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1
Monod, Paul. "Pietro Giannone and the Nonjuring Contribution to the Separation of Church and State." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 4 (October 2020): 713–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.124.
Анотація:
AbstractWhy did the English Nonjuror Richard Rawlinson promote the 1729–30 English translation of Pietro Giannone's Civil History of Naples? The Nonjurors in England espoused ecclesiastical independency from the state, which they derived from the thought of Restoration High Churchmen and from the French Gallican Louis Ellies Du Pin. Giannone, a Neapolitan lawyer, proposed a similar “two powers” model of strict autonomy for both church and state. Giannone's concept was later rejected by enlightened writers like Viscount Bolingbroke and Edward Gibbon, who associated it with high church prejudices. It was defended by the Dissenter Joseph Priestley, who combined it with his own theory of religious sociability. The impact of Giannone on the Nonjurors and on Priestley illuminates the complex religious background to what is often seen as a fundamentally secular doctrine: the separation of church and state.
2
Haines, David. "Christian Citizens in a Democratic State: Is a True Separation of Church and State Really Possible?" Religions 15, no. 3 (February 21, 2024): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15030262.
Анотація:
In many North American Protestant circles, especially those with Baptist or Free Church roots, the notion of the total separation of church and state is presented as the ideal to be attained in all church and state relations. We are told that the state should have no legislative power to ordain anything in relation to church doctrine or practice, and that the church should be entirely excluded from all political, secular, or state actions. In this paper, we are going to suggest that such an approach to church–state relations (even though some might think that it flows from or is necessary for democracy) is, in fact, impossible in a true democracy. We will first consider the nature of the church and the state, and present three principles that Maritain suggests are first principles in this debate. We will then look at the classical notion of the “Citizen”. We will conclude by arguing that based upon the nature of a citizen, of the church, and of the state, a strict separation of church and state is, in fact, impossible.
3
Alexandrovna Belyaeva, Evguenia, Elena Aleksandrovna Venidiktova, and Dilbar Valievna Shamsutdinova. "SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION FORMS OF CHURCH AND STATE ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 6 (November 15, 2019): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7613.
Анотація:
Purpose: the aim of the undertaken study is to consider the dynamics of the church-state relationship in the context of Russian new cultural tendencies at the turn of the century.
Methodology: Thus, The methodological basis of the research was formed by philosophical analysis of the church-state relationship, historicism and comparison principles. The following tasks were being solved: defining the interaction ways between the religious organizations and the state on the modern stage of the Russian society development; pointing out the prospects of consolidation of both the сhurch and the state around the democratic civil society fostering program in XXI century; revealing the need to promote respectful attitude towards human values as an integral part of spiritual culture.
Result: The authors achieved the following results within the study: A wider notions of church and state were introduced demonstrating the similarity of some of their functions: offering moral guidance for social well-being; historic doctrinal models “caesaropapism”, “papocaesarism” and “symphony(concordance) of powers” were identified and characterized alongside with their secular counterparts - separation and cooperation models of church-state relationship. In conclusion of the article the urgent need for the transition of church-state relationship from political to social and cultural spheres was justified.
Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers, and students.
Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Socio-Cultural Interaction Forms of Church and State on the Example of the Russian Orthodox Church is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.
4
Podmore, Colin. "Self-Government Without Disestablishment: From the Enabling Act to the General Synod." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 3 (September 2019): 312–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x19000693.
Анотація:
The process of Church–State separation began 90 years before the 1919 Enabling Act, which gave the Church Assembly legislative powers. The Assembly was conceived not by William Temple's Life and Liberty movement but by aristocratic Conservative politicians, motivated by practical efficiency and High Church principles. With Church lawyers, they dominated it for 40 years. The Church's response to Parliament's rejection of the 1928 Prayer Book, to the Matrimonial Causes Act 1937 and, in the 1950s, to the impossibility of fully articulating in the Church of England's canon law its doctrine on marriage discipline and the seal of the confessional, was united, confident and defiant. The Worship and Doctrine Measure 1974 largely completed efforts to achieve legislative autonomy without disestablishment. The General Synod era has seen changes in both Church and State. The traditions that eclipsed the Church's former ‘Centre-High’ consensus have been less concerned to underline the Church's distinctive identity and doctrines, about which the Synod has been less united. Among MPs, Conservative High Churchmanship and concern for minorities have waned, while expectation that the Church's practice will reflect contemporary social attitudes has increased, placing the long-term survival of the 1919 settlement in question.
5
Sánchez-Camacho, Jesús. "The Defense of Religious Freedom in the Catholic Magazine Vida Nueva during a Catholic Confessional Dictatorship." Religions 13, no. 7 (July 4, 2022): 615. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13070615.
Анотація:
After the Second Vatican Council ended in 1965, and during a National Catholic dictatorship in Spain, the religious magazine Vida Nueva tried to support the principles of religious freedom promoted by the conciliar assembly. This study focuses on the promotion of liberties during a regime in which political power was not separated from religious power. The study conducts a quantitative and qualitative content analysis to explore the editorials published by the Vida Nueva weekly between 1968 and 1975. The results show the impact of the Second Vatican Council on the editorial approach of a journal constrained by Franco’s Regime. I show that the weekly reflected the thinking of a significant number of Spanish Catholic readers; it was deeply democratic and promoted the freedom of religion, press, political thought, and association. Consequently, Vida Nueva opposed the repression of the Regime and aimed for a separation of powers between Church and State, mainly so that the Church could preach and promote its social thought in public life.
6
Panishchev, A. L. "The conflict of the priesthood with the Bolsheviks during the Civil War: a view from the state." Voprosy kul'turologii (Issues of Cultural Studies), no. 5 (May 29, 2023): 405–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-01-2305-05.
Анотація:
The article is devoted to the conflict between the Soviet government and the Russian Orthodox Church, which occurred in the 1920s. This conflict is not completely cured in modern Russia, and for this an objective, honest scientific analysis of these events is necessary. The article considers the Church as a socio-political institution, but in no way questions its God-human nature. In other words, the author critically analyzes the actions of the hierarchy, but not the very essence of the Church. The article explains some of the reasons for this conflict, and in the context of their origins from some priests themselves. The conflict must be explained not only from the position of the Church as a socio-political institution, but also from the position of state power, which was established in the difficult conditions of civil war, separatism, aggressive nationalism and the intervention of the leading capitalist powers.
7
Karev, Dmitrii A. "Peculiarities of Interaction between the State and the ROC in Modern Russian Society." Теория и практика общественного развития, no. 7 (July 26, 2023): 258–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/tipor.2023.7.36.
Анотація:
The Russian Orthodox Church has been an integral institution of social development for many centuries. The history of the relationship between the State and the Church is very rich and, at different times, there have been a number of peculiarities. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the development of relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the state received a new impetus, and today it is difficult to imagine the devel-opment of a large number of public institutions without the participation of the Church. In Russia there is a tradi-tional relationship between the Church and the state, which has its own specificity. According to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Church and the state relate to separate spheres of activity and cannot interact with each other in the areas of governance and politics. However, in Russia there is a tradition of recognizing religion as an important component of the country’s cultural heritage, as well as recognizing religious organiza-tions as social institutions that have the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression. Church and state can interact within the framework of legislation, for example, in the field of charity, the protection of cultur-al heritage, religious propaganda and education. Nevertheless, any form of Church interference in political processes is prohibited by law. State support for religious organizations is also provided, including tax exemp-tions and the provision of land for the construction of churches and monasteries. In general, this support is based on general grounds and is not tied to the Church’s political influence on the state. Overall, the interaction between the Church and the State in Russia is characterized by the observance of the principle of separation of powers and respect for the rights to freedom of religion and freedom of speech. The paper attempts to exam-ine the key features of the interaction between the State and the Church as a model of communication of the Russian Federation’s modern society.
8
Coffey, Joan L. "Of Catechisms and Sermons: Church-State Relations in France, 1890–1905." Church History 66, no. 1 (March 1997): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169632.
Анотація:
The years from 1890 to 1905 were tumultuous ones for church-state relations in France. The Third Republic (1870–1940) sought a more secular state while remaining ever mindful that the majority of French were at least nominally Roman Catholic. Anticlericalism became the unifying theme of an otherwise factious government, and a formal separation of church and state took place in 1905. The church in France, for its part, dreamed of reviving its former power and influence. Some in the church looked back and saw the restoration of the monarchy as the way to realize the dream; others worked to establish a presence in the modern world of factories and department stores. All were concerned with the decline in the number of communicants and the growth of socialism. Feeling threatened and increasingly forced into a defensive stance, the church determined to hold ground and, periodically, even to go on the offensive.
9
Vasin, Maksym. "Terminological aspects of constitutional regulation of church-state relations in Ukraine." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2020.15.
Анотація:
Almost 24 years have passed since the adoption of the Constitution of Ukraine, however, the term «church» remains unclear in the legislation of Ukraine. Simultaneous using the terms «church» and «religious organizations» in some provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine and using only the term «church» in other provisions create the basis for an ambiguous interpretation of the constitutional principle of church-state separation and church-school separation. Such legal uncertainty in practice leads to a violation of the rights of believers in the application of constitutional provisions, in particular in the process of registration of religious organizations as a legal entity.
The Constitutional Court of Ukraine decided that there were differences in the substance of the terms "church" and "religious organizations", which are primarily used in the legislation, but a clarification of these terms is the power of a legislative body, not the Constitutional Court of Ukraine. Nevertheless, the Parliament of Ukraine has not yet resolved the issue of interpretation of the term "church", which is used in the Constitution of Ukraine and is a legal ground to the whole sphere of legislative regulation of state-church relations.
In all the provisions of the Law of Ukraine "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations", the term "religious organizations" is used, avoiding terminological ambiguity. The use of the term "religious organization" in the legislation of Ukraine is justified not only because of the universality caused by the lack of denominational affiliation but also because this term denotes the specific form of legal entities.
In the article, the author gives arguments justifying the actuality for correction of the terminological conception, which is used in article 35 (3) of the Constitution of Ukraine, with the aim of introducing a unified approach in the whole legislation of Ukraine. However, it is permissible to use the term "church" for research purposes, giving it broad meaning as a public institution that embodies the diversity of religions and denominations.
10
Chemshit, Alexander, and Denis Chemshit. "Secular and spiritual power in the Early Christian era." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 11-2 (November 1, 2023): 156–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202311statyi50.
Анотація:
This article is retrospective in nature. trough an appeal to early Christian thought, the ideas about power, both state and church, are explicated. In this research the influence of Christianity on the socio-political evolution of European civilization is analyzed, attention is focused on the gradual integration of the church as it is oligarchized into the existing political system, the main political ideas of Augustine Aurelius are analyzed. It is emphasized that the ideal of the coexistence of spiritual and secular power in a Christian state is symbiosis, i.e. the separation of objects of power, on the one hand, and subjective dominance in each division.
11
Marković, Vasilije. "The Fundamental Agreement between Montenegro and the Serbian Orthodox Church: A challenge and/or transformation of the understanding of the principle of secularity in Montenegro?" Arhiv za pravne i drustvene nauke 11, no. 1 (2023): 29–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/adpn2301029m.
Анотація:
The author analyzes the interaction between the signed Fundamental Agreement between Montenegro and the Serbian Orthodox Church and the principle of secularity proclaimed in the Montenegrin Constitution. After a brief outlook on comparative European solutions, the author stands for the position that Montenegro belongs to systems in which there is (still) a strict type of separation, as opposed to the increasingly present and preferable model of cooperative separation. Starting from the socio-political circumstances that immediately preceded the moment of signing, the author puts forward a thesis according to which, although the amended Law on Freedom of Religion already indicates something like that, the Fundamental Agreement can be the turning point in the evolution of the understanding of the relationship between the state and the church in Montenegro, as a relationship that should be based on mutual cooperation and non-excludability. This thesis attempts to be proven both through the presentation of views on the legal nature of the Fundamental Agreement, as a general act, but not a classic by-law, and the place it has or should have in the hierarchy of legal acts due to its aforementioned sui generis nature, as well as through the analysis of the content of the Fundamental Agreement, i.e. parts of the Preamble and provisions on guaranteeing the public powers of the SPC in the first place. Finally, the desired evolution of the constitutional relationship between the state and the church in Montenegro is seen through the prism of a partial reshaping of the constitutional identity, in which the Constitutional Court of Montenegro can also play a significant role, if accepts to decide on the submitted initiative for the judical review of the Fundamental Agreement.
12
Diamantopoulou, Elisabeth A. "The Controversy on the Depenalization of Religious Blasphemy in Contemporary Greece." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 45, no. 2 (April 29, 2016): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429816636081.
Анотація:
This article deals with the controversy over the depenalization of religious blasphemy in present-day Orthodox majority Greece. Focusing on an overview and critical analysis of the Greek legislation and contemporary case law (20th–21st centuries), the article highlights the State’s “religious protectionism” and the influence of the “dominant religion” via the legal and judicial apparatuses. The claims for abolition of the blasphemy legislation and the overall criticism, by several actors, of civil society are examined in the wider context of the contemporary debate on the necessity of separation between Church and State, and the denouncing of the interweaving between various actors at different levels of State and Church power.
13
Dmitriev, Timofey. "The Political Theology of Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 17, no. 3 (2018): 56–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2018-3-56-89.
Анотація:
The evolution of Thomas Hobbes’ political thought in the 1630s–1640s was marked by a considerable increase in an interest in the problems of the relations between politics and religion, and the state and the Church. This interest was expressed in his creation of the original conception of political theology, of which the most complete exposition is contained in his treatise Leviathan. In his concept of political theology, Hobbes saw an effective way to solve the theologico-political problem of modernity. At the heart of his political theology lays a new interpretation given by Hobbes to a number of doctrinal propositions of the Christian faith, which was designed to harmonize it with the absolute power of the temporal sovereign. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of those pragmatic strategies where Hobbes proposed to neutralize the explosive potential of the Christian religion for civil peace and the security of the state. It is also shown that the complete subordination of the Church to the State in the political theology of Hobbes served as a starting point for the impotent stage of the process of secularization of the Western world, which led to the separation of politics from religion, and the state from the Church.
14
Yelle, Robert A. "Was Aśoka really a secularist avant-la-lettre? Ancient Indian pluralism and toleration in historical perspective." Modern Asian Studies 56, no. 3 (April 8, 2022): 749–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x21000160.
Анотація:
AbstractFocusing on Rajeev Bhargava's claim that Aśoka was a secularist avant-la-lettre, I dispute the common understanding of secularism as the separation of religion and politics, and argue instead that such separation, to the extent that it existed, was characteristic of traditional religious societies. I then offer an alternative history of secularism as the demise of the traditional balance of power between church and state, and the rise of a unitary state which incorporated a civil religion that excluded competing forms of religiosity within its domain. This model of secularism, exemplified by the seventeenth-century English philosopher Thomas Hobbes, fits Aśoka's Dhamma better than the separationist model does.
15
Dragoš, Srečo. "The Catholic Church and Refugees in Slovenia." Religions 15, no. 4 (March 22, 2024): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15040387.
Анотація:
In Slovenia, the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) is the largest, most influential, richest, and most politically significant among all religious organisations. In estimating its contribution related to migration and the refugee situation it is necessary to consider the wider context of Slovenian society, primarily four characteristics: (1) despite the principle of separation of state and religious spheres, it is in relation to the Roman Catholic Church that the bulk of unresolved issues and occasional exacerbations occur; (2) while Slovenian public opinion is rather volatile in its expression of social distance to foreigners, it does not represent the main problem; (3) Slovenia’s state politics are very closed to refugees; and (4) political parties from the right wing of the political spectrum are rather xenophobic. While the Catholic Caritas plays a positive role in the care of refugees, the RCC has always supported the right-wing political parties when they come to power, and it is also susceptible to Islamophobia.
16
Papageorgiou, Niki. "The Left and the Church in Greece: The ambiguity of political and religious domain relationships." Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego 20 (December 29, 2017): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/spw.261.
Анотація:
The occupation of government power by a leftist party in Greece (in January 2015) has formed a new political landscape and given rise to new political expectations after a long period of administration by the so-called system parties. The left-wing party, SYRIZA, was voted by Greek citizens as a new political force that could bring new policies, as it had the ambition to solve the country’s economic problems, bring social justice and tackle the severe humanitarian crisis caused by the recent long economic crisis. Regarding the religious field, the fixed aim of leftist parties was the separation between the State and the Church, which would lead to the full independence of the State from any religious or ecclesiastical influence, as well as the seizure of church assets by the State, the obligation for the clergy’s payroll to be covered by the Church, and similar demands regarding many other issues that shape the relationship between the State and the Church in Greece. This paper investigates especially the relationship between SYRIZA and the Church of Greece during the one-year period of the left-wing government, through the official discourse and political practices of the governing leftist party. For this purpose, the left-wing government’s political practices and stance towards the “religious issue,” as they are expressed by the party’s official press medium, the Avgi newspaper, are analyzed.
17
Kononenko, Taras. "PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPTS IN THE ADDRESSES OF HIS ALL-HOLINESS, ARCHBISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE – NEW ROME AND ECUMENICAL PATRIARCH BARTHOLOMEW I." Sophia. Human and Religious Studies Bulletin 19, no. 1 (2022): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/sophia.2022.19.13.
Анотація:
The subjects of the article are the philosophical concepts stated by His All-Holiness, Archbishop of Constantinople – New Rome and Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I in addresses during his stay in Kyiv on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of Independence of Ukraine. These balanced canonical addresses in two languages, including Ukrainian, are independent subjects of philosophical analysis. All conceptual statements have a multidimensional character and can be studied in connection with the canonical, ecclesiastical, religious and philosophical grounds. The stay of His All-Holiness, Archbishop of Constantinople – New Rome and Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I in Kyiv ended with the formation of an independent source base for historical and philosophical research. A set of philosophical terms and concepts that create an original philosophical lexicon was identified. Among the leading philosophical concepts, the polemical opposition of the "pyramidal structure of church organization" and the Eastern Orthodox Church "Pentarchy" model is distinguished by its energy. The historical and philosophical explication of the logical structure of both ways of building the Church is an important factor in elucidating the differences between the autocratic and equal in components systems. This philosophical concept and its careful study can be urgent in establishing strategic directions for the development of both the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the secular system of government of the state of Ukraine, based on the principle of separation of powers into components. The addresses also contain a number of concepts of philosophical and theological content, which substantiate the logic of the "non-pyramidal" system of organization and have an unconditional modern meaning for the existing Ukrainian- language philosophical lexicon.
18
Cogan, Susan M. "Involuntary Separations: Catholic Wives, Imprisoned Husbands, and State Authority." Genealogy 6, no. 4 (September 26, 2022): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6040079.
Анотація:
In the 1580s and 1590s, the English state required that all subjects of the crown attend the Protestant state church. Those who refused (called recusants) faced imprisonment as part of the government’s attempt to bring them into religious conformity. Those imprisonments forced involuntary marital separation onto Catholic couples, the result of which was to disrupt traditional gender roles within Catholic households. Separated wives increasingly fulfilled the work their husbands performed in addition to their own responsibilities as the matriarch of a landed estate. Gentlewomen were practiced at estate business since they worked in partnership with their husbands, but a spouse’s imprisonment often meant that wives wrote more petitions and settled more legal and financial matters than they did when their husbands were at liberty. The state also imprisoned Catholic wives who undermined the religious conformity of their families and communities. Spousal imprisonment deprived couples of conjugal rights and spousal support and emphasized the state’s power to interfere in marital relationships in early modern England.
19
Atawolo, Andreas B., and Fransiskus Borgias. "Kekatolikan Redup Karena Sekularisme?" FOCUS 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/focus.v4i2.7476.
Анотація:
This article presents Marion’s apologetic arguments about the maturity of Catholicity in facing secularism. He believes that secularism, which impacts moral decadence and the hegemony of secular political power, does not extinguish the spirit of Catholicity but becomes a Catholic moment—a chance for her to bear witness to the radicality of love. Authors use the qualitative research method, by making comparison between the theological results-study of Marion and some other theologians’ study and research (Balthasar, Kevin Hart, and Peter-Ben Smit), after having critically read their theological arguments. The results can be put forward in the following dialectical points of theological arguments. The Catholic Church has a matured experience in living a community of love based on the generous love of the Father. The Church demonstrates its responsibility in the world while contemplating the perfect City of God. The Church is not anti-political but simultaneously does not adhere to the hegemony of power. Throughout history, it has struggled to make a clear separation between religion and the state. The Church embraces the world with its two arms, namely, the Word and the Eucharist.
20
Колыванов, Георгий Евгеньевич. "The state and legal position of the Russian Orthodox Church in princely and tsarist Russia." Церковный историк, no. 2(2) (August 15, 2019): 20–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/chist.2019.2.2.002.
Анотація:
В статье рассматривается история православных духовных семинарий в России в сложный для них период - от начала Первой мировой войны до Февральской революции. В эти годы происходит эвакуация духовных учебных заведений с Запада России и Кавказа в тыл. Нормальное течение жизни в духовных семинариях нарушается также изъятием многих принадлежащих им зданий для размещения госпиталей и для других военных нужд. Вместе с тем в духовных семинариях наблюдается подъём патриотического духа. Воспитанники семинарий, ушедшие добровольцами в армию, совершают подвиги на полях сражений. В эти годы принимаются также новые учебные программы для духовных семинарий и даже открываются новые семинарии. The article deals with the formation of the Russian Orthodox Church as a religious organization in Russia. The historical analysis takes the period from the 10th century to the 19th century inclusive. The Russian Church was created and supported by the state, and even during the Mongol-Tatar yoke it was in a free standing. After the separation from Constantinople and the reception of autocephaly the Russian Orthodox Church became even more powerful and influential. No important state action was undertaken without the Church's blessing. All Russian tsars and princes up to XVIII century considered Russian metropolitans and patriarchs as absolute moral authorities, they consulted them on any matters of state. With the abolition of the patriarchate and the establishment of the synodal authority the influence of the Church was somewhat weakened, its independence was shaken, subordinate to the authority of the emperor. However, despite this, it remained the only religious organisation recognised by the state and even included in the state-legal structure. It is difficult to overestimate the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the state: it is enormous. Up until the 20th century, no religious association had not only no relations with the state, but was not recognized as legitimate and was often subjected to repression. Only the Russian Church had a monopoly on both power and legislation. All the basic moral and canonical rules were laid down as the basis of the Russian legal system. For a whole millennium Orthodoxy was the only official state religion.
21
Moked, Oran. "The Relationship between Religion and State in Hegel's Thought." Hegel Bulletin 25, no. 1-2 (2004): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200002032.
Анотація:
To say that Hegel's position on the relationship between religion and state is not easy to categorise would be a vast understatement. Eluding comfortable labels, his ideas on the subject diverge from historically prevalent conceptions, which together are often thought to be exhaustive. On the one hand, Hegel's position contrasts sharply with theocratic doctrines that propose a simple identity of political and religious institutions, or subjugate the former to the latter. Almost equally distant from Hegel's position, however, are liberal and Enlightenment views that urge the complete separation of religion from secular authority and mundane politics.This tension is characteristic of many of Hegel's writings on the subject, from the earliest to die most mature. On numerous occasions, Hegel voices his vehement opposition to the notion of a radical split between religion and the ‘ethical’ (sittlich) institutions of political power. In an early fragment from 1798 he writes, ‘if the principle of the state is a complete totality, then church and state cannot possibly be unrelated’, and similar sentiments are voiced in many other writings, including Hegel's very last lectures on the Philosophy of Religion from 1831. Yet, at other junctures he contends, rather, that only ‘in despotism church and state are one’. Of all Hegel's extended discussions of the subject, one — in the Remark and Addition to §270 of thePhilosophy of Right— lays emphasis on the cleft between church and state; others — in §552 of theEncyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences(Third Edition), the aforementioned 1831Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion, and the final sections of thePhilosophy of History— seem, on the contrary, to stress the essential and eventual unity of religious and political life. To reconcile such seemingly contradictory views within a coherent position (even adialecticallycoherent one) and salvage Hegel's position from the muddle of apparent contradictions and oblique formulations is therefore a challenge.
22
Siuciak, Mirosława. "Polski dyskurs patriotyczny w prasie i w pismach okolicznościowych z 2. połowy XVIII wieku." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 23, no. 1 (August 2, 2016): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2016.23.1.6.
Анотація:
The article examines the process of shaping of the Polish patriotic discourse, which was determined by such events of the 18th century as the Bar Confederation, the Great Sejm proceedings, and the Kościuszko Uprising. In a situation in which Poland was threatened with the invasion of surrounding world powers and in the face of impending armed struggle for sovereignty, the then most important values uniting the Polish nation were formulated. The first entity to define them were the Bar confederates, who fought against the Russian army in defence of their fatherland, religion, freedom, and independence. In the 1790s the patriotic discourse shifted to the press covering the proceedings of the Great Sejm, and later to newspaper coverage of the Kościuszko Uprising. During these events, the freedom demands were altered because the conservative Sarmatian republicanism had been replaced with ‚new’ republicanism – characterised by social radicalism and supporting the separation of church and state. Despite some semantic shifts, for more than 200 years the most significant values constituting the Polish patriotic discourse have been: fatherland, freedom, and independence.
23
Kobylarek, Aleksander, Martyna Madej, and Tibor Máhrik. "The Shameless Official in an Aggressive State: Educational Consequences." Journal of Education Culture and Society 14, no. 2 (September 28, 2023): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2023.2.7.13.
Анотація:
Modern democracy in the Polish State, as well as respect for minorities of all kinds and women themselves, is collapsing in favour of a particularly close affiliation between the State and the Church. The separation of these two institutions is becoming negligible, if it still exists, and the state and the church have become allies of each other with any educated and/or intelligent element that does not support such a practice. The medieval practices, the stigmatisation of individual groups, patriarchy and the lack of respect for the constitution oppress societies, oppress the rights of citizens and show their place in the ranks. More and more rights are granted only to privileged groups, while others, such as women, LGBTQA+, migrants, the disabled, political opponents, or anyone else who does not support the current actions of the most influential institutions, remain ignored or muddled, vis-à-vis potential voters of the ruling party. Meanwhile, influential citizens can afford to do almost anything. At present, the lord and master decides the fate of all his subjects irrespective of how many protests and on what issues take place in the state, the utter shamelessness of the official can be observed here. Those who invoke God do not seem to believe in Him and, moreover, they act contrary to His principles. What stands out most in their actions is their total ignorance, their hatred of anyone who is against them and their lack of thought for the consequences that will come to them once they lose their power. The only hope seems to be for future voters with full civic awareness.
24
Osiievska, O. "Development, Formation and Organization of the Archives of the Kyiv Metropolis as Part of Documentary and Informational Resources." Visnyk of Kharkiv State Academy of Culture, no. 65 (June 26, 2024): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31516/2410-5333.065.12.
Анотація:
The purpose of the article is to reveal the process of formation of document and information resources of the Kyiv Metropolis of the Synodal period (1721–1917), which are currently part of the system of archives in Ukraine, to consider the state of archives at different times of their existence and the influence of the existing state-political regime on it. The methodology of the research is the principles of logic and objectivity. And at the same time, the author applied the comparative method, as well as the method of generalization classification, structural and functional analysis, statistical and historical-comparative methods. The article draws attention to the specifics and peculiarities of the formation of archives of the Kyiv Metropolis, the influence of state authorities on this process, and attempts to improve the system of their preservation and improvement. At the same time, the archives performed various functions — political, informational, etc. The inconsistency of the arrangement of the archives is noted. The state of the archives was also affected by the political situation. Some of the archives were destroyed during the change of political power. However, the seizure of archives during the Soviet period, an attack on church structures, also created the possibility of their preservation. If in the imperial period the functioning of the archives depended primarily on the founders themselves, later it depended exclusively on the organization of the state archival service. The perspective direction of further scientific research in the specified issue is outlined. The scientific novelty consists in an attempt to comprehensively consider the development, formation and organization of the archives of the Kyiv Metropolis. It was concluded that the development, formation and organization of the archives of the Kyiv Metropolis took place in two main stages. At the first stage, during the existence of this church structure itself, archives were accumulated and formed within the framework of individual institutions within it. During this period, certain rules were developed regarding the maintenance of archives, but they did not have a systematic nature. Similarly, there was no practical component in the supervision of the condition of the archives, their maintenance and improvement. In the second stage, which began after the fall of the Russian Empire and the beginning of the process of separation of the church from the state, and then with the liquidation of church structures, the metropolitan archives became part of the new archival system. However, in the Soviet period, they were not widely available and were practically not studied. The search for documents and the analysis of information regarding the organization of the church archives of the Kyiv Metropolis and their preservation under the conditions of the functioning of various political systems can be considered a promising point of research in the outlined direction.
25
Rudichenko, Tatyana. "Art in the Process of Integrating the Don Host to the Russian State." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2019): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.4.18.
Анотація:
Introduction. Studying culture and art in the formation of the Cossacks, designing its estate status is carried out in the perspective of current ideas about cultural policy contributing to more complete systemic reconstruction of the process. The novelty consists in showing the interaction of artistic and traditional household culture, the transformation of the latter. The purpose and objectives were analyzing the role of art in integrating the Cossacks into the Russian state, identifying the direction of changes in the culture; historical periodization of perception and adaptation of new art forms; establishing the specificity of the selected periods and the results achieved. Methods and materials. Research methods include the historical one, which allows considering changes in culture based on facts of social history, and cultural one, which gives approaches to studying regulation of the integration process in accordance with the principles of cultural policy. The source base consists of published official documents (letters, laws, decrees) containing reliable information, and art criticism, historical and ethnographic literature, which describes specific phenomena of culture and art. Analysis. The supreme power used effective and relevant for a particular historical period institutions and resources: religion and church (17th c.); service in the army and military education system (18th c.); reforming of social organization (incorporation into the estate structure of the state) and the control system of the Army (separation of the military and civilian system of administration) (19th c.). Results. By creating infrastructure, developing church and secular education, the government promoted systemic renewal of culture and Cossacks’ digestion of its forms that were perceived in Russia and Europe as close, identical and related (architecture, painting, choral singing and orchestra music, drama and musical theater). At the early stage of integration into the Russian state, contact forms and democratic nature of the cultural interaction process prevailed. Cultural expansion of the 18th – 19th centuries had a systemic nature and was determined by purposeful influence of the institutions (church, army, school and social elite) that contributed to renewal of culture according to the Western European model.
26
Ivanov, Sergei. "“Top secret. Keep in secret”. Minutes of the previously unknown commission of l. D. Trotsky for the schism of the Russian Orthodox Church (may — october 1922)." St. Tikhons' University Review 107 (August 31, 2022): 134–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2022107.134-166.
Анотація:
This publication introduces into scientific circulation a new archival source on the history of the renovationist schism in the Russian Orthodox Church — the protocols of the meetings of the commission of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) "On values" under the leadership of a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) and the Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of the Republic L.D. Trotsky. The documents were identified among the protocols of other commissions in the affairs of the Revolutionary Military Council, stored in the Russian State Military Archive. The decisions of the "On Values" Commission make it possible to reasonably judge the leading role of L.D. Trotsky in the preparation and conduct of a large church schism, including the consolidation of clergy loyal to Soviet power, sending him to provocative negotiations with Patriarch Tikhon, the issue of an opposition magazine, the organization of trials against Christians, the convening of an renovationist "local council", agitation support for schismatics, etc. The activities of the commission were conspiratorial in nature and still remained unknown to historical science. Meanwhile, it was this camouflaged structure that preceded the succession of it in October 1922 and the well-studied Commission of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) on the separation of the church from the state. The texts offered to readers confirm and detail the fact of the well-managed control of secret work on the decomposition of the Russian Church by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), that is, its criminal attitude to Soviet law in the policy of planting atheism among the people of Russia.
27
Flake, Kathleen. "Protecting the Wilderness: Comments on Howe's The Garden in the Wilderness." Church History 79, no. 4 (November 26, 2010): 863–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071000106x.
Анотація:
“And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, . . . set up the tabernacle of the tent of the congregation. . . . put therein the ark of the testimony . . . bring in the candlestick, and light the lamps thereof.” No, I am not going to preach a Puritan sermon to you. I want only to remind you of the Puritan in Roger Williams who said the words that provide the title of the book under consideration. The words come from Williams's debate with John Cotton over church government: “When they [or the those who desired to Christianize the world through the use of worldly power] have opened a gap in the hedge or wall of separation between the garden of the church and the wilderness of the world, God had ever broke down the wall itself, removed the candlestick, and made His garden a wilderness.” For Mark deWolfe Howe, Williams's “theological wall of separation” represents the evangelical impulse in American religion and is an important source for understanding American law concerning church and state. A key contribution of Howe's monograph was to remind its readers that not only Jefferson's sense of natural law and individual rights but also Williams's congregational and biblical notions informed the First Amendment religion clauses. Howe finds fault with the Supreme Court's ignoring this dual lineage and favoring only Jefferson's Enlightenment view. For Howe, the modern Court's use of Jefferson's language to impute due process values to the religion clauses “distorts their manifest objectives” to grant religion constitutionally protected status—a status distinct from other forms of conscience, not least irreligion. These other forms of conscience are, he argues, protected by other constitutional guarantees, such as speech, press, and association.
28
Шихер, Наталья Дмитриевна. "The state and legal position of the Russian Orthodox Church in princely and tsarist Russia." Церковный историк, no. 2(2) (August 15, 2019): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/chist.2019.2.2.010.
Анотація:
В статье рассматривается вопрос становления в России Русской Православной Церкви как религиозной организации. Для исторического анализа взят период с X по XIX век включительно. Русская Церковь была создана государством, им же обеспечивалась, и даже в период монголо-татарского ига была на вольготном положении. После отделения от Константинополя и получения автокефалии Русская Православная Церковь стала ещё более могущественной и влиятельной. Ни одно важное государственное мероприятие не осуществлялось без церковного благословения. Все русские цари и князья до XVIII века рассматривали русских митрополитов и патриархов в качестве безусловных нравственных авторитетов, советовались с ними по любым государственным вопросам. С упразднением патриаршества и установлением синодальной власти влияние Церкви несколько ослабло, её независимость поколебалась, подчинённая власти императора. Однако, несмотря на это, она по-прежнему оставалась единственной религиозной организацией, признаваемой государством и даже включённой в государственно-правовую структуру. Влияние Русской Православной Церкви на государство сложно переоценить: оно является колоссальным. Вплоть до XX века ни одно религиозное объединение не имело не только никаких отношений с государством, но и вовсе не признавалось законным, а зачастую подвергалось репрессиям. И только Русская Церковь имела монополию и на власть, и на законодательство. Все основные нравственные и канонические правила были положены в основу русской правовой системы. Православие на протяжение целого тысячелетия выступало в качестве единственной официальной государственной религией. The article deals with the formation of the Russian Orthodox Church as a religious organization in Russia. The historical analysis takes the period from the 10th century to the 19th century inclusive. The Russian Church was created and supported by the state, and even during the Mongol-Tatar yoke it was in a free standing. After the separation from Constantinople and the reception of autocephaly the Russian Orthodox Church became even more powerful and influential. No important state action was undertaken without the Church's blessing. All Russian tsars and princes up to XVIII century considered Russian metropolitans and patriarchs as absolute moral authorities, they consulted them on any matters of state. With the abolition of the patriarchate and the establishment of the synodal authority the influence of the Church was somewhat weakened, its independence was shaken, subordinate to the authority of the emperor. However, despite this, it remained the only religious organisation recognised by the state and even included in the state-legal structure. It is difficult to overestimate the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the state: it is enormous. Up until the 20th century, no religious association had not only no relations with the state, but was not recognized as legitimate and was often subjected to repression. Only the Russian Church had a monopoly on both power and legislation. All the basic moral and canonical rules were laid down as the basis of the Russian legal system. For a whole millennium Orthodoxy was the only official state religion.
29
Sokolov, R. A., and I. N. Smirnova. "The People’s Commissariat of Property of the Republic and the Clergy of the Court during First Months of Soviet Power (Based on the Materials of the Central State Archive of Literature and Art of St Petersburg)." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 2 (2023): 445–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.212.
Анотація:
Despite the abundance of researches into the question of the relationship between the Soviet government and the Orthodox Church, there still remain unexplored lacunae. One of them is the relationship of power with the clergy of the Court. The clergy, which was part of the Ministry of the Imperial Court, was abolished in January 1918, a few days before the Decree on Separation of Church from State was issued. This chronological discrepancy had its own reason. First of all, the clergy was connected with the fate of the Ministry, and, like a number of its subdivisions, fell under the control of the People’s Commissariat of Property of the Republic. Despite the generally accepted opinion about the exceptionally consistent anti-religious policy of the authorities, in March 1918 the leadership of the People’s Commissariat of Property issued a decree on the return to the clergy of part of the capital alienated by the January decree. This article examines this document and its appendices, which were not previously published, and also analyzes the possible reasons for the emergence of such a document, which contradicts the general course aimed at combating the church and religion carried out at that time on the national level.
30
Dumitrescu, Marius. "Metaphysical Foundations of the Idea of Tolerance in John Locke's Philosophy." Postmodern Openings 13, no. 3 (August 8, 2022): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/po/13.3/481.
Анотація:
In this paper we will try to identify the concrete ways in which John Locke describes the limits of toleration between different types of faith and its metaphysical foundations.
From the beginning of his text A Letter Concerning Toleration, John Locke specifies that toleration is, first and foremost, a practical ideal and, secondly, a moral one. As such, toleration must be the essential feature of the true Church because in the field of religious faith any claimed superiority is in fact only the expression of the struggle for power and domination. A theoretical perspective on the idea of religious toleration is also recalled from Lockeˈs radical empiricism, which correlates man's identity with his appearance at birth, for the first time in the world, as a different form from others. Such a view is contrary to metempsychosis which could lead to innate ideas in the human soul about moral principles and especially about God, as Plato or Descartes believed.
Starting from the principles of toleration, John Locke's idea was to find those elements through which a fundamental separation between the Church and the State could be achieved. But toleration ceases when the Church and the State merge discreetly until they can no longer distinguish the boundaries between them.
We consider that the fundamental principle of religious toleration is based on the idea of reciprocity, i.e. toleration-to-toleration and intolerance-to-intolerance, as Locke stated. This principle is also an essential landmark for a moral law on religious toleration in the contemporary, global world.
31
Sushko, Alexey V., and Dmitrii I. Petin. "‘You Have Judged It Opportune to Adjust the Dioceses Division according to the New Civil Division ...’ The Report of Bishop of Omsk Arcadius to Metropolitan of Nizhny Novgorod Sergius and the Holy Synod in 1929." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 387–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-387-405.
Анотація:
The article offers a source study of the report of bishop of Omsk Arkady to Metropolitan of Nizhny Novgorod Sergius and the Holy Synod made in 1929. The text analysis allows to address the problem of relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Soviet authorities. The report, which is published here, allows to follow the sequence of territorial redistribution of the Omsk diocese in 1920s. The problem of its authorship is considered. Having studied a copy of the report in the archival investigative file stored in the archive of the Federal Security Service of Russia Directorate for the Omsk Region, the author establishes that the document was prepared by Archpriest V.F. Infatiev, leader of the Omsk Tikhonovtsy and rector of the Fraternal Church in Omsk. Biographical and historical–genetic methods have been of most use in the research. Biographical method allows to study the document in connection with life and activities of its authors. The historical genetic method, based on materials of the Omsk diocese, shows how the Soviet state used the administrative redistribution of dioceses to obstruct church administration. It sought to fragment and weaken large dioceses that were fighting new church schism. The article reveals the specifics of administrative and territorial reorganization in the Omsk diocese, which boundaries kept changing for a variety of reasons. First, the Soviet power had not forgotten that Omsk of the capital of White Russia, and Novonikolaevsk (Novosibirsk) was made capital of Soviet Siberia. Reconstruction of diocesan borders in accordance with new Soviet administrative–territorial division disrupted traditional church administration. Some cities still gravitated towards Omsk, but over time they were separated from the Omsk diocese. Secondly, the Bolsheviks provoked and supported the inter-church struggle for power, in which many church leaders were then actively involved. This resulted in separation of a number of territories from the Omsk diocese. Thirdly, while the Kyrgyz (Kazakh) republic was being formed and developed, some of its large cities were subordinate to Omsk. The work may be of interest to researchers studying Russian society in the pre–war period, history of the Russian Orthodox Church, and activities of the Soviet Special Services concerning religious institutions.
32
Sordyl, Krzysztof. "Próba rekonstrukcji doktryny i struktury Kościoła nowacjańskiego." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 535–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4151.
Анотація:
The Novatian vision of the Church appeared in the moment which was favourable for its further development. Not only did the Church suffer persecution, but also some Christians protested against the possibility of reconciliation lapsi. What is more, the doctrine concerning the impossibility to forgive certain sins had a significant role in spreading of Novatian Church. Merging the congregation belonging to Novatian Church and Montanists in the East contributed to specifying the doctrine of the sect. With reference to a repeat marriage, the testimonies from III century do not allow to state explicitly if the pope himself treated them as illegal. Novatian allowed for penance and reconciliation of those who were guilty of certain carnal sins. It seems that later such violations were treated more severely. Montanism surely had an influence on it. Such rigorism in penitential discipline assumed a definite concept of Church and the power of the keys, which differed significantly from the one Catholicism set down. Apart from this, however, dogmatic divergences between Novatianism and Catholicism are not to be observed. But, the question of determining the date of Easter led to the separation between a lot of Novatian communities and the Church. Socrates’ accounts of Novatian Church internal disputes let us discern a few features of its inner structure. It does not seem to differ from that of Catholic Church. There are bishops, priests, deacons, synods. Furthermore, episcopal appointments to more important cities are considered to be superior. The sacraments in Novatian Church were the same as in Catholic Church, however, according to Teodoret, Novatian Church did not practice anointing a person with holy oils after baptism. A similar opinion can be found in Pacian’s texts. It was accepted among Catholics, at least in the East, that those who converted from Novatian Church should be anointed. In Novatian communities, from the outset, Catholics, who joined this sect, were baptized for the second time. According to Eulogius, Novatians in Alexandria rejected the cult of relics. The council in Nice tried to restore Novatians to the unity with Catholic Church, adopting a restrained attitude towards them. The council in cannon 8 presents the “pure” returning to Church with the conditions of grace. The Trident Council, however, saw in condemning Novatians proof of true Fathers’ teaching about penance.
33
Chanzà, Josep Almudéver. "Co-existing through Opposition." Social Analysis 66, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2022.660407.
Анотація:
Abstract Beyond ethnographic portrayals of religious competition as conducive to rupture and separation, this article shows forms of intradenominational competitive coexistence that allow for both the social reproduction of the community of faith and religious change and innovation. In a Spanish village, Catholic congregants compete not only to secure worldly resources such as priestly time or church-owned spaces, but also over the legitimacy of differing understandings of human–divine relationships and of the role of religion in a postsecular society. Here, competition involves forms of epistemic posturing, a denial of the priest's power as arbiter, and the appeal to the state as facilitator. Intradenominational competition between iconoclasts and ‘traditional’ Catholics redefines the community as a complex of competing theologies, even as it courts schism and difference.
34
Mohamed, Taha Abdel Aal Taha. "The Relationship Between the Religion and the State Between the Western Vision and the Islamic Vision in Its Asian Models." Asian Social Science 15, no. 5 (April 30, 2019): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v15n5p102.
Анотація:
This study aimed at addressing the relationship between religion and state, by reviewing the evolution of that relationship in the western vision, beginning with the dominance of the Church in the medieval period, and the emergence of the theocratic state, then ideas of secularism, and the conflict between religion and state in the Frame of ideology, Then reviewing a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism and the emergence of religious presence in the public sphere. On the other hand, the study dealt with the relationship between religion and state in the Islamic vision in its Asian Models. Where the study dealt with the model of the "Madina State" during the era of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), which is the Islamic model that spread in the Asian Peninsula, which was the basis of Sunni Islamic thought later. The study also dealt with the "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which forms the basis of Shiite thought in Iran.
The study relied on the descriptive approach that deals with the analysis and description of the phenomenon. This approach was used in this study to trace the development of the relationship between religion and state in the western vision and Islamic vision in its Asian models.
The study concluded with some results. The most important of these was that: the Western vision to a certain extent passed with integration between religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Theocratic State" in the Medieval Period, where the church dominated all the political and social affairs of the state. The Western vision also to a certain extent passed with separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of "secularism", where modernity was linked to the non-involvement of religion in politics, The Western vision also passed with the emergence of a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism, as reflected in the model of "religious presence in the public sphere. Finally, the Islamic vision with its Asian Models witnessed the difficulty of full integration or separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Madina State" during the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), and its thought which is followed by Sunni Islamic thought. And the Shiite "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which was the origin of a religious mandate for political power, although it differs from the "Theocratic State" model completely.
35
CHAMEDES, GIULIANA. "THE VATICAN AND THE RESHAPING OF THE EUROPEAN INTERNATIONAL ORDER AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Historical Journal 56, no. 4 (October 30, 2013): 955–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000320.
Анотація:
ABSTRACTThe Vatican is often cast as a marginal player in the reshaping of the European international order after the First World War. Drawing on new archival material, this article argues for a reassessment of the content and consequences of papal diplomacy. It focuses on the years between 1917 and 1929, during which time the Vatican used the tools of international law and state-to-state diplomacy to expand its power in both eastern and western Europe. The Vatican's interwar activism sought to disseminate a new Catholic vision of international affairs, which militated against the separation of church and state, and in many contexts helped undermine the principles of the League of Nations’ minority rights regime. Thanks in no small part to the assiduity of individual papal diplomats – who disseminated the new Catholic vision of international affairs by supporting anti-communist political factions – the Vatican was able to claim a more prominent role in European political affairs and lay the legal and discursive foundations for an alternate conception of the European international order, conceived in starkly anti-secular terms.
36
Potapenko, Ruslana. "Destructions of the Anti-religious Strategy of the Soviet Period in the Civilization Choice of Ukraine." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 69 (2023): 111–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2023.69.13.
Анотація:
In the conditions of building a Soviet society, the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR adopted a decree on the separation of the church from the state, the school from the church. Since then, the decree has become the basis of legislative acts, which determined the relations between the Soviet authorities and religious associations of Ukraine. Having announced the separation of church and state, the Soviet government gave society/citizens the right to independently choose any religion, or choose none. That is, the attempt to build an atheistic ideology of the USSR began. The decree caused the indignation of religious communities of all denominations without exception, because it legitimized open persecution both against the Orthodox Church and against religious societies, Christian and non-Christian. The decree referred to the strengthening of measures with a bias towards scientific and educational and anti-religious propaganda. In this direction, a huge amount of work was launched to establish the publication of a variety of religious press, the study of fundamental Marxist historical and philosophical problems in religious studies was introduced, ethnographic expeditions and sociological studies were conducted, the works of the classics of bourgeois religious studies were translated. And what was remarkable was the appearance of a number of «talented» experts who interpreted all of this in a way favorable to Soviet atheistic propaganda. Primary attention in atheist education was given to women. The problem was that the woman-mother brought up the future generation and had a greater influence on the formation of the worldview of the child than the man. That is why the propagandists of atheism paid the main attention to the formation of a scientific and materialistic worldview in women, often individually. The situation with «legality» in the Ukrainian SSR was interesting. The law was interpreted arbitrarily and was frankly decorative in nature, as a rule, this was done in order to be able to keep in subjection the party leadership, officials, representatives of the Council, the average citizen, who had religious beliefs. The abnormality and duplicity of the situation in which religious communities, parishioners and part of the party leadership were found was a common phenomenon. The situation changed somewhat with the coming to power of M. Gorbachev and his policy of «perestroika» and the course towards glasnost. Whole layers of previously forbidden, unknown history were discovered, which received the name «white spots», the crimes of Stalinism, repression became known, nationalist movements, the issue of the national language, etc. became more active. Liberalization and democratization of society took place, which ultimately led to the collapse of the USSR.
37
Rogozny, Pavel G. "“Red Priests” as Phenomenon of the Epoch of the Revolution and the Civil War (The Destiny of Iona Brikhnichev and Mikhail Galkin)." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (March 1, 2020): 702–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-702-711.
Анотація:
The phenomenon of priests taking off dignity after the revolution was a common one. But Brikhnichev and Galkin were not only former priests, but also high-ranking leaders of the “Union of Atheists”. Both of them were active supporters of the new power, and members of the Bolshevik party. Brikhnichev was a writer and poet before the revolution. He was defrocked for his Christian radicalism. Galkin was a priest of the Metropolitan parish before the revolution. He himself offered his services to the Bolsheviks in carrying out the separation of the Church and State and published his proposals in “Pravda” newspaper. Then he took off his orders and became an atheist. The careers of Brikhnichev and Galkin ended when the new government no longer needed the services of former priests-propagandists. Very often the priests, both former or active, were called ”red priests“.
38
Pavlushkov, Aleksandr R. "On the issue of the role of the Spaso-Kamenny Monastery in the punitive policy of the Russian state (16th – 17th centuries)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 4 (2021): 1038–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-4-1.
Анотація:
The purpose of the article is to reveal causes and features of punitive practice of the Spaso-Kamenny Monastery in the pre-imperial period when there was a rapid separation of the state and church jurisdiction in various spheres of society. The article tries to define the most significant events which determined the inclusion of this monastery in the punitive policy of the state. Another task of the research is to determine the peculiarities of the exile to the Spaso-Kamenny Monastery at the early stage of its development. Due to its special geographical location, initially it was used for punitive purposes rarely and rather selectively. The complexity of the research work can be explained by the limited availability of the sources related for the period under consideration, which did not allow us to recreate a complete picture of the functioning of the prison premises and the everyday life of prisoners. It was possible to create a more detailed picture only by turning to the documents of the era of the regular state of Peter the Great. Therefore, the accent in the research was made first of all on generalization and analysis of the most striking and at the same time insufficiently studied facts of exile to the Spaso-Kamenny Monastery of various well-known persons, including Metropolitan Zosimus, Metropolitan Varlaam, Archbishop Arsenii, and Archimandrite Ivan Neronov, who played an important role in the history both of the church and of the state. The author analyzes the causes and conditions of exile in the context of the events of that time. The conclusion is made that the content of punitive functions of the Spaso-Kamenny Monastery was constantly changing. The basis for these changes was the desire of the grand-princely power to see the monastery as a supporter of the spread of its own influence. A peculiarity of the first stage in the punitive activity of the Spaso-Kamenny Monastery was the fact that representatives of the religious elite were exiled there. It was explained by special natural conditions and geopolitical location of the island monastery. Later this trend continued, but the contingent of exiles significantly expanded.
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J. Blancarte, Roberto, and Monica C. Veloz Leija. "THE NATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY AND THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 12, no. 1 (March 24, 2018): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1201099b.
Анотація:
The National Revolutionary Party was founded in 1929 to win elections and to resolve conflicts between different political groups after the Mexican Revolution. But it was also created in order to face the opposition of the Catholic hierarchy to the Constitution of 1917 and the measures that the revolutionary governments had established to “defanatize” the Mexican people and to limit the social influence and therefore the political power of the Catholic Church. In the past decades nevertheless, the PRI has evolved from initial anti-clerical and even antireligious positions towards more respectful positions of religious freedom, in line with the logic of a State that considers itself to be plural and respectful of differences. On the other hand, party authorities do not always respect their liberal and revolutionary tradition, the secularism of the state and the principle of separation that guarantees the moral autonomy of individuals against corporations. At times, the search for legitimacy generates political dependence and eventually leads to the imposition of the creeds and dogmas of majorities with respect to minorities of all kinds consequently eliminating the free will of broad sectors of the population that do not share those principles and expect the protection and guarantee of their rights by the secular State.
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Triviño Anzola, Consuelo. "JOSÉ MARÍA VARGAS VILA, DEFENSOR DE LA CONSTITUCIÓN DE RIONEGRO." Anuari de Filologia. Literatures Contemporànies, no. 9 (December 18, 2019): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/aflc2019.9.3.
Анотація:
After the independence and the creation of the New Granada in 1819, the young Latin American republics continued faced disputing power. The caudillos spent their energies in partisan struggles because personal, group, class and ethnic interests overlapped, often under romantic formulations. Between chaos and order, 14 constitutions were drafted in Colombia until reaching the Rionegro Constitution of 1863. Promulgated by the leaders of Radical Liberalism, it went too far in its pursuit of utopia. Federalism, defense of individual freedoms, abolition of the death penalty, freedom of press and separation of the Church and the State are some of its most important conquests, but the consequences of its extremes triggered bloody civil wars. In the heat of these disputes arises José María Vargas Vila (1860-1933), the famous pamphleteer, who enlisted in the ranks of Radical Liberalism defending constitutional rights. This article exposes the position of a Colombian liberal intellectual in face of period called Regeneration that seeks to impose peace and order in Colombia restricting the freedoms and rights granted by the Rionegro Constitution.
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Kim, Uichol, and Jisun Kim. "Understanding the Software of the Mind, Self and Culture: The Scientific Foundation of Indigenous and Cultural Psychology." Psychology and Developing Societies 35, no. 2 (September 2023): 347–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09713336231185203.
Анотація:
The understanding of the nature and the software of the mind has generated immense debate in religion, philosophy, sciences and psychology. Drucker notes that the basic assumption about the reality is the foundation for science, axiom and algorithm adopted for the theory, concept and method. The assumption differentiates what is important from what is noise. In the medieval Europe, the Catholic Church provided a unified theory of the world as a reflection of God’s grand design and purpose. They held the power to define and thus had the power to control people’s lives. Their power was challenged during the Renaissance with the emergence of humanism. The Cartesian duality of separating the mind from body allowed the separation of church and state and science to flourish. In East Asia, Confucius articulated a different set of assumptions. Humans are defined as ingan 人間 (‘human between’) and assume relationship and compassion as the basic foundation. This is the basis of the cultural difference and theory of the mind. The Darwinian Evolutionary Theory replaced the religious definition, Cartesian duality, and empathy with the biological traits, instincts and natural selection. Psychology adopted the biological model to explain human behaviour. Research in paleoanthropology, genetics, and neurobiology outline the limitations of the biological model in explaining the human mind and behaviour. Bandura has documented the importance of human agency, consciousness, and self-efficacy in explaining human behaviour and provided empirical results with greater predictive and explanatory power than the traditional psychological theories. Indigenous and cultural psychology represents the continuation of the assumptions, theory and concepts outlined by Wilhelm Wundt and Albert Bandura. Kim outlines the transactional model of science, where human agency (measured by self-efficacy) can explain a person’s performance and outcome. Empirically, the Harvard Study of Adult Development, the 85-year longitudinal study, found the unexpected results that challenge the previous held assumptions. Waldinger and Schulz have found that maintaining good relationship is the most important predictor of happiness, health and longevity and not high income, success, IQ and personality. Kim and Kim found that for Millennials and Gen Z, happiness is predicted by relational and social efficacy, positive outlook, and receiving social support from family, friends and online communities, replicating previous results found across three generations and for the past 25 years in Korea. These results point to the importance of examining the basic assumptions of the theories in psychology and the scientific foundation of indigenous and cultural psychology.
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Bar, Wiesław. "From an Inconvenient Bishop to the Incovenient Decision to Recognize Him as a Martyr." Roczniki Nauk Prawnych 28, no. 4 ENGLISH ONLINE VERSION (October 29, 2019): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rnp.2018.28.4-8en.
Анотація:
The title suggests that this article will continue on the subject addressed 10 years ago. The previous article was On a bishop who is inconvenient to those in power in Argentina—both the State and the Church. Despite the changes that have taken place in both spheres (the collapse of the military dictatorship after the 1983 elections, and changes in the episcopate and the judicial inquiry and elucidation of the circumstances of the murder of Bishop Angelelli), some people are denying Pope Francis’ decision to recognise the martyrdom of the bishop and his collaborators (June 8, 2018). They see this beatification as inconvenient.
The author of the presented study challenges these arguments, both from the canon-law perspective and in light of canonization practice. Due to the passage of time (the martyrs died in the Diocese of La Rioja in 1976) and the geographical separation (South America), he first provides their short biographies. Due to numerous untrue data and overinterpretations disseminated by the media as to the course of the beatification processes at the diocesan phase, the also tries to bring order to the basic facts.
43
Petutina, Olena, and Maryna Mishchenko. "RELIGIOUS COMPONENT IN THE WORLD PICTURE OF A LECTURER OF TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.19.
Анотація:
This article is devoted to the study of the place and role of the religious component in the worldview of the contemporary teacher. The principle of secularism in the legal field of Ukraine is a guarantee of everyone's freedom to make decisions independently, to self-determine in the spiritual sphere without the intervention of the power factor. Freedom of conscience, proclaimed by the Law of Ukraine on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations, means the confession of a certain religion or atheistic worldview. At the same time, it is important to generally recognize the weight of religion, understand its historical role, create an atmosphere of tolerance and respect for the Other, the absence of stereotypes and prejudices. Separation of religion from the state due to secularization, the neutrality of the state in relation to the church, does not mean indifference to religious values. The XXI century, on the contrary, raises the question of involving generally humane ethical religious norms in the educational process for the formation of highly spiritual qualities in young people. Among the urgent tasks of the spiritual development of contemporary Ukraine is raising the level of national-patriotic consciousness of citizens. The entry of the domestic higher education system into the Bologna process is relevant in globalization because training future professionals determines one of the outstanding trends in the protection of national interests. It is important to emphasize the connection between religion and the formation of Ukrainian culture since the times of Kievan Rus, to highlight the importance for modern democratic Ukraine of peaceful coexistence of different religious denominations, coverage of the general historical and cultural significance of the Tomos on Autocephaly of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine from 2019. The leading role belongs to the teacher, and the main characteristic of the block of social - humanitarian disciplines remains the study of personality, its spiritual culture in space and time and pedagogy aimed at a comprehensively developed man of today.
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Mikhailov, Dmitriy. "“Secular religion”: Islam in Kazakhstan’s nation-building." Political Science (RU), no. 4 (2020): 246–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.04.12.
Анотація:
The article explores the concept of “Kazakh Islam” in the sociopolitical rhetoric of modern Kazakhstan. The change in the state’s policy regarding Islam, which is gradually acquiring new meanings in the changing contexts of national construction is noticed. Four strategies for the construction of “Kazakh Islam” are identified and analyzed: state, political, theological, scientific-journalistic, each of which has its own language and logic of argumentation. The state strategy is focused on the elimination of religious topics from public discourse. The political one is actualized during the election period and serves as the basis for discussion of Kazakh identity. The theological one is focused on including a new concept in a wide ideological Islamic context. The scientific-journalistic one seeks to fill the traditional form of Kazakh Islam with modernization meanings. The separation of religious and secular areas in the daily, routine activities of the state and the church is fully consistent with the concept of secularization. But everything changes when it comes to the most generalized political categories, especially the nation. In the space of nationalism, secularization is losing its power, giving rise to semantic constructions that look absurd, both from the standpoint of religion and from the point of view of the state. The described definitions of “Kazakh Islam” show that it is impossible to consider religious and secular ideology as competitors pursuing diametrically opposite goals within the framework of national building practices. The ideology of “Kazakh Islam” cannot be strictly fixed, since in this way it would lose all of its consolidating potential. As a result, we are dealing with a set of contradictory rhetoric, which is united by the legitimizing force of “nation” and “god”. The organic complementarity and interchangeability of these concepts reveals the complex and dynamic connection of religion and nationalism in promoting and legitimizing the meaning of the existence of the Kazakh state.
45
QIAO, Fei. "Policy, Legality and Rule of law: The Jurisprudence Thinking for the Management Mode of Religious Affairs in China." International Journal of Sino-Western Studies 21 (December 9, 2021): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37819/ijsws.21.139.
Анотація:
The management of religious affairs has the mode of “Policy”, “Legality”, “Rule of Law” and so on. In the past reformed 40 years, China's religious management policy has a consistent content, and the policy has always held the highest position in the management of religious affairs at all levels of government. Since the 1990s, religious administration has been "legalized" gradually. The implementation of the Religious Affairs Ordinance issued in 2004 marked the management mode of religious affairs in China entered the era that managing religious affairs according to regulations. In 2014, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th CPP Central Committee proposed "Integration Building for Rule of Law Country, Rule of Law Government and Rule of Law Society ". In 2016, the National Conference on Religious Work proposed “Improving the Rule of Law in Religious Work ", Rule of Law has become the goal of religious affairs management. Rule of law in religion has factors such as "Rights Protection”, “Separation of Church and State ","Public Power Restriction" and so on. The management of religious affairs in China needs to go beyond the traditional mode such as "Policy" and "Legality". The "Rule of Law" mode of Good Law and Good Governance is the inevitable choice.
46
Korsgaard, Ove. "Fra tugtemester til skolemester: Om forskelle mellem Luther og Grundtvig." Grundtvig-Studier 55, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 34–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v55i1.16453.
Анотація:
Fra tugtemester til skolemester: Om forskelle mellem Luther og Grundtvig[From Castigator to Schoolmaster: On Differences between Luther and Grundtvig]By Ove KorsgaardIs Grundtvig’s thinking to be perceived as a genuine appropriation and continuation of Luther’s? Or is it rather to be perceived as a renegotiation of Luther’s thought? Regin Prenter, Christian Thodberg and Svend Bjerg maintain three different positions on the question of the relationship between Luther’s and Grundtvig’s theological thinking. With Prenter, a tight connection is tied. With Thodberg it is “both...and”. With Bjerg there is a marked distance between Luther’s and Grundtvig’s theology. In this article a more conceptual-historical viewpoint is adopted which demonstrates that they used the concepts “nation” and “folk” with differing significations.Luther does not use the word “nation” in its modem signification. According to Liah Greenfield: “he did not take the step that connected the separation from Rome to the definition of the polity as a people.The ‘German nation’, for Luther, had none but the conciliar meaning of the princes and nobility of the Empire, and in this sense he used it in An den christlichen Adel deutscher Nation.” Grundtvig on the other hand used the word “nation” in its modem signification, that is to say, he made an inseparable connection between the concepts “nation” and “folk”. And he is surely the person who, in Denmark, has exercised the greatest influence in linking these two concepts.Before “nation” and “folk” became synonymous concepts, the word “folk” signified kinship and household. The societal whole was comprised, so to speak, of a certain number of households. Each household had as its supreme authority a householder who exercised English Summaries / danske resuméer power over his “folk”. The master tailor exercised power over the journeymen and apprentices who, together with children and other family members, belonged in the household. The combined households of a land were subordinate to a father of the land and belonged in his house, for example the Oldenburg House, the Habsburg House and so on. The supreme lord was the Lord God and all the houses within a society belonged in the final instance to his house. Individual freedom was no part of Luther’s political programme.His guardianship-society {formyndersamfund) was built not upon individual, responsible members of society but upon a fellowship between superiors and subordinates. The household constituted that social space within which a connection was forged between the individual and the Christian state. That Luther espoused political guardianship {formynderskab) as the best principle of governance is not remarkable. Everyone, more or less, did so at that time. The epochmaking and revolutionary thing about Luther was that he dispensed with the pope as religious guardian.But the sharp distinction which Luther drew between spiritual and secular governance is not, as is often alleged today, a distinction between State and Church but only between the State and “the Church Invisible”. In a continuation of Augustine, Luther in fact distinguished between two Churches, the invisible and the visible. The Church has both an outward, institutional and predominantly worldly side and an inward, invisible and predominantly spiritual side. As an incorporate member of the State one is obligated to be a member of the visible Church, that is to say the Church as an institution. Membership of the visible Church, however, grants no certainty of salvation. The visible Church cannot dispose over the relationship between the individual and God. Therefore membership of the visible Church is not enough to secure salvation. Faith is necessary. And faith is a personal and existential matter. With the doctrine of public polity, there is thus created a spiritual free-space. The formation of the individual’s morality and character, on the other hand, was placed under the aegis of secular government.Grundtvig grew up in a society whose world view was characterized by Luther’s thinking on calling and station. Lutherdom encompassed not only the obvious foundation in faith with respect to the Church but also the foundation in morality with respect to the State. However, Grundtvig himself was engaged in reassessing this foundation. After 1825 he began to distinguish himself with quite Luther-critical viewpoints, which is connected with the fact that he himself became one of the leading contemporary spokesmen for the new viewpoint that it was not the dispensations of Lutheranism but the dispensations of the folk which should comprise the moral foundation of State and school.The shift from Lutherdom to ‘folkdom’ meant that after 1825 Grundtvig again and again pointed to errors in Luther and his disciples. Thus he tackled three central dogmas in Lutherdom. The first was fundamentalism in respect of Scripture. The second was fundamentalism in respect of sin. The third was Lutherdom’s fundamentalism in respect of the State. For Grundtvig, the alliance which Constantine the Great established in 325 between State and Church was nothing less than a great lapse into sin in the history of the Church. And this lapse Luther had not tackled. The process of transformation from Christian principality to democratic nation-state demanded a clarification of the relationship between religion, State and polity. What form of connection should there be established between individual, State and religion in a democracy? Should Christianity, which was deeply integrated in the state-structure of the absolute monarchy, continue to comprise the foundation for the State’s educational polity? Grundtvig drew a clear boundary between citizenship and religion and, according to the ecclesiastical-political premises of his day, advocated religious freedom, freedom to preach, and dissolution of parochial ties. In simplified terms one can say that Luther’s horizon was a world divided into religions, and these were subdivided into nations, while Grundtvig’s horizon was a world divided into nations, and these could be subdivided into various religious societies.A conceptual-historical viewpoint reveals that Luther and Grundtvig not only used the concepts “nation” and “folk” with differing significations: theologically, they also thought differently upon crucial points. These differences can be put into perspective by looking at Luther’s categories “law and gospel”, “householder and household” and “parents and children” set off against Grundtvig’s use of “the knot” as metaphor.According to Grundtvig, Luther did not go far enough in his understanding of the relationship between law and gospel. He did not manage to untie the “tight knot” [Haardeknuden]. Instead of, like Luther, regarding the law as castigator, Grundtvig spoke of “Moses as ‘schoolmaster’ for the whole world, who guides those desiring it to Jesus”. This shift in the view of the law - from castigator to schoolmaster - is a key to understanding Grundtvig’s thought.Grundtvig regarded the law as an “enlightenment of which one freely makes use according as one can and will”. Understood in Grundtvig’s English Summaries / danske resuméer terms, the law thus becomes a medium for folk-enlightenment. In other words, it is possible to untie the knot between the law and the gospel.The opening of the Gospel of John - In the beginning was the Logos - forms the basis of the whole of Grundtvig’s programme of enlightenment and exposition. Grundtvig distinguishes, however, between logos and dia-logos. Humankind does not have direct access to the logos of the great word, but must make do with the little word, the verity of which must be proved through dia-logos, that is, dialogue.For Grundtvig, “enlightenment” [Oplysning] is not an absolute, but a relative concept. The world cannot be overseen from a panoptic viewpoint, but necessarily has to be viewed with various eyes. The truth always emerges from out of the interplay between truths. Using a modem concept, one may say that for Gmndtvig enlightenment is a discursive concept, a concept open to argument. No one can boast of being in possession of the absolute tmth. We understand fragmentarily and in part. And such a process of understanding demands, according to Grundtvig, faith.[Editorial note: Danish tugtemester, as used in this context to refer to the Law, is not readily translatable into English. A tugtemester is one who enforces discipline by chastisement and castigation, whether a gaoler, a slavemaster, a disciplinarian pedagogue addicted to flogging or a rigorous moral tutor.]
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Przybyszewski, Linda. "Religious Liberty Sacralized: The Persistence of Christian Dissenting Tradition and the Cincinnati Bible War." Law and History Review 39, no. 4 (November 2021): 707–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248021000419.
Анотація:
In 1869, the Cincinnati school board ended a forty-year tradition of Bible reading in the schools in an attempt to encourage Catholics to use them, thus provoking national controversy and a lawsuit brought by pro-Bible advocates. Scholars regularly cite the Ohio Supreme Court decision in favor of the school board as a landmark in the legal separation of church and state. This article interrogates the meaning of the secularization of law by examining expressions of juristic, pedagogic, and popular consciousness in the multiple levels and spaces where individuals raised and resolved constitutional questions on education. Dissenting Christian tradition shaped the legal brief of Stanley Matthews, the school board's lead attorney. Matthews' sacralized the religious liberty guarantee found in the Ohio Constitution within a post-millennialist framework. Ohio Chief Justice John Welch hybridized Christian dissenting tradition with deistic rationalism in <u>Board of Education v. Minor, et al</u>, thus appealing to as broad a constituency as had the right to elect justices to the Ohio Supreme Court. The limited, technical ruling allowed for a metropole/periphery divide in educational practice, so that Bible reading and prayer in Ohio public schools continued well into the 20th century. Far from a landmark in secularization of the law, the Bible War case demonstrates the persistent power of religion to frame law, including the law of religious liberty.
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Hall, Timothy L., and Philip Hamburger. "Separation of Church and State." Journal of Law and Religion 18, no. 2 (2002): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1602272.
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Dreisbach, Daniel L., and Philip Hamburger. "Separation of Church and State." American Journal of Legal History 47, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30039538.
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Pommersheim, Frank. "Separation of Church and State." Journal of Law and Religion 12, no. 2 (1995): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051589.