analyzes Frazier’s political activism, as an African-American intellectual who fought against racial discrimination, and for the construction of an interracial class alliance. Lastly, this research focuses on Frazier’s contribution to the transnational debate on decolonization, and on his ties to the anti-colonial movement. By connecting these aspects of Frazier’s life, this thesis’s purpose is to highlight the boundaries of these three spheres of public debate. The research also examines Frazier’s peculiar position, as part of a first generation of black professional sociologists, who were born at the end of the Nineteenth century and died in the mid-1960s.
Bragatti, Milton Carlos <1969>. "Theorizing South American International Security." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2020. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/9505/1/BRAGATTI%20THESIS%20UNIBO%20UNL%202020.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаBottacchi, Jacopo <1991>. "Lamento Sertanejo: inclusion of the outsiders, messianic leadership and the new centrality of the northeast in Brazilian politics." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2021. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/9833/1/Bottacchi_%20Jacopo_tesi.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаVicenzotto, Patrizia <1982>. "Jane Addams e il Social Settlement di Hull House negli Stati Uniti a cavallo tra il XIX e il XX secolo: logiche di inclusione e cooperazione sociale." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2950.
Повний текст джерелаMelis, Francesco <1990>. "Italianos en Ecuador." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/4726.
Повний текст джерелаZanon, Stefanello Liriana <1984>. "Memórias familiares: um estudo da imigração na quarta colônia imperial de imigração italiana do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/8274.
Повний текст джерелаBalbo, Gaia <1993>. "Patrícia Galvão: um olhar crítico sobre o PCB nos seus primeiros anos de atividade." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12560.
Повний текст джерелаBricchese, Marta Paola <1993>. "Eva Perón e Cristina Kirchner: fra passato e presente, un populismo che si tinge di rosa." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12604.
Повний текст джерелаVio, Teresa <1993>. "REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA: A STUDY OF THE EU-MERCOSUR TRADE AGREEMENT (2000-2004)." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12617.
Повний текст джерелаFrau, Michela <1993>. "La grande emigrazione verso Argentina e Brasile: azioni e dibattiti della classe politica italiana." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14159.
Повний текст джерелаIndelicato, Chiara <1993>. "Il referendum del 2 Ottobre 2016 in Colombia: la vittoria del No: Analisi del processo di pace per porre fine al conflitto armato tra governo e FARC." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14683.
Повний текст джерелаPonti, Naomi Trisha <1995>. "Do Black Lives Matter in Brazil? Analysis of racism, police violence and connections between Black Lives Matter and black activism in Brazil." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18684.
Повний текст джерелаFernandes, Pereira Lidia <1996>. "Bolsonaro between populism and fascism: an analysis of the information manipulation during the 2018 electoral campaign." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19464.
Повний текст джерелаCavazzoli, Giada <1994>. "L'agenda sociale del governo di Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) in Brasile: sviluppo, diplomazia e cooperazione Sud-Sud in America Latina." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19715.
Повний текст джерелаVenier, Segovia Alessandra <1995>. "Il programma di sterilizzazioni sotto il regime di Fujimori nel Perù degli anni Novanta: contesto, basi ideologiche e risposte dei soggetti nazionali e internazionali." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21246.
Повний текст джерелаAliberti, Arianna <1996>. "Haitian immigration in Dominican Republic: how the Dominican justice reacts to the prejudice." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21931.
Повний текст джерелаVisconti, Beatrice <1998>. "Migration governance in Latin America: the 2000s paradigm shift towards liberal migration laws and policies." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21991.
Повний текст джерелаLoddo, Roberta <1987>. "Il volto femminile delle maquiladoras messicane, tra discriminazione e diritti violati." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/5522.
Повний текст джерелаDalla, Stella Marco <1988>. "L'UNASUR e l'integrazione regionale in Sud America." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2594.
Повний текст джерелаBonato, Deborah <1989>. "L'immigrazione e l'imprenditoria italiana in Brasile ieri e oggi." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3773.
Повний текст джерелаGiacomarro, Claudia <1987>. "Dialogo, integrazione, cooperazione: la strategia europea per lo sviluppo sostenibile in America Latina." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/4673.
Повний текст джерелаLamanna, Michele Angelo <1988>. "Pinochet: padre del Chile moderno o semplice dittatore?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/5527.
Повний текст джерелаCastellan, Elisabetta <1990>. "Anti-Americanism in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Swing Between Hostility and Admiration." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10417.
Повний текст джерелаArtico, Elena <1992>. "Le relazioni tra Colombia e Venezuela nella crisi del 2015: l'analisi di un'emergenza umanitaria." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/11494.
Повний текст джерелаAmbrosi, Cristina <1991>. "La violencia fronteriza e le FARC: analisi del fenomeno del desplazamiento colombiano in Ecuador durante il secondo mandato di Álvaro Uribe Vélez (2006-2010)." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14594.
Повний текст джерелаGuillemot, Marc <1981>. "Le Politiche Pubbliche Brasiliane nello Scenario Internazionale: Nuove Rappresentazioni." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2512.
Повний текст джерелаSottoriva, Marta <1991>. ""How Do I Live Free?": The Body Politics of #BlackLivesMatter." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12196.
Повний текст джерелаBorea, Pasquale. "Evoluzione e prospettive del diritto dell’integrazione in Europa ed America Latina." Doctoral thesis, Universita degli studi di Salerno, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10556/196.
Повний текст джерелаIl fenomeno dell‟integrazione internazionale è divenuto, nell‟epoca più recente della globalizzazione, uno degli aspetti certamente più degni di interesse della più ampia materia del diritto internazionale. Com‟è noto, a partire dagli anni cinquanta del secolo scorso, sulla base della specifica realtà settoriale, geo-politica e geo-economica del continente europeo, si è avviato e sviluppato un processo assolutamente unico nel suo genere di integrazione, prima economica e poi giuridica e sempre più politica, che ha portato gli Stati aderenti a cedere gradualmente una parte della propria sovranità in ragione di una sorta di “sovranità comune”, finalizzata al rafforzamento del peso economico e politico dell‟area continentale europea. Le ragioni a fondamento di un tale processo sono certamente da ricercarsi negli eventi storici, anche dolorosi, che hanno caratterizzato il periodo storico della prima metà del „900 e, dunque, nella primaria ed immediata esigenza di ristabilire un “nuovo ordine” nel continente europeo, dilaniato dagli eventi bellici, con una duplice finalità: quella di garantire le condizioni per un ristabilimento di un pacifico ordine democratico e quella di consentire la ricostruzione e la ripresa dell‟economia dei paesi dell‟area. L‟esperienza integrazionista, partita con la istituzione della Comunità Europea del Carbone e dell‟Acciaio e proseguita con la Comunità Economica Europea (poi solo Comunità Europea), si è poi completata con l‟esperienza parzialmente diversa dell‟Unione Europea. Tali iniziative sono state recentemente integrate, dopo il fallito tentativo del c.d. Trattato-Costituzione (Roma 2004), dall‟ultimo Trattato di Lisbona che viene, nel presente lavoro, esaminato in due dei suoi ambiti più peculiari riguardanti l‟aspetto interno dell‟integrazione fra gli Stati membri, attraverso un rinnovato anelito a colmare i problemi di “deficit democratico” che nel corso degli anni e dell‟evoluzione del percorso di integrazione si sono manifestati e l‟aspetto esterno dell‟integrazione come proiezione del “blocco” continentale europeo nelle relazioni con gli altri attori dello scacchiere internazionale, in una dimensione di equilibri globali sempre più interconnessi e di relazioni sempre più basate sulla logica della rappresentanza di interessi riconducibili ad aree geo-economiche e geo-politiche. Tale 3 fenomeno integrazionista, mutato e sviluppatosi nel corso degli anni e delle varie fasi, va inteso come tendenza non più solo prettamente economica, ma anche politica, giuridica nonché culturale, finalizzata all‟instaurazione di una cooperazione istituzionalizzata fra un numero limitato di Stati con caratteristiche di stabilità e dinamismo per il perseguimento di obiettivi comuni. Il fenomeno integrazionista non è tuttavia esclusivamente limitato all‟area europea, anche in altre aree geografiche extraeuropee sono sorti, a partire dagli anni cinquanta-sessanta del secolo scorso, processi di convergenza in forme volontarie, graduali e progressive di cooperazione ed integrazione internazionale, anche se i risultati, finora conseguiti in tali esperienze associative, non sono paragonabili alla riuscita che le medesime esperienze hanno avuto nell‟area continentale europea. In particolare, la cooperazione ed integrazione regionale ha avuto un suo autonomo sviluppo nell‟area latinoamericana, caratterizzata da un tendenziale “comune sentire” di natura storica, politica, culturale e per certi aspetti giuridica. In tal senso, le diverse forme associative latinoamericane vengono tradizionalmente intese come fasi di un‟evoluzione, non certamente lineare, di un più ampio e generale movimento di integrazione di natura sub-continentale che affonda le sue radici nella c.d. “teoria internazionalista bolivariana” o “diritto internazionale bolivariano” e che trova fondamento nei tentativi di riunione o associazione, sulla base della historia compartida, delle giovani repubbliche di nuova indipendenza, già a partire dalla metà dell‟800. In tal senso, l‟anelito integrazionista latinoamericano ha radici profonde al pari di quello europeo, anche se, a conclusione di un ciclo di sviluppo ed evoluzione dei processi di integrazione, l‟associazionismo integrazionista in America Latina ha prodotto un pluralismo di organizzazioni che hanno finito per non incidere, o comunque incidere in maniera frammentata, sull‟integrazione economico-politica dell‟area. In tempi più recenti, anche in considerazione degli effetti limitati e frammentari prodotti dalle varie forme di cooperazione ed integrazione rappresentate da ALADI, SELA, Mercosur e Comunità Andina, l‟anelito all‟integrazione sub-continentale si ritrova con ilTrattato di Brasilia del 2008, istitutivo dell‟UNASUR. Tale trattato, quasi contemporaneo all‟evoluzione dell‟integrazione europea operata con il Trattato di Lisbona, riprende lo spirito integrazionista della “teoria bolivariana”, nel tentativo di sintetizzare le precedenti, plurali e frammentate forme di integrazione e cooperazione, che, con più o meno successo, a seconda dei casi, hanno caratterizzato l‟evoluzione dell‟integrazionismo latinoamericano. Come si vedrà nel corso del presente lavoro, le similitudini del Trattato di Brasilia con il Trattato di Lisbona sono molteplici, anche da un punto di vista di integrazione “interna”, anche se certamente non comparabili per il livello tecnico-giuridico, né per l‟assetto istituzionale ed il riparto delle competenze che, nell‟ambito europeo, sono, per così dire “rodati”, da un‟evoluzione progressiva e di successo che consente di consolidare il percorso integrazionista europeo, già fissato dal collante dell‟unione economica e monetaria e da meccanismi di rafforzamento dell‟integrazione interna che possono consentire, ora, uno sviluppo dell‟azione esterna dell‟Unione Europea sullo scenario delle relazioni globali extracontinentali. Nell‟Unione delle Nazioni Sudamericane vi è una forte componente di storia comune che non può, però, non fare i conti con il percorso, non sempre coerente, delle forme di integrazione e cooperazione economica e commerciale e delle rispettive evoluzioni, nonché con le differenze – talvolta molto profonde - fra i suoi Stati membri, sia per quel che riguarda gli assetti politici interni, gli equilibri sociali, sia per i fondamentali economici. Sulla base di tali premesse, si procederà ad un‟analisi, certamente non esaustiva né onnicomprensiva, dei processi di integrazione in un‟ottica bi-continentale che porterà a considerare prima, rapidamente, l‟evoluzione dell‟integrazione continentale europea, per poi focalizzare i due aspetti ritenuti essenziali sul piano della duplice integrazione “interno-esterna” contenuti nel Trattato di Lisbona. E ciò, come visione prospettica del futuro dell‟integrazione europea, all‟interno della stessa, attraverso i meccanismi di controllo parlamentare e, dunque, di democratizzazione del processo decisionale ed all‟esterno, nella sua capacità di diventare, in prospettiva, attore globale ad unica voce, nella sfida del tutto nuova di un treaty-making power europeo che costituirebbe la forma più alta di esercizio della “sovranità comune”. Nell‟ottica latinoamericana, d‟altro canto, si porrà l‟attenzione su quello che si può definire un “neo internazionalismo” di radice bolivariana, che riprende l‟anelito unitario ed integrazionista della storia comune (historia compartida) delle repubbliche sudamericane in evidente contrasto con il pluralismo associativo che ha caratterizzato l‟integrazione latinoamericana degli anni passati. Il passo rilevante che viene compiuto dal Trattato di Brasilia è il coinvolgimento di paesi da sempre estranei all‟integrazionismo latino-americano, allargando la portata del tentativo unitario anche a paesi che non hanno una matrice linguistica, storica e politica che si richiama alla tradizione prettamente latina, fornendo, in tal modo, una piattaforma di integrazione sub-continentale, non limitata alla matrice latino-americana, ma estesa a quella sud-americana. La sfida, nell‟ottica prospettica dell‟integrazione nel sub-continente latinoamericano, sarà quella di capire se il rinnovato anelito unitario rappresentato dal Trattato di Brasilia, possa essere una forma di associazione che può consentire un cambio di rotta rispetto alle passate esperienze frammentate e limitate alla istituzione di comunità, sistemi economici, mercati comuni, in considerazione della sempre più marcata globalizzazione, non solo degli scambi, ma anche e soprattutto della governance come forma di concerto mondiale sulle decisioni di natura politico-economico-finanziaria che porta a scenari di rappresentatività per “macro aree” continentali o sub-continentali, ove singoli paesi, che non si inquadrano nell‟ambito di una sovranità comune, volontaria, negoziata e funzionale alle proprie esigenze di “gruppo”, avrebbero difficoltà a guadagnare una effettiva incisività. In tal senso, si dovrà cercare di comprendere se, nell‟ambito dell‟integrazione latinoamericana, gli aspetti di integrazione “interna”, pure affrontati dal Trattato di Brasilia con la istituzione di un Parlamento comune sudamericano, possano rafforzarsi nella forma di Unione delle Nazioni 6 sudamericane, così come gli aspetti di integrazione “esterna”, cioè di rappresentatività unica continentale sullo scenario globale, possano essere integrati ed affidati ad una tale forma di Unione, o debbano rimanere confinati entro i ruoli assunti a livello globale da paesi “leader” o “locomotiva” con effetti trainanti sull‟intero continente. In ogni caso, anche se appare ancora lunga la strada dell‟integrazione unitaria latinoamericana, l‟istituzione di una Unione delle Nazioni Sudamericane appare un necessario punto di svolta per l‟evoluzione del frammentato, non costante e confuso pluralismo associativo, che può diventare un‟occasione importante per un continente che sarà certamente protagonista (e vi sono già chiari segnali nell‟espansione economica del Brasile ed alcuni buoni risultati di altri paesi come la Colombia) sullo scacchiere internazionale degli anni a venire. [prefazione a cura dell'autore]
IX n.s.
BORSANI, DAVIDE. "LA "RELAZIONE SPECIALE" ANGLO-AMERICANA E LA GUERRA DELLA FALKLAND (1982)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6226.
Повний текст джерелаIn April 1982, Argentina – a country allied with the United States through the Rio Pact – suddenly invaded the Falkland Islands, a long-time Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom, disputed by Buenos Aires since the XIXth century. Margaret Thatcher, the then British Prime Minister, vigorously responded and finally Britain – a US NATO ally – was able to regain the Islands and re-establish the status quo ante. The conflict needs to be contextualized in the ‘second Cold War’ framework. The struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union was particularly tough in the first years of the 1980s and the bipolar logic strongly influenced the diplomatic course of the 1982 war. On the one hand, the Western hemisphere was at the core of the renewed anti-communist US strategy and Argentina was the main pillar in the Southern Cone. On the other hand, the strengthening of the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was the European cornerstone of the US grand strategy. Against this background, what kind of role the US chose to play in the Falklands war between two of their allies instinctively arises as the main question. Affected by diverging interests, the ‘special relationship’ was not indeed entirely special.
BORSANI, DAVIDE. "LA "RELAZIONE SPECIALE" ANGLO-AMERICANA E LA GUERRA DELLA FALKLAND (1982)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6226.
Повний текст джерелаIn April 1982, Argentina – a country allied with the United States through the Rio Pact – suddenly invaded the Falkland Islands, a long-time Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom, disputed by Buenos Aires since the XIXth century. Margaret Thatcher, the then British Prime Minister, vigorously responded and finally Britain – a US NATO ally – was able to regain the Islands and re-establish the status quo ante. The conflict needs to be contextualized in the ‘second Cold War’ framework. The struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union was particularly tough in the first years of the 1980s and the bipolar logic strongly influenced the diplomatic course of the 1982 war. On the one hand, the Western hemisphere was at the core of the renewed anti-communist US strategy and Argentina was the main pillar in the Southern Cone. On the other hand, the strengthening of the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was the European cornerstone of the US grand strategy. Against this background, what kind of role the US chose to play in the Falklands war between two of their allies instinctively arises as the main question. Affected by diverging interests, the ‘special relationship’ was not indeed entirely special.
GARA, MARTA. ""CHANGE THE SYSTEM FROM WITHIN". PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY E RIFORME ISTITUZIONALI NEGLI STATI UNITI DEGLI ANNI SETTANTA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/100610.
Повний текст джерелаChapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens’ greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups’ inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy’s canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens’ participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of “citizen participation” was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of “citizen participation” and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers’ entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens’ participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter’s lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy’s impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens’ Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA’s political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden’s inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign’s staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden’s participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy’s institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.
GARA, MARTA. ""CHANGE THE SYSTEM FROM WITHIN". PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY E RIFORME ISTITUZIONALI NEGLI STATI UNITI DEGLI ANNI SETTANTA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/100610.
Повний текст джерелаChapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens’ greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups’ inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy’s canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens’ participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of “citizen participation” was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of “citizen participation” and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers’ entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens’ participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter’s lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy’s impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens’ Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA’s political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden’s inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign’s staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden’s participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy’s institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.
TANZILLI, FRANCESCO. "POVERI, POLITICI E PROFESSORI: IL DIBATTITO SULLO STATO SOCIALE AMERICANO DA KENNEDY A BUSH." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/382.
Повний текст джерелаThe dissertation examines the process of decision making that determined the development of U.S. social policy from the end of the Sixties. It analyzes the institutional character of the debate that took place inside the Congress and inside the think tanks, the academic centers, the cultural and religious foundations and other associations. In particular, the research is focused on the tangle between political ideologies, traditional culture, public opinion and legislative process. The dissertation identifies four different socio-political streams: each of them influenced a particular “phase” of the reform of the U.S. welfare system from 1968 up to 2006. The analysis of the cultural and political debate has been divided in four chapters (chapters 2-5) that allow to delineate different developments for the four streams, after an historical premise (chapter 1) that presents the origins of American welfare system, from the colonial times to the Sixties.
TANZILLI, FRANCESCO. "POVERI, POLITICI E PROFESSORI: IL DIBATTITO SULLO STATO SOCIALE AMERICANO DA KENNEDY A BUSH." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/382.
Повний текст джерелаThe dissertation examines the process of decision making that determined the development of U.S. social policy from the end of the Sixties. It analyzes the institutional character of the debate that took place inside the Congress and inside the think tanks, the academic centers, the cultural and religious foundations and other associations. In particular, the research is focused on the tangle between political ideologies, traditional culture, public opinion and legislative process. The dissertation identifies four different socio-political streams: each of them influenced a particular “phase” of the reform of the U.S. welfare system from 1968 up to 2006. The analysis of the cultural and political debate has been divided in four chapters (chapters 2-5) that allow to delineate different developments for the four streams, after an historical premise (chapter 1) that presents the origins of American welfare system, from the colonial times to the Sixties.
ZAMBURLINI, ANNALISA. "LE VITTIME DI GRAVI VIOLAZIONI DEI DIRITTI UMANI E LA DOMANDA DI GIUSTIZIA: IL CASO DI EL SALVADOR." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6100.
Повний текст джерелаThis thesis is based on the following questions: can a society that has experienced severe and systematic human rights violations be reconciled with the past and pursue justice and reconciliation? How can broken social connections be repaired? What are the roles of victims and oppressors? These problems have been studied analyzing the experience of El Salvador. Among the possible sociological profiles, the thesis focuses on the Salvadorian victims' "demand for justice". The first chapter gives an historical-social overview. The second chapter analyzes the transitional justice. The general theoretical analysis takes into account the following models: judiciary, that related to amnesty, the model of the "truth commissions", and finally the South African "Truth and Reconciliation Commission" (TRC). The TRC is presented as an experience that draws on and surpasses the previous alternatives, showing the potential of restorative justice. The third and fourth chapters return to the Salvadorean case and take into account the agents (national and international) and the social problems connected to the transition El Salvador has undergone. Research in this field sheds light on the relevance of the efforts made by some parts of the Salvadorean civil society to deal with the absence of the government with respect to promoting the right of truth and justice. The fifth chapter, corroborated by interviews with victims analysed using the method of the "history of life", reflects on the connection between trauma and social bonds. The last chapter presents the methodological tools used during the empirical research.
ZAMBURLINI, ANNALISA. "LE VITTIME DI GRAVI VIOLAZIONI DEI DIRITTI UMANI E LA DOMANDA DI GIUSTIZIA: IL CASO DI EL SALVADOR." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6100.
Повний текст джерелаThis thesis is based on the following questions: can a society that has experienced severe and systematic human rights violations be reconciled with the past and pursue justice and reconciliation? How can broken social connections be repaired? What are the roles of victims and oppressors? These problems have been studied analyzing the experience of El Salvador. Among the possible sociological profiles, the thesis focuses on the Salvadorian victims' "demand for justice". The first chapter gives an historical-social overview. The second chapter analyzes the transitional justice. The general theoretical analysis takes into account the following models: judiciary, that related to amnesty, the model of the "truth commissions", and finally the South African "Truth and Reconciliation Commission" (TRC). The TRC is presented as an experience that draws on and surpasses the previous alternatives, showing the potential of restorative justice. The third and fourth chapters return to the Salvadorean case and take into account the agents (national and international) and the social problems connected to the transition El Salvador has undergone. Research in this field sheds light on the relevance of the efforts made by some parts of the Salvadorean civil society to deal with the absence of the government with respect to promoting the right of truth and justice. The fifth chapter, corroborated by interviews with victims analysed using the method of the "history of life", reflects on the connection between trauma and social bonds. The last chapter presents the methodological tools used during the empirical research.