Дисертації з теми "Separation of powers and of church and State"
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1
Rudas-Neyra, Sebastian. "The power of majorities and Church-State separation." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201003.
Анотація:
Deliberative Democracy and the Power of Majorities. On Tolerating Majorities. Majoritarian Beliefs and Neo-Republicanism. On Separation and Anticlericalism. Italy and the Principle of (Strict) Church-State Separation.
2
Parker, Gilbert Alan. "Isaac Backus, the separation of church and state." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1986. http://www.tren.com.
3
Foster, Donald. "Public perceptions of the separation of church and state." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002636.
4
Galloway, Michael L. "The development of separation of church and state in America." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.
5
Turpin, Éric Bernard. "L'Église catholique et les pouvoirs dans le diocèse de Saint-Denis de la Réunion de 1911 à 1981." Thesis, La Réunion, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010LARE0017/document.
Анотація:
Le décret du 6 février 1911 applique dans les colonies de la Martinique, de la Guadeloupe et de La Réunion la loi de Séparation des Églises et de l'État du 9 décembre 1905. Cette séparation, franche, donne à l'institution religieuse sa liberté, puisqu'elle ne se trouve plus sous la dépendance financière et juridique de l'autorité publique. Si la question des retraites et des inventaires des biens se déroule assez rapidement et sans drame majeur, sauf à Saint-Gilles-les-Hauts, l'attribution des biens mobiliers et immobiliers ayant appartenu aux établissements ecclésiastiques ne sera résolue que sous le régime de Vichy et dans les premières années de la IVème République. Après le temps de la passion liée à l'application de la loi, vient le temps de l'Entente cordiale après la Grande Guerre sous l'épiscopat de Monseigneur de Beaumont. Celle qui devait être l'Absente redevient fortement présente dans la société coloniale puis postcoloniale, dans le cadre d'un respect mutuel. L'Église connaît, durant cette période, un acte audacieux (lutte contre la fraude lors des élections d'avril 1936), un soutien allant jusqu'à la compromission avec le régime de Vichy, et la lutte contre le communisme, surtout après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les années soixante et soixante-dix sont le temps de l'Affirmation (combat contre la fraude électorale, lutte pour la régulation naturelle des naissances, critique du projet et du modèle de développement économique et social mais aussi propositions alternatives) et de l'Émancipation qui passe par des déchirures internes, souvent parallèles à la société, et par la mise en échec de toutes les manipulations, qu'elles soient anciennes (la Droite) ou nouvelles (le Parti Communiste Réunionnais). Dans les années soixante-dix, Monseigneur Gilbert Aubry, l'actuel évêque, achève l'émancipation de l'institution commencée dans la décennie précédente. De 1911 à 1981, l'Église catholique à La Réunion passe de la Séparation d'avec l'État à l'ÉmancipationThe decree of February 6th 1911 applies the law of December 9th 1905 to separate the Church and the State in the French colonies of Martinique, Guadeloupe and Reunion. This complete separation gives to the religious institution its freedom since it is not under the financial and juridic dependence of public authority anymore. Even if the issues of retirement and inventory of goods take place quite quickly and without any major incident, except in Saint-Gilles-les-Hauts, the retribution of personal properties and real estates belonging to the ecclesiastical establishments will only be solved during the Vichy Administration and in the beginning of the 4th Republic.After the time of passion linked to the application of the law will come the time of cordial Agreement right after the World War 1 during the episcopate of his Lordship de Beaumont. The Church, which was supposed to be the Absente would then be present in the colonial on to the postcolonial society, on a mutual respect basis. During this period, the Church made a bold act (the fight against fraud for the elections of April 1936), a support going to the dishonest compromise with the Vichy Administration, and the struggle against Communism, especially after World War 2. The sixties and the seventies would be the time of Assertion (the fight against electoral fraud, the struggle for natural birth regulation, criticism of the economic and social project and model but also alternative propositions) and also a time of Emancipation not without any domestic tearing, often linked to Society, and finally a time for the check of all sorts of manipulations, whether old ones (the right wing) or new ones (the Communist Party of Reunion).In the 70s, his Lordship Gilbert Aubry, the actual bishop, finishes off the process of emancipation of the Church that had started ten years before. From 1911 to 1981 the Catholic Church in Reunion Island would go from the Separation with the State to Emancipation
6
Wilhelm, Teena. "Judicial Policymaking: The Preemptive Role of State Supreme Courts." Diss., Tucson, Arizona : University of Arizona, 2005. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu%5Fetd%5F1228%5F1%5Fm.pdf&type=application/pdf.
7
Greenlee, Patricia Annettee. "Separation of Church and State: A Diffusion of Reason and Religion." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2237.
Анотація:
The evolution of America's religious liberty was birthed by a separate church and state. As America strides into the twenty first century the origin of separation of church and state continues to be a heated topic of debate. Conservatives argue that America's version of separation of church and state was birthed by principles of Christian liberty. Liberals reject this idea maintaining that the evolution of a separate church and state in America was based on enlightened thinking that demanded rational men should have religious liberty. The best way to achieve this was by erecting a wall of separation between church and state.
Sources used in this study include The Letters of Roger Williams, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, and the Diary of Isaac Backus, along with many other primary and secondary sources. This study concludes that America’s religious freedom, conceptualized in its separate church and state is a creation of both reason and religion.
8
Wright, Sean J. "Distortion of Power: The State Secrets Privilege, Separation of Powers, and the Formation of an American King." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1241016671.
9
Younge, Jasmine E. "Separation of church and state: a study of the influence of the catholic church on public policy." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2011. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/209.
Анотація:
The separation of church and state has been a misinterpreted theme throughout United States history. The Establishment Clause, within the 1St Amendment of the United States Constitution, plants the foundational premise for the separation of church and state. The misinterpretation stems from the uncertainty of the role of the church in governmental affairs, specifically those concerning public policy. The Catholic Church continues to be one of the many dominant entities throughout society in shaping the mindsets and influencing the behaviors of the public in the United States. Therefore, this study seeks to explain and identify the relevance, influence and effect of the Catholic Church in public policy processes as it relates to the separation of church and state. This study used the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) as the sample population, which consists of 174 bishops. The sample population was surveyed in order to identify the influence of the Catholic Church on public policy processes in the United States. Of the sample population, 66 bishops responded to the survey. This study also used original documents for analysis purposes in order to indicate the relevance and effect of the Catholic Church on public policy processes in the United States. Through combination of survey results and document analyses, the findings of this study indicate that the influence of the Catholic Church in public policy processes derives from Catholic Church leadership communication methods throughout society. The study findings also indicate that the relevance and effect of the Catholic Church originate from biblical doctrine driving the participation in the moral shaping of society and public policy processes.
10
Yaksic, Miguel. "Religious convictions in political discourse: moral and theological grounds for a public theology in a plural world." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1862.
Анотація:
Thesis advisor: Dominic DoyleMoral, aesthetic, and religious pluralism has become a source of disagreement and friction in the modern world. Within the context of modernity and precipitated by the American and French revolutions, liberal democracy has aimed to organize the social and political life of societies in which their inhabitants sustain different, distant, and sometimes contradictory conceptions of the good life. Liberal secular principles have been the framework used to protect fundamental values such us freedom, equality, and mutual respect. In order to preserve the stability of a plural society, liberalism insists that moral and religious convictions must remain a private matter. Democracy and tolerance, it was argued, would be best preserved if religious convictions were removed from the public/political conversation. Yet the debate about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics regularly resurfaces among political and moral philosophers, social theorists, and theologians
Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry
Discipline: Sacred Theology
11
Laraby, Alain. "Le constitutionnalisme des Lumières : de l'objet des lois au sujet de droit ou de l'objet géométrique à la liberté politique." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 10, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024PA100022.
Анотація:
1/ Le titre de la thèse, Le constitutionnalisme des Lumières, comprend deux sous-titres : De l’objet des lois au sujet de droit, et De l’objet géométrique à la liberté politique. La thèse couvre en fait une période plus longue que ne le suggère le titre, car le constitutionnalisme des Lumières est un mouvement, et non un état. Les Constitutions étudiées sont essentiellement l’anglaise, l’américaine et la française des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Le constitutionnalisme en question porte sur la structure et l’évolution de ces Constitutions. Le 1er sous-titre indique comment le droit constitutionnel des Lumières est bâti sur l’idée qu’il incombe au droit positif de l’État de garantir le droit naturel moderne et ses métamorphoses. Par l’objet des lois – la liberté politique – les sujets assujettis deviennent des sujets de droit. Le 2nd sous-titre indique la manière dont l’étude est entreprise. Il s’agit moins de passer d’un énoncé à un autre énoncé que d’un diagramme à un autre diagramme afin de constater in visu les multiples modes de raisonnement capables d’éclairer le droit non moins moderne. 2/ Chaque concept du droit constitutionnel (séparation des pouvoirs, séparation des Églises et de l’État, fédéralisme, procédure parlementaire, interprétation du droit par tous les acteurs institutionnels en compétition, volonté générale, lutte contre les factions, modes de décision, droits de l’homme, procédures de démocratie directe et indirecte, etc.) est analysé au crible des concepts scientifiques (barycentre, fonction à plusieurs variables, laplacien, « variété » topologique, arithmétique modulaire, théorie des groupes, séries de Fourier, théorie des nœuds, espace des phases, ....). Le but de « l’exercice » n’est pas de réduire le droit constitutionnel (et la philosophie politique sous-jacente) aux mathématiques, ni d’appliquer ces dernières au droit. L’ambition est plus modeste : on entend seulement montrer une certaine parenté entre les modes de raisonnement de la science et du droit organisant le fonctionnement de l’État. Ce parallélisme est au mieux un pseudo-isomorphisme. Le préfixe pseudo- n’est pas à prendre au sens de faux, de trompeur, mais au sens, comme en science même, de qui ressemble logiquement à, à déformation près. L’analyse est générique ou qualitative. Elle n’entre ni dans les détails ni dans des mesures fort précises. Son souci est plutôt de mieux singulariser le propre du droit. 3/ Cette assimilation partielle révèle au jour l’« intériorisation » par le droit constitutionnel des procédés d’analyse de la science moderne. Ce qui est intériorisé sont des contraintes du monde naturel. Le droit positif des Lumières (et post-Lumières) les intègre, consciemment parfois, ou à son insu plus souvent. La thèse s’efforce de dégager la portée d’une telle internalisation : la liberté, qui s’est affranchie, en est devenue plus affermie grâce à des « butées » constitutionnelles qui visent à retenir l’exorbitance éventuelle des pouvoirs. Bien que la comparaison s’avère partielle, l’analogie permet au droit constitutionnel de contrôler en retour, tant bien que mal, l‘usage de la science et de la technique modernes. Sous ce rapport également, le constitutionnalisme des Lumières s’oppose aux régimes autoritaires et totalitaires. Ces régimes n’hésitent pas, aujourd’hui plus que jamais, à les retourner contre la liberté politique et individuelle dont pourraient jouir leurs populations. Sans la liberté, contestatrice par nature, la justice ne peut advenir. Seule une minorité installée profite du système en joignant au monopole de la force celui de l’opinion. Cette perversion autant du savoir que du droit régissant l’État tourne résolument le dos à l’héritage des Lumières1/ The title of the thesis, The Enlightenment constitutionalism, is underlined by two subtitles : From the purpose of law to the subject of law, and From the geometric object to political liberty.The thesis actually covers a longer period than the title would suggest, since the Enlightenment constitutionalism is a movement, not a stasis. The Constitutions of this study are primarily the English, the American and the French ones. The constitutionalism under discussion bears on the structure and evolution of these Constitutions.The first subtitle points out how the Enlightenment constitutional law is based on the idea that the positive law of the State guarantees modern natural law and its metamorphoses. This is the purpose of law – mainly political liberty – that make subjected people free under law.The second subtitle indicates that the research study is carried out through multiple diagrams. Their successive display highlight diverse on-going modes of reasoning in modern science.2/ Every concept of constitutional law (separation of powers, separation of church and state, federalism, parliamentary procedures, interpretation of law by competing institutional powers, general will, regulation of various and interfering interests, whether private or public, decision-making strategies, human rights, direct and indirect democratic procedures, and so on). Each of those comes under scrutiny in the light of modern scientific concepts (barycentre, multiple variable function, laplacian, topological manifold, modular arithmetic, group theory, Fourier series, knot theory, phase space, …).The goal of the exercise is neither to boil down constitutional law (and underlying political philosophy) to mathematics or physics, nor to apply them straightforwardly to law. The ambition is more modest : it is to show a certain relationship between modes of reasoning in science and law and its limits. The parallelism is at most a pseudo-isomorphism. Such a pseudo- prefix should not be understood as being false or misleading. It only depicts, like in science, approaching logical problems with some variations. The analysis is generic or qualitative. It does not intend to enter into excessive details or definite measures. Its concern is rather to better single out the characteristic feature, the hallmark of law governing State.3/ This assimilation openly reveals how modern scientific modes of reasoning have been incorporated into constitutional law. What seems rather well internalized are the contraints from natural world, either in a conscious way, or, more often, without the fulll knowledge of drafters or users of constitutional law. The thesis also aims at identifying the scope of such a integration : liberty became free thanks to the constituitonal stops that endeavour to prevent State power from being exorbitant.Although the analogy turns out to be partial, it allows constitutional law to take back control, - albeit not always successfully, - the use of modern science and technology. Under this perspective the Enlightenment constitutionalism opposes to authoritarian and totalitarian, regimes. These regimes do not hesitate, more than ever, to turn them against political and individual liberty that their populations might enjoy. Without liberty, which is challenging by nature, justice cannot happen. Only a minority in power benefits from the system by the monopoly of force as much of opinion. Such a perversion of knowledge and State law steadfastly turns away from the heritage of Enlightenment
12
Owen, J. Judd. "Religion and the demise of liberal rationalism : the foundational crisis of the separation of church and state /." Chicago, Ill. [u.a.] : Univ. of Chicago Press, 2001. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/uchi051/00012232.html.
Анотація:
Univ., Diss--Toronto.Includes bibliographical references and index. If liberalism is a faith, what becomes of the separation of church and state? -- Pragmatism, liberalism, and the quarrel between science and religion -- Rorty's repudiation of epistemology -- Rortian irony and the "de-divinization" of liberalism -- Religion and Rawls's freestanding liberalism -- Stanley Fish and the demise of the separation of church and state -- Fish, Locke, and religious neutrality -- Reason, indifference, and the aim of religious freedom -- Appendix : a reply to Stanley Fish.
13
Pypers, Elaine. "The State Capture of Independent Institutions: An analysis of the National Prosecuting Authority, 1998-2017." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6515.
Анотація:
Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies)This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.
14
MITCHELL, JOHN ADAMS. "REPRESENTING THE TENSION BETWEEN NONDENOMINATIONAL CHRISTIAN AND SECULAR ENVIRONMENTS IN DESIGN." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1083024252.
15
Byrd, James K. "A program to lead a select group of adults from the First Baptist Church, Luverne, Alabama, to a better understanding of and a deeper commitment to the separation of church and state." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1991. http://www.tren.com.
16
Steckman, Nicole Denise. "Black churches and faith-based initiatives are there holes in the wall of separation of church and state? /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/457041398/viewonline.
17
Bauries, Scott Robert. "Judicial review and the separation of powers in state constitutional litigation challenging the adequacy of education spending complementary analyses and a proposed adjudicatory model /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024795.
18
Noonan, Peter James. "A History of Establishment Clause Jurisprudence With Respect to Parochial School Funding." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77277.
Анотація:
Since the drafting of the Establishment Clause, a pronouncement contained within the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. The United States Supreme Court has debated how to interpret the meaning of, "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion." In Everson v. Board of Education (1947), the Court took its first action in an Establishment Clause case concerning funding for parochial school students that set a course that has been marked by confusion in the Court, inconsistent decision-making, and ultimately the creation of a policy of accommodation that provides opportunities for parochial school students to receive public financial assistance, including tuition reimbursement for their attendance at parochial schools.
This study tracks the history of Establishment Clause jurisprudence with a research emphasis from Everson v. Board of Education (1947) to Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (2002) and illustrates how the philosophy of the United States Supreme Court has changed over time. Further context of the shift is provided with a discussion of the Lemon v. Kurtzman (1971) decision that served as an effective court-interpreted barrier to the use of public resources and funds for parochial schools for several years. Subsequent U.S. Supreme Court decisions have eroded gradually the barrier, coined the Wall of Separation between Church and State by Thomas Jefferson, culminating currently with Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (2002).
The purpose of the study is to analyze the aforementioned shift in the context of public funding flowing for private church schools.
It became clear through this study that the decision in Everson v. Board of Education was the decision which led to a history of conflict and confusion in the Court which set off a chain of events that ultimately led to public funding for parochial schools where allowable by State Constitution. The U.S. Supreme Court has determined that public funding for a sectarian school is allowable so long as the funding is neutral and at the personal discretion of the parents receiving it as opposed to directly supporting a sectarian school.Ed. D.
19
Bergström, Helena. "The effects of a separation between a state church and a state : Participation and religious activity in the Evangelical-Lutheran churches in Sweden and Norway." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-8934.
Анотація:
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the effects on religious participation and activity in a country that a separation between a state and a state church has. To do this I have compared Sweden and Norway. Norway still has a state church whereas Sweden does not as of January 1 2000. I decided to examine these two countries due to their similar backgrounds, geographical location and political systems. What I found when examining Sweden was that the separation did effect the religious participation compared to Norway. But Sweden has seen a decrease in church activities for a long time; the decrease would have taken place even without the separation, since Norway also had experiences this decrease over time. So my conclusion is, if Sweden had continued to have a state church, there would have been a similar decrease. However, it would probably have been smaller, then what have taken place after the separation. The different religious activities I have looked at, baptism, confirmation and marriage, have had different development over the years and have been affected differently by the separation. The decrease in religious activity in Sweden is not only caused by the separation between state and church, it is also a reaction against a changing society. The separation in Sweden lead to a larger decrease compared to Norway. Both the decrease in religious activity in Sweden and the separation was instead a reaction to a changing society, the role that the Swedish church once played has been replaced by other factors. One of the foundations to the political elements in Sweden has with this decrease and ultimately the separation been lost and if this also will have any effect on the involvement in secular organization, voting rates or political participation is too early to tell.
20
Pypers, Elain. "The state capture of independent institutions: An analysis of the National Prosecuting Authority, 1998-2017." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6722.
Анотація:
Magister Commercii - MComThis thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.
21
Carney, Thomas E. "A religious conflict in education the King's College controversy as a historical precedent to separation of church and state, 1752-1756 /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2001. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=2207.
Анотація:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2001.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 237, 5 p. Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 226-237).
22
Mendes, Conrado Hubner. "Direitos fundamentais, separação de poderes e deliberação." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-05122008-162952/.
Анотація:
O controle de constitucionalidade de leis sempre foi objeto de desconfiança da teoria democrática. Sob qual justificativa juízes não eleitos podem ter a última palavra sobre o significado de direitos fundamentais? É assim que a questão costumou ser formulada pela tradição. Alguns a responderam em favor desse arranjo, outros em defesa da supremacia do parlamento. Essa seria uma encruzilhada da separação de poderes e as teorias da última palavra se enfrentam nesses termos. A tese investiga uma saída alternativa para esse dilema, oferecida pelas teorias do diálogo institucional. Segundo essa corrente, a última palavra, na democracia, não existe. O trabalho defende que ambas as perspectivas, última palavra e diálogo, têm papel analítico importante a cumprir. Propõe que uma interação de caráter deliberativo, e não somente adversarial, entre os poderes, tem maiores possibilidades de, ao longo do tempo, produzir boas respostas sobre os direitos fundamentais. Torna a separação de poderes sensível ao bom argumentoThe judicial review of legislation has always been under the distrust of democratic theory. Under what justification can unelected judges have the last word upon fundamental rights? Thats the way the question has been formulated by the tradition. Some are favourable to this institutional arrangement, whereas others defend the supremacy of parliament. This would be the crossroads of the separation of powers and theories of last word face the dispute under these terms. The thesis investigates an alternative response to this dilemma, offered by theories of institutional dialogue. According to it, there is no last word in a democracy. The dissertation defends that both perspectives last word and dialogue have an important analytical role to play. Is proposes that an interaction of a deliberative kind rather than adversarial is more likely, in the long term, to produce better answers about rights. It turns separation of powers sensitive to the quality of argument
23
Kim, Se Jin. "The Study of Public Administration in Korea: The Executive-Centered Approach to Public Administration and Its Legacy." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/82842.
Анотація:
The purpose of this dissertation is to examine if, and how, the executive-centered approach to public administration, which emphasized public administrators' unwavering loyalty to the president, intellectually shaped the founding and growth of Korean mainstream public administration in the 1962-1987 period. Specifically, this dissertation identifies the four normative tenets underlying the executive-centered approach and conducts comprehensive qualitative content analysis of mainstream scholars' journal articles and book chapters to investigate if, and how, such normative tenets framed the intellectual trajectory of Korean mainstream public administration in the 1962-1987 period.
The major findings of this dissertation indicate that: 1) Korean public administration was intellectually founded upon the four tenets of the executive-centered approach and such tenets became fully entrenched as unassailable normative beliefs in Korean mainstream public administration scholarship in the 1962-1987 period and 2) Korean mainstream public administration scholars' strong commitment to the executive-centered approach led them to uphold executive-centered governing order, in which the president exercised exclusive control of public administrators, and to champion the authoritarian developmental state, in which the authoritarian president pushed administrators into controlling civil society and market in line with his political and policy agenda, in the 1962-1987 period.
This dissertation also contends that in the post-1987 period, the advent of the new governing order of separation of powers created an intellectual dilemma for Korean public administration scholars because their blind adherence to the executive-centered approach, which stressed administrators' exclusive responsiveness to the president, came into essential tension with the new governing order of separation of powers, in which administrators were required to be simultaneously responsive to not only the president, but also the legislative and judicial branches.Ph. D.
24
Alves, João Victor Caetano. "O Conselho de Estado e o princípio da divisão de poderes (1828-1834) /." Franca : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93186.
Анотація:
Orientador: Marisa Saenz LemeBanca: Márcia Regina Capelari Naxara
Banca: Cecilia Helena Lorenzini de Salles Oliveira
Resumo: Esta dissertação está situada no campo da história política, pretendendo investigar o papel desempenhado pelo Conselho de Estado - espécie de agência central do governo no período de 1828 a 1834 - na emergência e na construção do princípio da separação de poderes, no Império brasileiro. Com este objetivo, o trabalho analisa o livro de Atas do Conselho de Estado, cotejando-o com a historiografia sobre o período. Estas atas podem revelar aspectos daquela construção, fornecendo-nos a medida do propalado "absolutismo" do período
Abstract: This dissertation is situated in the political history field, intending to investigate the role played by the Council of State - a central government agency in the period of 1828 to 1834 - in the emergence and construction of the separation of powers' principle in the Brazilian Empire. With this purpose, the work analyses the Council of State's minutes, comparing them with the historiography of the period. These minutes can reveal aspects of that construction, providing us the measure of the "absolutism" of the period
Mestre
25
Alves, João Victor Caetano [UNESP]. "O Conselho de Estado e o princípio da divisão de poderes (1828-1834)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93186.
Анотація:
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Esta dissertação está situada no campo da história política, pretendendo investigar o papel desempenhado pelo Conselho de Estado – espécie de agência central do governo no período de 1828 a 1834 – na emergência e na construção do princípio da separação de poderes, no Império brasileiro. Com este objetivo, o trabalho analisa o livro de Atas do Conselho de Estado, cotejando-o com a historiografia sobre o período. Estas atas podem revelar aspectos daquela construção, fornecendo-nos a medida do propalado “absolutismo” do período
This dissertation is situated in the political history field, intending to investigate the role played by the Council of State – a central government agency in the period of 1828 to 1834 – in the emergence and construction of the separation of powers´ principle in the Brazilian Empire. With this purpose, the work analyses the Council of State’s minutes, comparing them with the historiography of the period. These minutes can reveal aspects of that construction, providing us the measure of the “absolutism” of the period
26
Васін, Максим Сергійович, та Maksym Vasin. "Конституційно-правові засади взаємодії держави і релігійних організацій в Україні". Thesis, Національний авіаційний університет, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/45742.
Анотація:
У дослідженні вперше у юридичній науці здійснено цілісний аналіз
конституційно-правових засад взаємодії держави і релігійних організацій, який
включав наукове переосмислення сучасної моделі державно-церковних
відносин в Україні, окреслення її відмінностей від історичного досвіду
попереднього тоталітарного режиму радянської влади, визначення правового
статусу релігійних організацій як суб’єктів громадянського суспільства.
Наукова новизна одержаних результатів полягає у встановленні й наданні
наукового обґрунтування факту зміни характеру державно-церковних відносин
в українському суспільстві, які трансформувалися від антагоністичної сепарації
до коопераційної моделі з притаманною їй більшою взаємодією органів
державної влади з релігійними організаціями. Також науково доведено, що
чинним конституційно-правовим засадам державно-церковних відносин бракує
юридичної визначеності, відсутність якої негативно позначається на взаємодії
держави і релігійних організацій, стає причиною суспільної напруги під час
обговорення важливих суспільних проблем, ускладнює процес реформування
релігійного законодавства з огляду на відмову України від тоталітарної
політики радянської влади та перехід до демократичних засад урядування.
Результати наукового дослідження дали змогу сформулювати пропозиції
для практичного впровадження з метою подальшого розвитку державно-
церковної взаємодії в умовах коопераційної моделі відносин, трансформація
якої відбулася як наслідок запровадження в Україні демократичної політичної
системи, релігійної свободи та плюралізму. В исследовании впервые в юридической науке осуществлен целостный
анализ конституционно-правовых основ взаимодействия государства и
религиозных организаций, включающий научное переосмысление современной
модели государственно-церковных отношений в Украине, определение её
отличий от исторического опыта предыдущего тоталитарного режима
советской власти, уточнение правового статуса религиозных организаций как
субъектов гражданского общества. Научная новизна исследования заключается в установлении и
предоставлении научного обоснования факту изменения характера
государственно-церковных отношений в украинском обществе,
трансформировавшихся из антагонистической сепарации в кооперационную
модель с присущим ей большим взаимодействием органов государственной
власти с религиозными организациями. Также научно доказано, что
действующим конституционно-правовым основам государственно-церковных
отношений не хватает юридической определенности, отсутствие которой
негативно сказывается на взаимодействии государства и религиозных
организаций, становится причиной напряжения при обсуждении важных
общественных проблем, усложняет процесс реформирования религиозного
законодательства, учитывая отказ Украины от тоталитарной политики
советской власти и переход к демократическим основам управления.
Результаты научного исследования позволили сформулировать
предложения для практического внедрения с целью дальнейшего развития
государственно-церковного взаимодействия в условиях кооперационной
модели отношений, трансформация которой состоялась вследствие внедрения в
Украине демократической политической системы, религиозной свободы и
плюрализма. For the first time in legal science of Ukraine, the research includes a holistic
analysis of the constitutional and legal foundations of church-state interaction,
including the academic rethinking of the modern model of church-state relations in
Ukraine, determining its differences from the historical experience of the previous
totalitarian regime of the Soviet Union, and clarifying the legal status of religious
organizations in as subjects of civil society.
The topicality of the research is due to the growing role of religious
organizations in the civil society activity in Ukraine and in solving various social
problems that the state is unable to overcome. As well, there is a need to ensure the
constitutional right to freedom of conscience and religion for persons in special
conditions: at military and penitentiary, medical, and educational institutions. In
addition, the Law of Ukraine "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious
Organizations", adopted in April 1991 (before the retrieval of Ukraine's state
independence), today doesn't provide a proper legal basis for the participation of
religious organizations in public life: those activities that go outside of the religious
building and other places of worship. The negative experience and consequences of the repressive policy of the Soviet
regime on religious organizations, analyzed in the dissertation, allow the author to
conclude that it is necessary to improve the constitutional and legal basis of church-
state cooperation to remove from public discourse grounds for manipulation of the
definition of church-state separation and releasing the legal practice from the current
legal uncertainties, ambiguous interpretations, legal conflicts. The dissertation
includes the analyzes the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights,
documents of international institutions such as the UN, the Council of Europe and the
OSCE on ensuring freedom of conscience and religion, focusing on aspects of
church-state interaction and foreign experience in legal regulation of this relations.
The scientific novelty of the research emerges in establishing and providing
scientific justification for the fact that the church-state relations have changed in
Ukrainian society and have transformed from an antagonistic separation to a
cooperative model with its inherent great interaction between government bodies and
religious organizations. It is also scientifically argued that the current constitutional
and legal foundations of state-church relations have a lack of legal certainty, the
absence of which negatively affects the church-state interaction, causes public tension
during discussions important social problems, and complicates the process of
reforming religious legislation considering that Ukraine refused from the totalitarian
policy of the Soviet regime after the transition to a democratic political system.
The author proposes a new version of Article 35 (3) of the Constitution of
Ukraine, aimed at abandoning Soviet wording in favor of the clearer terminology,
which recognizes church and state as the separate and independent social institutions
that can cooperate on a partnership basis. Another proposal prescribes to amend the
Law of Ukraine "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations" with the
aim to eliminate terminological restrictions on the activities of religious organizations
and better ensure the autonomy of religious associations (denominations).
The research reveals the concept of secularism of political authority,
emphasizing that it doesn't exclude the possibility of the state bodies to develop the
cooperation with religious organizations in solving social problems and meeting the
religious needs of certain categories of citizens (servicemen and their families,
convicts and prisoners and prison staff, patients and medical staff).
The results of the dissertation research made it possible to formulate proposals
for practical implementation with the aim of further developing church-state
interaction in the context of the cooperative model of relations which appeared as a
result of the introduction of a democratic political system, religious freedom, and
pluralism in Ukraine. The author argues in favor of implementing his proposals for
further legal support of chaplaincy in the army and other military formations of the
state, penitentiary and medical institutions as a form of church-state interaction in
Ukraine.
27
Beck, Luke. "THE FOUNDATIONS OF SECTION 116 OF THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION: AN HISTORICAL AND CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14597.
Анотація:
This thesis seeks to understand and analyse the foundations of section 116 of the Australian Constitution by situating the provision in its proper historical and conceptual context. The thesis argues that section 116 can be conceptualised as a safeguard against religious intolerance on the part of the Commonwealth. The thesis begins by demonstrating that section 116 cannot be understood as a simply analogue of the religion clauses of the United States Constitution due to the very different constitutional cultures existing at the times the Australian and United States Constitutions were drafted. The thesis examines how the topic of religion came up for consideration in the period in which the Constitution was drafted and explores the motivations and machinations of those who ultimately succeeded in persuading the Australasian Federal Convention (‘Federal Convention’) held between 1897 and 1898 to include religious words in the constitutional preamble. It also explores the motivations and machinations of those who were opposed to that course of action and who persuaded one of the delegates at the Constitutional Convention, Henry Bournes Higgins, to pursue the inclusion of a religious freedom provision that eventually became section 116. The thesis interrogates the argument advanced by Higgins at the Federal Convention in favour of section 116, challenging the standard account of that argument and arguing that Higgins was concerned that the religious words of the preamble might somehow give rise to an implied Commonwealth power to legislate in respect of religion. The thesis investigates why the language of section 116 was chosen and shows that the precise language of section 116 was not the result of careful consideration, suggesting a disconnect between the purpose of the provision and its language. The thesis also shows that the meaning of the precise language of section 116 was not something to which the Convention gave any real consideration, and suggests that the Federal Convention seems to have believed that the limited language of section 116 amounted in some way to a complete denial of power to the Commonwealth to legislate ‘on the subject of’ religion. The thesis also asks how these foundations of section 116 can be conceptualised, concluding that the provision can be conceptualised as a partial safeguard against religious intolerance on the part of the Commonwealth. The thesis also considers official proposals to amend section 116 and considers whether the conceptualisation of section 116 would need to be revised had those proposals for constitutional amendment succeeded.
28
Sampaio, Leandro Augusto Nicola de. "A chefia de Estado na república federativa sob a perspectiva do pensamento de Montesquieu." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/134893.
Анотація:
Este trabalho se propõe a traçar o cenário em que se desdobraram os acontecimentos que instigaram o gênio de Montesquieu a buscar um padrão cientifico para os fenômenos sociais e políticos que tão argutamente observava. Combinando as nuances doutrinárias de Montesquieu, pretende o estudo abordar as premissas conceituais básicas de federação e a ideia clássica da separação de poderes para, em seguida, examinar as atribuições da chefia de Estado numa república que adote o modelo federativo e a separação de poderes como seus nortes estruturais, no contexto de um sistema presidencialista de governo. Com base nas premissas deduzidas examina-se o alinhamento do modelo brasileiro àquelas premissas institucionais que o inspiraram.The purpose of this research is to depict the events that unfolded within the scenario that provoked Montesquieu to search for a scientific pattern in order to explain the social and political phenomena that he carefully observed in his time. Drawing on the variations of Montesquieu’s doctrines, The work aims to explore the basic conceptual argument of federation as well as the classic idea of separation of powers. Thereafter, It intends to examine the roles of state leadership in a republic whose foundation lies upon the federative model and the separation of powers in a presidentialist system of government. Based on this, the study is going to consider the alignment of the Brazilian model to those institutional propositions that initially provoked Montesquieu’s mind.
29
Zylbersztajn, Joana. "O princípio da laicidade na Constituição Federal de 1988." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-11102012-111708/.
Анотація:
O debate sobre a laicidade do Estado sempre esteve presente em diversos âmbitos de discussão, políticos, sociais e acadêmicos. Não obstante, se faz necessário o fortalecimento dos recursos argumentativos para lidar com a questão de forma concreta. A constituição federal de 1988 não declara expressamente que o Brasil é laico, mas traz de forma consolidada todos os elementos que formam este entendimento. Isso se dá pela caracterização do Estado democrático garantidor da igualdade e da liberdade inclusive religiosa de seus cidadãos. Soma-se a isso a determinação constitucional de separação institucional entre o Estado e a religião. Nesta perspectiva, este trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise da proteção jurídico-constitucional do princípio da laicidade no Brasil e seus desdobramentos práticos. A efetivação do princípio da laicidade é um processo em construção e, deste modo, é necessário o amadurecimento democrático e esforço positivo das instituições públicas para sua realização. É feito inicialmente o levantamento da construção histórica da laicidade no país e a tentativa de organizar alguns conceitos teóricos sobre o tema, na perspectiva de alinhar entendimentos usados durante o trabalho. Parte-se então para a análise do caráter constitucional do princípio da laicidade e os significados decorrentes desse diagnóstico. Sendo um tema complexo, diretamente relacionado aos parâmetros sociais que compõe o Estado brasileiro, é necessário discutir os aspectos democráticos importantes para a concretização do princípio da laicidade, abordando a dicotomia entre democracia e constitucionalismo, bem como algumas considerações sobre a presença religiosa na esfera pública. Por fim, considerando justamente o processo em construção para consolidação da laicidade, são analisados casos concretos referentes ao tema, visando à compreensão do grau atual de efetivação do princípio no país e os desafios que se impõem para a garantia do preceito constitucional.The debate over the laicity (from the French concept laïcité) of the state has always been present in the political, social and academic arenas. Nevertheless, it is necessary to strengthen the analytic resources to concretely deal with this issue. The federal constitution of 1988 does not expressly state that Brazil is a laic state, but, all-together, one can read all the elements that lead to such an understanding. This is the effect of the characterization of the democratic state that guarantees equality and freedom - including the religious freedom- of its citizens. The constitutional determination of an institutional separation between state and religion is also another factor. In this perspective, this thesis aims to make an analysis of the legal and constitutional protection of the principle of laicity in Brazil and its practical consequences. The implementation of the principle of laicity is an ongoing process and thus the democratic maturing and conscious effort of the public institutions are necessary. The thesis begins with the historical development of laicity in the country as well as of some theoretical concepts on the subject. Later, the constitutional character of the principle of laicity and the meanings arising from this diagnosis are analyzed. Relevant democratic aspects for the implementation of the principle of laicity, regarding the dichotomy between democracy and constitutionalism, as well as some thoughts on the religious presence in the public sphere could not be avoided, since the issue is a complex one, directly related to the social parameters that make up the Brazilian State. Finally, considering the ongoing process for the consolidation of laicity, the concrete cases on the subject are also scrutinized, aiming to understand the actual degree of realization of the principle in the country and the challenges imposed to guarantee the constitutional guideline.
30
Peterson, Rebecca C. (Rebecca Carol). "Dante, Machiavelli, and Luther: The Evolution of the Modern State." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500496/.
Анотація:
The evolution of the State was a process which went through many stages. Analysis of the modern State tends to begin with the Enlightenment; however, Dante Alighieri, Niccolo Machiavelli, and Martin Luther each represented early phases of this evolution. The theories of these men were closely tied to their evaluation of man's nature. Their main objectives were separation of the State from the Church and the definition of the rulers obligations to his subjects. Although humanism influenced all of them to varying degrees, each developed unique views of the State. Elements of these views can be detected in more modern theorists.
31
Ricks, Brian William. "Closing the Church University in 1894: Embracing or Accommodating Secularized Education." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3894.
Анотація:
The late 1800s have been noted as a major transitional period for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. When the beleaguered pioneers first arrived in Utah they were isolated from the influence and expectations of the United States. During that time, leaders of the Church became influential in every aspect of life in Utah. By the end of the nineteenth century, however, the period of isolation had come to an end. Nationally, the social norms had changed and religion was expected to stay in the churches and out of politics. Church leaders were faced with serious questions regarding what policies and practices could be altered without betraying doctrines and principles of the gospel. Education was at the forefront of this tension in Utah. Members of the Church tried to hold on to an integrated approach to education that incorporated both the spiritual and the secular. Others, however, adamantly opposed such an approach in public schools. In 1892, the First Presidency announced a new educational institution that would become the administrative head of all Church schools: The University of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Willard Young became the President and James Talmage was placed over the science department. Talmage traveled to Europe to purchase the best scientific equipment. With the scientific apparatus and a new building the leaders of the Church hoped to persuade the youth of the Church to obtain higher education at home rather than traveling east to attend secularized universities. The Church's first private university seemed destined to become a major influence in Utah education. However, after one successful semester, President Woodruff closed the school and donated over sixty thousand dollars to the University of Utah. The following research explores the history of the Church University and the circumstances surrounding its closure. The paper shows how a combination of the financial panic of 1893, the effort to obtain statehood, and a rare opportunity to quietly gain influence at the University of Utah factored into the decision to close the Church's first private university.
32
Melo, José Correa de. "Modos de governar e administrar : os conselhos políticos e administrativos de D. Pedro II a partir da seção de fazenda do conselho de estado (1842-1889)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/185065.
Анотація:
O presente trabalho realizou uma análise e classificação das consultas da Seção de Fazenda do Conselho de Estado, que funcionou no Brasil Império no período de 1842 a 1889, a partir dos modelos administrativos e de governo que influenciaram o funcionamento e organização da administração e do Conselho de Estado. Buscou-se no modelo corporativo do Antigo Regime português as primeiras fontes e raízes para o modelo polissinodal e de governo por conselhos. Posteriormente novos paradigmas e idéias político-administrativas entraram em linha de conta no modelo português, como foi o caso, no século XVIII, dos paradigmas relacionados ao chamado Estado de Polícia. Essas fases da formação do Estado Moderno e paradigmas de governo e administração influenciaram o modelo político adotado no Brasil independente e constitucional e vieram a conformar a atuação do Conselho de Estado no Segundo Reinado. A partir da análise da produção da Seção de Fazenda do Conselho de Estado é possível mapear continuidades e rupturas com modelos anteriores e a adoção de novos paradigmas de governo e administração e explicar o funcionamento do Conselho de Estado sob D. Pedro II.The present work carried out an analysis and classification of the consultations of the Finance Section of the Council of State, which operated in Empire of Brazil from 1842 to 1889, from the administrative and governmental models that influenced the functioning and organization of the administration and the Council of State. The first sources and roots for the polissynodal model and for government by councils were sought in the corporate model of the Old Portuguese Regime. Subsequently new paradigms and political-administrative ideas came into account in the Portuguese model, as was the case, in the eighteenth century, of paradigms related to the so-called Police State. These phases of the formation of the Modern State and paradigms of government and administration influenced the political model adopted in independent and constitutional Brazil and came to conform the performance of the Council of State in the Second Reign. From the analysis of the production of the Finance Section of the Council of State it is possible to map out continuities and ruptures with previous models and the adoption of new paradigms of government and administration and to explain the functioning of the Council of State under D. Pedro II.
33
Foust, Joseph R. "14 states, 22 senators, 59 representatives & the writing of the establishment clause : an analysis of the original intent." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/3883.
34
Young, Elizabeth V. "FIRST AMENDMENT POLITICS IN APPLACHIA: THE GAP BETWEEN POLICY AND PRACTICE." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1371637890.
35
Rizzi, Ester Gammardella. "Democracia e transformações sociais no estado parlamentar: Kirchheimer e a República de Weimar." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-24042012-110644/.
Анотація:
A partir de dezenove textos publicados por Otto Kirchheimer no período final da República de Weimar, o presente trabalho investiga as possibilidades oferecidas por uma forma específica de organização política o Estado Constitucional Parlamentar para a realização da democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, para a promoção de transformações sociais. Amálgama inconstante entre a crítica de Carl Schmitt às instituições liberais e a crítica marxista da sociedade, a obra weimariana de Kirchheimer apresenta uma análise instigante do ordenamento jurídico e da realidade histórica na qual ele está inserido. Constituição, Estado Parlamentar, separação de poderes e a legitimidade de diferentes meios de ação política são alguns dos temas abordados. O trabalho discute, assim, uma importante ruptura teórica na obra de Kirchheimer nesse período: o progressivo reconhecimento de que o direito pode e deve servir como limitador do poder político, garantindo certo conteúdo mínimo de liberdade. Das falhas no funcionamento do Parlamento e das instituições da democracia formal passa a decorrer, para ele, a necessidade de aperfeiçoá-los e não mais de rejeitá-los.Based on nineteen texts written by Otto Kirchheimer during the final period of the Weimar Republic, the present work wishes to investigate the possibilities opened by a specific form of political organization the Parliamentary Constitutional State for the implementation of democracy and, at the same time, for the promotion of social change. Shifting combination of Carl Schmitt criticism of liberal institutions and Marxist criticism of society, the weimarian work of Kirchheimer offers a compelling analysis of the legal system and the historical reality in which it inheres. Constitution, Parliamentary State, separation of powers, and the legitimacy of different ways of political actions are some of his main themes. We detect, then, an important cleavage appearing in the writings of Kirchheimer during this period: his progressive conscience that the legal system can and should serve as a counterweight to political power, in order to guarantee a minimum of liberties. From the deficiencies detected in the working of Parliament and, more generally, of democratic institutions, he now arrives at the necessity of enhancing them not anymore of rejecting them.
36
Gaspardo, Murilo. "O parlamento e o controle do poder político." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-20052011-163259/.
Анотація:
O presente estudo se propõe a investigar em que medida o Parlamento é capaz de exercer, eficazmente, o controle do poder político, no contexto da globalização capitalista, com o objetivo de contribuir com a concretização dos direitos humanos econômicos e sociais. Compreende-se o controle do poder político como o direcionamento das ações do Estado para a realização de seus fins, por meio da fixação de metas e diretrizes, da supervisão e da responsabilização dos agentes políticos. Reconhece-se a importância do Parlamento no desempenho deste papel, porém sua atuação apresenta grandes limites, decorrentes, entre outros fatores, do fenômeno da globalização e da característica histórico-cultural patrimonialista do Estado brasileiro. Diante disso, a sociedade precisa desenvolver outras formas de controle para complementar o parlamentar.This study wants to investigate in which level the Parliament is able to exercise, with efficacy, the control of the political power, in the context of the capitalist globalization, with the objective to contribute with the concretization of the economics and socials human rights. The control of the political power is understood like the direction of de States actions to the realization of its finalities, by the fixation of objectives and directives, the supervision and the responsabilization of the politics agents. The Parliament has so much importance realizing this paper, but its actuation presents big limits, because some factors, how the phenomenon of the globalization and the historic-cultural characteristic patrimonialista of the Brazilian State. So, the society needs to develop other forms of control to complement the parliamentary.
37
Berger, Drotar Karen S. "Filling the God-Shaped Hole: A Qualitative Study of Spirituality and Public High School Teachers." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1321974749.
38
Paixao, Leonardo André. "A função política do Supremo Tribunal Federal." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-01092007-150125/.
Анотація:
Função política do Estado é a atividade que órgãos instituídos pela Constituição exercem no âmbito de sua competência, tendo por objetivo preservar a sociedade política e promover o bem comum, e que consiste em determinar, mediante a livre interpretação de normas constitucionais, o que é o interesse público e quais são os meios necessários à sua implementação. A função política é desempenhada por diversos órgãos e poderes, inclusive pelos tribunais constitucionais. Os tribunais constitucionais exercem função política, basicamente, em relação a quatro grandes temas: separação de poderes, federalismo, direitos fundamentais e funcionamento das instituições democráticas. O exercício da função política pelos tribunais constitucionais possui características específicas. Os tribunais constitucionais têm legitimidade para exercer função política, apesar de seus integrantes normalmente não serem escolhidos pelo voto popular. No desempenho de função política, os tribunais constitucionais devem observar limites. No Brasil, o órgão que exerce o papel de tribunal constitucional é o Supremo Tribunal Federal. O Supremo Tribunal Federal, ao longo de sua história, desde sua instalação, em 1891, até os dias atuais, contribuiu para a definição do que é o interesse público, bem como para a definição dos meios necessários para sua implementação. Portanto, exerceu função política. Foram identificadas sete fases na história do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Em algumas delas, o Supremo Tribunal Federal exerceu função política mais ativamente. Em outras fases, limitou-se a confirmar decisões adotadas por outros órgãos de soberania. O Supremo Tribunal Federal tem legitimidade para exercer função política. Sua jurisprudência demonstra também que, no exercício da função política, o Supremo Tribunal Federal observou limites.Political function of the State is the work performed by constitutional bodies, within the scope of their respective competencies, to preserve political society and promote public welfare. It consists in determining, through free interpretation of constitutional rules, what may be considered of public welfare and what are the necessary mechanisms for its implementation. Political function is performed by various powers and bodies including the constitutional courts. Basically, constitutional courts exercise political function in relation to four major subjects: segregation of power, federalism, basic rights and the functioning of democratic institutions. Constitutional courts bear specific characteristics when it comes to exercising their political function. A constitutional court has the legitimacy to exercise political functions even though its constituents are not elected through popular suffrage. In the exercise of their political function, constitutional courts must beware of some limits. In Brazil, the body that plays the role of constitutional court is the Federal Supreme Court. Throughout its history, that is, since its establishment in 1891 until the present, the Federal Supreme Court has contributed to define what public welfare is, as well as to its implemen-tation. Therefore, it has exercised its political function. Considering its jurisprudence, it is possible to identify seven stages in the Federal Supreme Court history. In some of these stages the Supreme Court exercises its political function actively. In other stages, simply confirmed decisions taken by other bodies. The Federal Supreme Court has legitimacy to exercise its political function. Its jurisprudence also shows that, in the exercise of its political function, the Federal Supreme Court has known some limits.
39
Capano, Fernando Fabiani. "O poder judiciário e o movimento do constitucionalismo: reflexões sobre o ativismo judicial no contexto da doutrina da separaçăo de poderes." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2011. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1027.
Анотація:
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Previous issue date: 2011-08-30Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie
The present work intends to study, in the context of the constitutionalism, which was and which is the paper of the Judicial Power in the historical consolidation of the basic rights of the human being. It still intends to investigate great part of the most important doctrinal production concerning the doctrine of the separation of powers, giving ballast to the quarrel concerning the birth, growth and consolidation of the paper of Constitutional Justice as warranting force of the values sculptured in the Constitutions of the countries with democratic experience. In this line of reasoning, this work adopts as starting point the phenomenon of the legalization of the politics or the politicalization of the law, understood here as a social phenomenon, which demonstrate the new role assumed by the Judiciary Power in the current days. In the next chapter, this work reconstructs the historical line of the formation of the State, starting with the Liberal State and the rights of freedom, going trough the Social State and the consolidation of the social rights, finishing with the formation of the Constitutional State and the sprouting supply-individual right, also involving the sphere of solidarity and fraternity rights. In the third chapter, the concern is the doctrine of the separation of powers, passing for its conception and evolution, in the attempt to point out the work of the jurisdictional function as counterpoint of the other instituted powers. During the fourth chapter, this work demonstrates the movement of the constitutionalism, considering the center role that the Constitution acquired modernly, and the concepcion of Justice Constitutional in diverse countries. The third chapter also brings the problem of the neoconstitutionalism as new Law theory, demonstrating the methods of interpretation of the Constitutional Law, intending to give handle of the mission that constitutional principles have, in the modern Constitutions, by becoming effective, using the direct application of values, as well as the problem of the judicial ativism that, in many times, exceeds the tenuous line between the legitimacy of the proper judicial function and the usurpation of the political decisions conceived in legitimate process in other democratic spheres. Finally, study perceives the necessity of the balance between the diverse state functions, to maintenance a healthy democratic system.
O presente trabalho pretende aferir, no contexto do movimento do constitucionalismo, qual foi e qual é o papel do Poder Judicial na consolidação histórica dos direitos fundamentais do ser humano. Pretende, ainda, investigar grande parte da mais importante produção doutrinária acerca da separação de poderes, dando lastro à discussão sobre nascimento, crescimento e consolidação do papel da Justiça Constitucional como força garantidora dos valores esculpidos nas Constituições dos países com prática democrática. Nessa linha de raciocínio, esta dissertação adota como ponto de partida o fenômeno da jurisdicionalização da política ou a politização do direito, entendido aqui como fenômeno social apto a demonstrar o novo papel assumido pelo Poder Judiciário nos dias atuais. Em seguida, o trabalho reconstrói a linha histórica da formação do ente estatal, passa pelo Estado Liberal e pelos direitos fundamentais de liberdade, caminha pelo Estado Social e pela consolidação dos direitos de prestação e termina na formação do Estado Constitucional de Direito e no surgimento dos direitos supraindividuais, envolvendo a esfera da solidariedade e fraternidade dos povos como destinatária de tais direitos. No terceiro capítulo, a preocupação se dá com a doutrina da separação de poderes, passando por sua concepção e posterior evolução, na tentativa de situar o trabalho da função jurisdicional como contraponto dos demais poderes instituídos. Durante o quarto capítulo, demonstra-se conceitualmente o movimento do constitucionalismo e o surgimento e a operacionalização histórica, ante a centralidade que a Constituição adquiriu modernamente, das Justiças Constitucionais em diversos países. Outrossim, o terceiro capítulo traz a problematização do neoconstitucionalismo como nova teoria do Direito, a demonstrar ainda os métodos de interpretação da Lei Maior que pretendem dar cabo da missão de tornar efetiva, pela aplicação direta de valores, dos princípios havidos nas Constituições modernas, bem como o problema do chamado ativismo judicial que, por vezes, ultrapassa a tênue linha demarcatória havida entre a legitimidade da função judicante própria e a usurpação das decisões políticas concebidas em processo legítimo em outras esferas democráticas. Finalmente, à guisa de conclusão, percebe-se a necessidade do equilíbrio entre as diversas funções estatais, salutar para a manutenção coesa do sistema democrático.
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Déléage, Elsa. "Les droits de la personne selon l'Eglise catholique : Une consécration canonique mais polémique." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030127.
Анотація:
Projet de canonisation de Pie XII, caricatures de Mahomet, procès de l'Eglise de scientologie en octobre 2009, interdiction de la burqa, tous ces évènements récents soulèvent le problème des relations entre religions, pouvoirs publics, particuliers et droits fondamentaux, qui nourrissent la problématique de la thèse.La conception des droits fondamentaux selon l'Eglise catholique contredit-elle celle consacrée par l'ordre juridique national français, garanti par le juge constitutionnel ? Le phénomène religieux en France comme dans de nombreux Etats européens, n'a cessé d'évoluer à partir du tournant des XVIIIe - XIXe siècles. chaque pays, en raison de son substrat philosophique, aborde cette évolution de manière différente : Aufklärung, Lumières françaises notamment. A chaque renouveau religieux l'Eglise catholique, comme la société civile, a associé, voire érigé, des théologiens, Ozanam, Lacordaire, Joseph de Maistre, abbé de Lamennais, père Portal, abbé Alfred Loisy par exemple. Cette association - évolution de la pensée de la doxa/ des intellectuels/ des Eglises locales - a abouti concrètement à une évolution de la doctrine du Saint-siège. Celui-ci a ainsi progressivement reconnu les droits fondamentaux, précédemment condamnés au nom de la primauté de l'Eglise sur l'homme. Il s'agit donc d'étudier l'évolution des rapports entre droits fondamentaux et doctrine de l'Eglise catholique, alors que ces deux concepts ne sont pas figés. Le cadre historique et les termes du sujet nécessitent d'abord une exégèse des textes, nationaux, internationaux, canoniques et laïcs. Ce travail épistémologique oblige, dans un second temps, à s'interroger sur la nature des rapports entre Eglise catholique et droits fondamentaux, notamment sur leur conflictualité. A partir des discours officiels de l'Eglise catholique il est intéressant d'apprécier leur influence, à la fois au sein de l'Eglise catholique et à l'égard de la société civileIt should demonstrate the originality of the papal position about human rights and focus on the following paradox: the creation and use of a specific concept by the Catholic Church "the rights" whereas it is built by borrowing tools including the secular law order. Indeed, it used the tools of Roman law, particularly its normative and territorial functioning. This contribution tries to identify the context in which human rights have emerged in catholic speech and in canon law. The factors and the issues contribute to understand the canon process of recognition by the Catholic Church. This work investigates three classic themes in public law: the scope of the rights involved, the persons, and finally the guaranties regime
41
Reivax, Daniel. "Raoul Allier (1862-1939), un protestant engagé : une voix du protestantisme au début du XXe siècle." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Amiens, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021AMIE0012.
Анотація:
Raoul Allier est né en 1862 à Vauvert dans une famille viticole, il fait partie des personnalités protestantes incontournables du début du XXe siècle. Normalien, agrégé de philosophie, docteur en théologie, il est chargé de cours à la Faculté de théologie de Montauban, avant d'être nommé professeur à celle de Paris. Il est découvert par le grand public en prenant fait et cause pour la révision du procès du capitaine Dreyfus. Bien que rentré tardivement dans l'arène des Dreyfusards, il occupe néanmoins rapidement un rôle de premier plan en publiant tout d'abord en 1898 un essai intitulé Voltaire et Calas, une erreur judiciaire pour le XVIIIe siècle et ensuite en 1903 une série d'articles qui vont paraître dans les Cahiers de la Quinzaine dirigé par Charles Péguy ainsi que dans le journal Le Siècle. Il s'engage ensuite à la demande des frères Méjan, contre le projet d'Emile Combes tout en étant en faveur de la loi de la séparation des Églises et de l'État en tant que fidèle héritier entre autres d'Alexandre Vinet et d'Edmond de Pressensé. Là encore, il utilise sa plume avec efficacité. Quelques années plus tard, c'est la Grande Guerre : son fils est porté disparu dès les premiers jours. Loin de se laisser abattre, il prononce une série de conférences dans les différents temples de Paris, chaque mardi, invitant le Tout-Paris à soutenir l'effort de Guerre avec un art de la rhétorique maîtrisé. Au fur et à mesure que la guerre que l'on croyait courte se prolonge l'auditoire ne cesse de grandir. Lorsque le corps de son fils est retrouvé en mai 1916, il interrompt un temps les conférences, s'enferme dans la solitude, serré par l'émotion avant de les reprendre au mois de novembre comme une mission nationale de communion patriotique. Dès lors, les uns et les autres s'encouragent mutuellement à venir, toujours plus nombreux, pour l'écouter faisant de lui le conférencier de la Grande Guerre bien au-delà du microcosme protestant. L'après-guerre marque un tournant dans ses priorités. Il mène une réflexion missiologique voire anthropologique, sur les peuples dits primitifs en publiant plusieurs ouvrages qui interrogent sur les relations complexes entre la colonisation et la mission. Comment en effet promouvoir l'annonce de l'Évangile sans accepter les méfaits de la colonisation ? Parallèlement, il poursuit sa carrière universitaire comme doyen de la Faculté de théologie, prononce des cours au sein de la Faculté des lettres de Paris autour de la morale et la démocratie et confirme sa position en tant qu’historien des idées. Il poursuit également son investissement ecclésial en prenant notamment la présidence du synode de l'Union des Églises Evangéliques Libres et s'investit particulièrement à Argentière où il est considéré comme pasteur sans pour autant avoir de reconnaissance pastorale. Il meurt au début du deuxième conflit mondial, l'histoire se répétait avec sa folie. L'itinéraire de cet homme engagé au point de devenir une voix protestante de premier plan est l'occasion de revisiter l'histoire du protestantisme Français du début du XXe siècle mais aussi de la IIIe République qu'il traverse avec les débats qu'elle renfermeRaoul Allier was born in 1862, in Vauvert in a winegrowing family, he was one of the key leading figures of Protestantism in the beginning of the 20th century. He was a graduate student of Ecole Normale Supérieure and in philosophy and Ph. D. in theology. He was a lecturer of the Faculty of Theology in Montauban before being appointed as a staff member of the Faculty of Theology of Paris. He became publicly well known in the famous Dreyfus’ case, supporting the demand for a trial review. Despite being a late member of the Dreyfusards, he occupies a leading role nonetheless through publishing firstly, in 1898, an essay entitled: Voltaire et Calas, une erreur judiciaire pour le XVIIIe siècle and secondly, in 1903, a series of articles that will be published in Cahiers de la Quinzaine directed by Charles Péguy, and also in the newspaper Le siècle. On Méjan brothers’ request, he campaigns against Emile Combes’ project, though being in favour of the separation of Church and State laws, as a faithful successor of d’Alexandre Vinet et d’Edmond de Pressensé among others. He demonstrates again his gift for writing. A few years later, it’s the Great War: his son was declared missing from the beginning. Far from being dispirited, he holds a series of conferences in different churches of Paris, every Tuesday, inviting the Tout-Paris set to support the war effort with a mastered rhetoric. As the supposedly short war extends, the audience increases. When his son’s body in found in 1916, he suspends the conferences for a while, burying himself away in pain, overwhelmed, before starting them again in November as a national mission of patriotic communion. Subsequently, people encourage each other to attend, more each time, turning him into the Great War speaker, beyond the protestant microcosm. The post-war period was a turning point, in terms of his priorities. He leads a missiological mission, even anthropological, about the said "primitive" peoples by publishing many works that question the complex relationship between the colonization and mission. How indeed should we promote an evangelization without accepting the colonization’s wrongdoings? At the same time, he carries on with his academic career as dean of the Faculty of Theology, he gives lectures at the Faculté des Lettres de Paris about morals and democracy, and he reinforces his position as an historian of ideas. He goes on with his ecclesiastical commitment, becoming the president of the synod of the Union des Églises Evangéliques Libres and gets involved especially in Argentière where he is considered as a pastor without having any pastoral recognition. He dies at the beginning of World War II, as foolish history repeated itself. The itinerary of this committed man to the point of becoming a high-profile protestant voice is an occasion to revisit the history of French Protestantism in the beginning of the 20th century, but also of the 3rd Republic and his challenges
42
Harding, Tobias. "Nationalising Culture : The Reorganisation of National Culture in Swedish Cultural Policy 1970–2002." Doctoral thesis, Linköping : Department for Studies of Social Change and Culture, Linköping University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9896.
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Lherbette-Michel, Isabelle. "L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40064.
Анотація:
Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratieThere is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy
44
Malhey-Dupart, Cécile. "Les relations entre l'Église et l'État dans l'Hérault de 1900 à 1926." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON30007/document.
Анотація:
Cette étude, qui ne cherche par l’exhaustivité, se présente plutôt comme un « état des lieux », à l’échelle départementale, de l’impact des relations Église/État sur l’opinion. Elle décrit les prises de position, les réactions et des démarches pour ou contre la politique de l’État face à l’Église durant plus de vingt-cinq ans. La période étudiée, qui s’étend de 1900 à 1926, débute à la mise en place des lois contre les congrégations religieuses et des mesures de laïcisation de l’espace public qui font suite à la politique anticléricale largement entamée au cours du siècle précédent. Elle se termine avec la condamnation de l’Action française par le Vatican et la fin du Cartel des Gauches. Elle passe également par la loi de Séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat de 1905 et par la Première Guerre mondiale, quand les curés devinrent frères d’armes. L’Hérault apparaît comme un département contrasté, à forte composante anticléricale mais où la religion garde néanmoins toute sa place. En effet, dans ce département réputé appartenir au « Midi rouge » et qui aurait dû, si on se fie à cette « image d’Epinal », soutenir dans son ensemble la politique anticléricale du gouvernement radical-socialiste, la résistance a pu parfois atteindre la passion et présenter les mêmes péripéties que dans des régions réputées de tradition catholique et conservatriceThis study is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather a description of the impact of the relations between Church and State on public opinion in the Hérault department. It presents the various stances, reactions and steps taken in favour of, or against, state policies concerning the Church over a period of more than twenty-five years. The period investigated, between 1900 and 1926, starts with the enactment of the laws against religious institutions and the measures taken to secularise the public domain, following on from the anticlerical policies begun during the previous century, and ends with the condemnation of “Action Française” by the Vatican and the demise of the “Left Wing Cartel”. It also includes the separation of Church and State in 1905 and World War I, during which priests served in the French army. There were marked differences of belief in the Hérault department where there was not only a strong anti-clerical movement but also great importance attached to religion. For, in this department, well-known as a “red” department, resistance to the above measures could reach passionate heights similar to those in some areas known for their Catholic and conservative traditions
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Quinart, Emilien. "L'émancipation du pouvoir réglementaire (1914-1958)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LIL2D008.
Анотація:
La République parlementaire s’enracine, à la fin du XIXe siècle, dans l’exaltation des principes de 1789 et le rejet du pouvoir personnel. Dans cet idéal, le pouvoir réglementaire fait figure de hantise. Il n’est admis qu’à condition d’être étroitement subordonné à la loi. Au XXe siècle, cette situation change. Les guerres et les crises économiques, financières ou sociales sont à l’origine d’une mutation profonde des activités de l’Etat, qui bouleversent l’exercice des fonctions de législation et heurtent les idéaux républicains. Cette étude entend démontrer comment, entre 1914 et 1958, l’Exécutif retrouve un pouvoir réglementaire non réductible à l’exécution des lois. Né d’un dérèglement des pratiques, et des violations (souvent assumées) des textes constitutionnels, ce processus d’émancipation se trouve progressivement – sous l’influence de la doctrine universitaire et des sections administratives du Conseil d’Etat – rapatrié sous l’empire du droit. Sur la période considérée, la législation gouvernementale apparaît effectivement nécessaire à la sauvegarde et à la continuité de l’Etat. Elle acquiert alors un fondement autonome et gagne en discrétionnalité. Sous les IIIe et IVe Républiques déjà, l’exécution des lois ne justifie plus l’existence et ne définit plus l’étendue du pouvoir réglementaire. Les innovations – supposées – de la Constitution de 1958 doivent donc être relativisées. Loin d’innover, le dispositif des articles 16, 21, 34, 37, 38, 41 et 92 du texte constitutionnel de la Ve République formalise, et systématise, les acquis du droit constitutionnel antérieurAt the end of the 19th century, the Parliamentary Republic took root by exalting the principles of 1789 French Revolution and rejecting personal power. Following this ideal, the Executive’s power to make regulations is dreaded – only allowed when strictly subordinate to the law supremacy. In the 20th century, the situation has changed. Wars and crises caused an essential transformation of the activities of the State, which disturbed the exercise of legislative functions and republican ideals. This thesis aims to explain how, between 1914 and 1958, the Executive Branch recovered a power to make regulations, that exceeds the mere implementation of legislation. The data show that this emancipation process stemmed from both disruption of practices and constitutional violations, gradually establishing a new law – thanks to the influence of law professors and advisory departments of the Conseil d’Etat. This dynamic relied on the need for Executive regulation to protect the security and the continuity of the State. Progressively, that kind of regulation got an autonomous constitutional basis, and the Executive enjoyed an increased level of discretion to enact it. The result is that, already under the Third and Fourth French Republics, the implementation of legislation no longer defined the source and the scope of the power to make regulations. Finally, these findings allow to challenge the current understanding of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic : the articles 16, 21, 34, 37, 38, 41 and 92 should no longer be considered as “innovations”, but only as a formalisation and a systematisation what previous constitutional law introduced
46
Quinart, Emilien. "L'émancipation du pouvoir réglementaire (1914-1958)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2018-2021), 2019. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://bibliotheque.lefebvre-dalloz.fr/secure/isbn/9782247210275.
Анотація:
La République parlementaire s’enracine, à la fin du XIXe siècle, dans l’exaltation des principes de 1789 et le rejet du pouvoir personnel. Dans cet idéal, le pouvoir réglementaire fait figure de hantise. Il n’est admis qu’à condition d’être étroitement subordonné à la loi. Au XXe siècle, cette situation change. Les guerres et les crises économiques, financières ou sociales sont à l’origine d’une mutation profonde des activités de l’Etat, qui bouleversent l’exercice des fonctions de législation et heurtent les idéaux républicains. Cette étude entend démontrer comment, entre 1914 et 1958, l’Exécutif retrouve un pouvoir réglementaire non réductible à l’exécution des lois. Né d’un dérèglement des pratiques, et des violations (souvent assumées) des textes constitutionnels, ce processus d’émancipation se trouve progressivement – sous l’influence de la doctrine universitaire et des sections administratives du Conseil d’Etat – rapatrié sous l’empire du droit. Sur la période considérée, la législation gouvernementale apparaît effectivement nécessaire à la sauvegarde et à la continuité de l’Etat. Elle acquiert alors un fondement autonome et gagne en discrétionnalité. Sous les IIIe et IVe Républiques déjà, l’exécution des lois ne justifie plus l’existence et ne définit plus l’étendue du pouvoir réglementaire. Les innovations – supposées – de la Constitution de 1958 doivent donc être relativisées. Loin d’innover, le dispositif des articles 16, 21, 34, 37, 38, 41 et 92 du texte constitutionnel de la Ve République formalise, et systématise, les acquis du droit constitutionnel antérieurAt the end of the 19th century, the Parliamentary Republic took root by exalting the principles of 1789 French Revolution and rejecting personal power. Following this ideal, the Executive’s power to make regulations is dreaded – only allowed when strictly subordinate to the law supremacy. In the 20th century, the situation has changed. Wars and crises caused an essential transformation of the activities of the State, which disturbed the exercise of legislative functions and republican ideals. This thesis aims to explain how, between 1914 and 1958, the Executive Branch recovered a power to make regulations, that exceeds the mere implementation of legislation. The data show that this emancipation process stemmed from both disruption of practices and constitutional violations, gradually establishing a new law – thanks to the influence of law professors and advisory departments of the Conseil d’Etat. This dynamic relied on the need for Executive regulation to protect the security and the continuity of the State. Progressively, that kind of regulation got an autonomous constitutional basis, and the Executive enjoyed an increased level of discretion to enact it. The result is that, already under the Third and Fourth French Republics, the implementation of legislation no longer defined the source and the scope of the power to make regulations. Finally, these findings allow to challenge the current understanding of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic : the articles 16, 21, 34, 37, 38, 41 and 92 should no longer be considered as “innovations”, but only as a formalisation and a systematisation what previous constitutional law introduced
47
TIRABASSI, MARIAGRAZIA. "MACELLAZIONE RITUALE E CERTIFICAZIONE DELLE CARNI KASHER E HALAL: I MODELLI FRANCESE E STATUNITENSE." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/7812.
Анотація:
La produzione di carne è disciplinata dai diritti ebraico ed islamico attraverso normative che, a prescindere dalle loro rispettive specificità, sono accomunate dallo scopo fondamentale di rammentare ai fedeli la gravità dell’atto di privare un animale della vita. La produzione di carni kashèr (idonee ad essere consumate, in base al diritto ebraico) e halal (lecite, ai sensi di quello islamico) trova generalmente spazio nelle democrazie pluraliste in virtù del diritto alla libertà religiosa. Questo, ad ogni modo, non esime lo Stato dalla responsabilità di disciplinare la macellazione e l’uso commerciale delle indicazioni di qualità kashèr e halal, in ragione ed entro i limiti dei propri compiti di tutela della salute umana ed animale, della concorrenza e dei consumatori. Assolvere questa responsabilità nel rispetto della reciproca autonomia tra Stato e confessioni religiose implica la ricerca di un equilibrio complesso, soprattutto quando si tratta di individuare e delimitare le competenze dei poteri pubblici, degli enti confessionali e del settore privato in materia di macellazione rituale e di certificazione religiosa delle carni. La tesi analizza e mette a confronto le soluzioni normative adottate in due ordinamenti (quello francese e quello statunitense) ispirati al principio di separazione dello Stato dalle religioni, seppur con declinazioni molto differenti.Meat production is regulated by both Jewish and Islamic Laws through sets of rules that, aside from their respective specificities, share the aim of teaching reverence for life to the believers. Generally speaking, in pluralist democracies the production of kosher (“fit/proper”, according to Jewish Law) and halal (“permissible”, under Islamic Law) meat is protected under the right to freedom of religion. However, the State retains the authority to regulate the use of religious slaughter and that of kosher and halal claims in the meat market, on the basis and within the limits of its mandate to protect and promote public health, humane treatment of animals, fair market competition and consumer rights. Fulfilling such responsibility without overstepping the bounds of State-religion mutual autonomy is a complex task, especially when it comes to determining the roles of public authorities, religious bodies and the private sector in the fields of ritual slaughter and religious certification; it requires, indeed, to strike a fair balance between several - sometimes competing - rights and interests. The dissertation analyses and compares the legal approaches through which these matters are addressed in France and in the US, where the general principle of separation between Church and State is construed and implemented in profoundly different ways.
48
TIRABASSI, MARIAGRAZIA. "MACELLAZIONE RITUALE E CERTIFICAZIONE DELLE CARNI KASHER E HALAL: I MODELLI FRANCESE E STATUNITENSE." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/7812.
Анотація:
La produzione di carne è disciplinata dai diritti ebraico ed islamico attraverso normative che, a prescindere dalle loro rispettive specificità, sono accomunate dallo scopo fondamentale di rammentare ai fedeli la gravità dell’atto di privare un animale della vita. La produzione di carni kashèr (idonee ad essere consumate, in base al diritto ebraico) e halal (lecite, ai sensi di quello islamico) trova generalmente spazio nelle democrazie pluraliste in virtù del diritto alla libertà religiosa. Questo, ad ogni modo, non esime lo Stato dalla responsabilità di disciplinare la macellazione e l’uso commerciale delle indicazioni di qualità kashèr e halal, in ragione ed entro i limiti dei propri compiti di tutela della salute umana ed animale, della concorrenza e dei consumatori. Assolvere questa responsabilità nel rispetto della reciproca autonomia tra Stato e confessioni religiose implica la ricerca di un equilibrio complesso, soprattutto quando si tratta di individuare e delimitare le competenze dei poteri pubblici, degli enti confessionali e del settore privato in materia di macellazione rituale e di certificazione religiosa delle carni. La tesi analizza e mette a confronto le soluzioni normative adottate in due ordinamenti (quello francese e quello statunitense) ispirati al principio di separazione dello Stato dalle religioni, seppur con declinazioni molto differenti.Meat production is regulated by both Jewish and Islamic Laws through sets of rules that, aside from their respective specificities, share the aim of teaching reverence for life to the believers. Generally speaking, in pluralist democracies the production of kosher (“fit/proper”, according to Jewish Law) and halal (“permissible”, under Islamic Law) meat is protected under the right to freedom of religion. However, the State retains the authority to regulate the use of religious slaughter and that of kosher and halal claims in the meat market, on the basis and within the limits of its mandate to protect and promote public health, humane treatment of animals, fair market competition and consumer rights. Fulfilling such responsibility without overstepping the bounds of State-religion mutual autonomy is a complex task, especially when it comes to determining the roles of public authorities, religious bodies and the private sector in the fields of ritual slaughter and religious certification; it requires, indeed, to strike a fair balance between several - sometimes competing - rights and interests. The dissertation analyses and compares the legal approaches through which these matters are addressed in France and in the US, where the general principle of separation between Church and State is construed and implemented in profoundly different ways.
49
Padiou, Nicolas. "Dispersi sunt lapides sanctuarii. La reconstruction des églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle après la Premiere Guerre Mondiale (1918-1933)." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-85693.
Анотація:
Nach der Trennung von Kirche und Staat (1905), waren die französischen Städte nicht länger autorisiert, den Bau von neuen Kirchen zu finanzieren oder sich um die Instandhaltung derjenigen Kirchen zu kümmern, die diesen bis dahin unterstellt waren. Konfrontiert mit Kritik von Seiten der Katholischen Kirche, stufte der französische Staat während der Jahre 1905-1914 viele Kirchen als offizielle historische Monumente ein. Dadurch wurde den Städten erlaubt, ihre Kirchen unter dem Vorsatz der Erhaltung des nationalen Erbes instand zu halten. Ausgestattet mit einem hohen Maß an nationaler Größe, hatten Kirchen eine bedeutende Rolle in der Kriegspropaganda vieler kriegsführender Staaten gespielt. Im Gegensatz zur französischen Propaganda, waren die Kirchen scheinbar nicht vornehmlich durch die deutschen Armeen zerstört worden. Nach dem Krieg führte der französische Staat ein sehr komplexes System zur Entschädigung von Kriegsschäden ein. Im Jahr 1919 gründete der Kanoniker Émile Thouvenin eine Kooperative zum Wiederaufbau in jeder Gemeinde im Departement von Meurthe-et-Moselle. Mit der Unterstützung der Präfektur, rief er 1921 eine Kooperative ins Leben, welche dem Wiederaufbau der Kirchen in der Diözese Nancy galt. Dieses Unternehmen wanderte oft auf dem schmalen Grat zwischen dem Gesetz zur Trennung von Kirche und Staat und dem Gesetz über Kriegsschäden. Gleichwohl bestand das Anliegen dieser Initiative nicht darin, das Gesetz zu umgehen: In erster Linie war es darauf ausgerichtet, den Prozess des Ausgleichs von Zerstörungen und den der Bauzulassung für Projekte zum Wiederaufbau von Kirchen zu beschleunigen. Die Beteiligung von offizieller Hand hatte zusätzlich den Vorteil der Rückkehr der Kirchen in ihre Rolle als offizielle Institution. Während der Einweihungsfeiern von wiederaufgebauten Kirchen waren die zivilen und kirchlichen Eliten von Meurthe-et-Moselle beständig angehalten, den Geist des ‚geheiligten Bundes‘ (Union sacrée) sogar während der antikirchlichen Phase des linken Flügels des Cartel des Gauches (1924-1925) zu bewahren. Darüber hinaus zeigte der Kanoniker Thouvenin mehr Interesse an finanziellen und institutionellen Fragen als an der Stilart der Kirchen. Einige von diesen sind Kopien der neuromanischen oder neugotischen Kirchen, die vor dem Krieg gebaut wurden während andere deutlich moderner wirkenAprès la séparation des Eglises et de l’Etat (1905), les communes françaises n’étaient plus autorisées à financer la construction de nouvelles églises ou à assumer les grosses réparations des églises qui leur appartenaient déjà. Face aux critiques des catholiques, l’Etat a classé de nombreuses églises comme monuments historiques pendant les années 1905-1914, permettant ainsi aux communes de les entretenir pour des raisons patrimoniales et plus cultuelles. Investies d’une forte dimension nationale, les églises ont joué un rôle très important dans la propagande de guerre des différents pays belligérants en 1914-1918. Contrairement à ce qu’affirmait la propagande française, les églises ne semblent pas avoir fait l’objet d’un acharnement particulier de la part des armées allemandes. À l’issue du conflit, l’Etat français a mis en place un système d’indemnisation des dommages de guerre très complexe. Pour compléter ce système, le chanoine Emile Thouvenin a fondé, en 1919, une coopérative de reconstruction dans chaque commune détruite du département de Meurthe-et-Moselle. Avec l’appui de la préfecture, il a créé, en 1921, une coopérative vouée à la reconstruction des églises du diocèse de Nancy. Cette coopérative œuvra souvent en marge de la loi de séparation des Eglises et de l’Etat et de la loi sur les dommages de guerre. L’initiative du chanoine Thouvenin n’avait cependant pas pour but de contourner la législation en vigueur : il s’agissait surtout d’accélérer le processus d’indemnisation des dommages et d’approbation des projets de reconstruction des églises. L’implication des autorités officielles dans la reconstruction des églises avait par ailleurs l’avantage de rendre à l’Eglise une partie de son rôle d’institution officielle. Lors des cérémonies de consécration des églises reconstruites, les élites civiles et religieuses de Meurthe-et-Moselle se sont constamment attachées à perpétuer l’esprit de l’Union sacrée, même pendant le Cartel des Gauches (1924-1925) marqué par un regain d’anticléricalisme. Par ailleurs, le chanoine Thouvenin s’est plus intéressé aux aspects financiers et institutionnels qu’au style des églises reconstruites : certaines d’entre elles sont des copies conformes des édifices néo-romans ou néogothiques d’avant-guerre, d’autres apparaissent résolument modernes
After the separation of Church and State (1905), French towns were no longer authorized to finance the construction of new churches, or the major repairs of churches that already belonged to them. Faced with criticism from the Catholics, the French State classified many churches as official historical monuments during the years 1905-1914, thus enabling the towns to repair their churches for the purpose of preserving the nation’s heritage. Invested with a strong national dimension, churches have played an important role in the war propaganda of the various belligerent countries. Contrary to French propaganda, the churches were apparently not destroyed by the German armies in particular. After the conflict, the French State established a very complex system of compensation for war damages. In 1919, the canon Émile Thouvenin founded a reconstruction cooperative in each municipality of the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle. With the support of the préfécture, he created in 1921 a cooperative devoted to the reconstruction of churches in the diocese of Nancy. This cooperative worked often on the very edge between the Law of Separation and the Law on War Damages. This initiative’s intention, however, was not to avoid the law: It was first of all created to accelerate the process of compensation for damages and the approval of projects for rebuilding churches. The involvement of the official authorities had the additional advantage of returning the Church to its role as official institution. During the consecration ceremonies of rebuilt churches, civil and religious elites of Meurthe-et-Moselle were constantly attached to perpetuate the spirit of the Sacred Union, even during the anticlerical phase of the Left-Wing ‘Cartel des Gauches’ (1924-1925). Furthermore, canon Thouvenin had shown more interest in the financial and institutional questions than in the style of churches. Some of them are copies of the Neo-Romanesque or Neo-Gothic churches built before the war while others seems definitely modern
50
Al, Shaikh Aayat. "Les projets politiques et les fondements historiques de la communauté chiite au Bahreïn depuis l’indépendance 1971." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2026.
Анотація:
Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationauxShiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals