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Статті в журналах з теми "Scottish soldiers"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 4 червня 2021

Оновлено: 1 лютого 2022

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1

Macdonald, Alastair J. "Courage, Fear and the Experience of the Later Medieval Scottish Soldier." Scottish Historical Review 92, no. 2 (October 2013): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2013.0174.

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This article examines aspects of the experience of the later medieval Scottish soldier, in particular courage, fear and the factors that shaped these responses. In many respects the story sketched fits into wider patterns of warriors’ lives elsewhere in Latin Christendom. Similar influences served to encourage the soldier and the prospect of similar afflictions might spread fear. There are also particularities in the Scottish case. The Scots had especially acute problems to overcome, notably in comparison to their regular enemies, the English, in maintaining fortitude in armed forces that featured a relatively wide social spread, with attendant implications for protective equipment and rudimentary training for the occasional soldiers who usually made up the majority of the Scottish host. The circumstances of Scotland's wars with England, meanwhile, led to greater than usual dangers of captivity, injury and death, and a greater level of equality of risk across the social spectrum in Scottish armies. Full-scale battlefield encounters with England brought the most acute challenges to the collective courage of Scottish soldiers and it is testament to their severity that even a renowned figure like William Wallace suffered a failure of resolve when faced with battle at Falkirk in 1298.

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2

COOKSON, J. E. "EARLY NINETEENTH-CENTURY SCOTTISH MILITARY PENSIONERS AS HOMECOMING SOLDIERS." Historical Journal 52, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 319–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09007481.

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ABSTRACTThis article makes use of the data-rich sources, little used by historians, relating to rank and file soldiers, especially those who became Chelsea Hospital outpensioners. It particularly seeks to find out the migration history of such men in the years after Waterloo, focusing on Scots. The conclusion is that Scots were under-represented among soldiers who became imperial settlers. There appear to be good reasons for Scots finding colonial conditions uncongenial, and, in this respect, there was little difference between the ‘Napoleonic’ soldiery and the succeeding generation who belonged more definitely to an imperial service army. Most, in fact, returned to Scotland, and then to that part of the country familiar to them. Moreover, they refute an image of veterans as marginalized men. They are shown, on the whole, to have settled back into civilian society with surprising ease, law-abiding rather than lawless, respected rather than despised or feared.

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3

Murphy, Neil. "The Duke of Albany's Invasion of England in 1523 and Military Mobilisation in Sixteenth-century Scotland." Scottish Historical Review 99, no. 1 (April 2020): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0432.

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In November 1523 a Scottish army, led by John Stewart, duke of Albany, invaded England for the first time since the battle of Flodden. While this was a major campaign, it has largely been ignored in the extensive literature on Anglo-Scottish warfare. Drawing on Scottish, French and English records, this article provides a systematic analysis of the campaign. Although the campaign of 1523 was ultimately unsuccessful, it is the most comprehensively documented Scottish offensive against England before the seventeenth century and the extensive records detailing the expedition advances broader understanding of military mobilisation in medieval and early modern Scotland. While the national mobilisation drive which sought to gather men from across the kingdom was ultimately unsuccessful, the expedition witnessed the most extensive number of French soldiers yet sent to Scotland. Finally, the article considers how an examination of the expedition enhances understanding of regency rule and the political conditions in Scotland in the years after Flodden.

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4

Peers, Douglas M. "Soldiers, Scholars, and the Scottish Enlightenment: Militarism in Early Nineteenth-Century India." International History Review 16, no. 3 (September 1994): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1994.9640683.

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5

Mcneil, Kenneth. "“Petticoated devils”: Scottish highland soldiers in British accounts of the Indian rebellion." Prose Studies 23, no. 3 (December 2000): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440350008586717.

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6

BONNER, ELIZABETH. "FRENCH NATURALIZATION OF THE SCOTS IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES." Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 1085–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x96007066.

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French naturalization of the Scots appears to have evolved from lands granted to individual Scots by Charles VII during the Hundred Years War, and it would seem that the libertas testandi associated with these grants in the fifteenth century was an early form of what were later called lettres de naturalité in the sixteenth century. French naturalization was granted not only to individual Scots but to all Scottish subjects by certain French monarchs from Charles VII to Louis XIV and had its origins in the ‘Auld Alliance’, as the Scots referred to their relationship with France, and the establishment of the garde écossaise by Charles VII in 1445. The sixteenth century saw a continuation of Scottish military service to the kings of France as well as a continuation of grants of lands, pensions, titles and privileges accorded by grateful French monarchs to Scottish soldiers in the main, but other Scots as well, many of whom were, and others who became by letters patent of naturalization, loyal subjects of the king of France.

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7

White, Jason. "State Power, Local Autonomy, and War in Scotland, 1625–9." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 36, no. 2 (November 2016): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2016.0183.

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The existence, nature, and scope of the pre-Covenanting state in Scotland has been a source of much historiographical debate. This article contributes to this debate by examining the early modern Scottish state through the lens of a short period of war at the start of Charles I's reign. Upon assuming the thrones of England, Scotland, and Ireland in 1625, Charles I looked to intervene in the ongoing Thirty Years' War on behalf of his sister and brother-in-law Elizabeth and Frederick of Bohemia. While the direct involvement of the three Stuart kingdoms in the war did not last long, Scotland played an important role as the supplier of soldiers to allied armies, especially Denmark and Sweden. The near constant demand for soldiers intensified the contact between centre and localities and provided opportunities for Scots at the local level to participate, thanks to print, in debates on a national scale.

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8

Ellis, Harold. "Mary Seacole: Self Taught Nurse and Heroine of the Crimean War." Journal of Perioperative Practice 19, no. 9 (September 2009): 304–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/175045890901900907.

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Mary Jane Seacole was born Mary Grant in Kingston Jamaica in 1805. Her father was a Scottish army officer and her mother a free Jamaican black, (slavery was not fully abolished in Jamaica until 1838). Her mother ran a hotel, Blundell Hall, in Kingston and was a traditional healer. Her skill as a nurse was much appreciated, as many of her residents were disabled British soldiers and sailors. It was from her mother that Mary learned the art of patient care, and she also assisted at the local British army hospital.

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9

Millard, Andrew R., Richard G. Annis, Anwen C. Caffell, Laura L. Dodd, Roman Fischer, Christopher M. Gerrard, C. Pamela Graves, et al. "Scottish soldiers from the Battle of Dunbar 1650: A prosopographical approach to a skeletal assemblage." PLOS ONE 15, no. 12 (December 21, 2020): e0243369. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0243369.

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After the Battle Dunbar between English and Scottish forces in 1650, captured Scottish soldiers were imprisoned in Durham and many hundreds died there within a few weeks. The partial skeletal remains of 28 of these men were discovered in 2013. Building on previous osteological work, here we report wide-ranging scientific studies of the remains to address the following questions: Did they have comparable diet, health and disease throughout their lives? Did they have common histories of movement (or lack of movement) during their childhoods? Can we create a collective biography of these men? Strontium and oxygen isotope analysis of tooth enamel investigated childhood movement. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of incrementally sampled dentine addressed childhood diet and nutrition. Metaproteomic analysis of dental calculus investigated oral microbiomes and food residues; this was complemented by microscopic analysis of debris in calculus from ingested materials. Selected individuals were examined for dental microwear. The extent of hydroxylation of proline in collagen was examined as a potential biomarker for scurvy. An osteobiography for each man was created using the full range of data generated about him, and these were synthesised using an approach based on the historical method for a collective biography or prosopography. The childhood residences of the men were primarily within the Midland Valley of Scotland, though some spent parts of their childhood outside the British Isles. This is concordant with the known recruitment areas of the Scottish army in 1650. Their diets included oats, brassicas and milk but little seafood, as expected for lowland rather than highland diets of the period. Childhood periods of starvation or illness were almost ubiquitous, but not simultaneous, suggesting regionally variable food shortages in the 1620s and 1630s. It is likely there was widespread low-level scurvy, ameliorating in later years of life, which suggests historically unrecorded shortages of fruit and vegetables in the early 1640s. Almost all men were exposed to burnt plant matter, probably as inhaled soot, and this may relate to the high proportion of them with of sinusitis. Interpersonal violence causing skeletal trauma was rare. Based on commonalities in their osteobiographies, we argue that these men were drawn from the same stratum of society. This study is perhaps the most extensive to date of individuals from 17th century Scotland. Combined with a precise historical context it allows the lives of these men to be investigated and compared to the historical record with unprecedented precision. It illustrates the power of archaeological science methods to confirm, challenge and complement historical evidence.

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10

Allan, David. "Manners and Mustard: Ideas of Political Decline in Sixteenth-Century Scotland." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 2 (April 1995): 242–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019654.

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With an acidity wholly typical of the Dictionary of the English Language (1755), Samuel Johnson was to observe that “oats,” which “in England is commonly given to horses … in Scotland supports the people.” It has not unnaturally been the assumption of posterity that most eighteenth-century Scotsmen, by then the self-confident inhabitants of a newly civilised and enlightened community, would have been suitably offended by what has since become a notorious imputation of national plainness and pauperism. Yet there are, I want to suggest, substantial grounds for doubting this apparently straightforward conclusion. The meagreness of the early-modern Scottish diet had in fact always been a matter for the most determined moral pride. The elderly Jacobite, Mackintosh of Borlum, for example, had as recently as the 1720s responded to the increasing sophistication of the post-Union table with open disdain: “Formerly I had been served with two or three substantial dishes of beef, mutton, and fowl, garnished with their own wholesome gravy,” the suspicious old laird complained, but “I am now served up little expensive ashets with English pickles, Indian mangoes, and anchovy sauces.” Robert Monro of Opisdale, too, writing nearly a century before, in the 1630s, had described with palpable moral outrage the flagrant indiscipline and consequent military weakness of those Scottish soldiers in the armies of Gustavus Adolphus whose “stomackes could not digest a Gammon of Bacon or cold Beefe without mustard, so farre [they] were out of use.” And in Sir Walter Scott's Waverley (1814), surely the most influential examination of the national culture ever composed, it is also obvious that that patriotic pedant, the Baron of Bradwardine, offering hospitality to his young visitor at Tully-Veolan, the seat of ancient Scottish virtue, finds himself by no means embarrassed at being unable to “rival the luxuries of [his] English table.”

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11

Stewart, Laura A. M. "Military Power and the Scottish Burghs, 1625-1651." Journal of Early Modern History 15, no. 1-2 (2011): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006511x552598.

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AbstractHistorians are generally agreed that Scotland’s limited military capability was transformed after 1639, when expatriate mercenaries, with experience of Continental European conflicts, returned home to take part in the wars against Charles I. There has been less interest in how the creation of centrally-coordinated standing forces affected Scottish society. This article focuses on the experiences of Scotland’s burghs, where traditional military practices remained a feature of civic life, at least in the larger urban centers, during the early decades of the seventeenth century. These practices informed the way in which burghs responded to the call to arms from 1639. Despite tensions with landed neighbors, burghs were not wholly subsumed into the shires and they retained a measure of their distinctiveness as military units. Burghal autonomy was severely tested from the mid-sixteen-forties, not only by the demands of central government but also by the physical presence of soldiers in the midst of the urban community. This essay will explore the strategies employed by civic leaders to protect the community from violence and exploitation, while also maintaining their own authority and status. It will be tentatively suggested here that the social and political structures of civic life proved surprisingly resilient under the unprecedented pressures placed upon them during the sixteen-forties.

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12

McNutt, Jennifer Powell, and Matthew Glozier. "Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King: Nursery for Men of Honour." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477866.

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13

Donagan, Barbara. "Did Ministers Matter? War and Religion in England, 1642–1649." Journal of British Studies 33, no. 2 (April 1994): 119–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386048.

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When the Scots advanced on England in August 1640, reports of their formidable progress quickly reached London. Their march wasvery solemn and sad much after the heavy form shewed in funerals. In the first place do march after the trumpets (which carry mourning ribbons & c.) a hundred ministers, whereof one in the middle carrieth the Bible covered with a mourning cover. There follow a great number of old men with petitions in their hands, and then the lords that are commanders wearing black ribbons or some sign of mourning, and in the last place the soldiers trailing their pikes with black ribbons on them, and the drums beating a sad march, such as they say is used in the funerals of officers of war.It would be hard to find a more vivid example of the integration of war and religion, of assent by military laymen to clerical authority, or of manipulation of ritual to impart a message: the presence of ministers and the Bible even more than the sobriety of the troops asserted that this army was the agent of God, to the comfort of its soldiers and the terror of its enemies.Could England achieve comparable godliness, order, and confidence in execution of divine purpose in the conduct of its own war? Parliamentary clergy lived in hope of similar recognition and achievement. Yet at best ritual must be distinguished from accompanying practice, as the conduct of Scottish soldiers in Newcastle and its environs was to demonstrate; at worst the clerical message was derided and ignored.

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14

Houston, Rab, and Manon van der Heijden. "Hands across the Water: The Making and Breaking of Marriage between Dutch and Scots in the Mid-Eighteenth Century." Law and History Review 15, no. 2 (1997): 215–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/827651.

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At the time of the Reformation in the 1560s Scotland and the Netherlands already had long-established commercial links. Scots soldiers fought in the wars that ravaged the Low Countries and much of northern Europe in the two centuries after Calvinism gained a foothold. Goods, people, and ideas were readily exchanged in the North Sea basin. With the foundation in 1575 of the avowedly Protestant University of Leiden, academic and intellectual intercourse were added to trading ties. By the mid-seventeenth century Leiden had an international reputation for legal and medical education. Expatriate Protestant churches were established in the early seventeenth century, notably the Scots kirk, Rotterdam. There were nineteen English and Scottish religious communities in the Dutch Republic by the end of the seventeenth century.

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15

Spiers, Edward M. "Jock Gordon, Jock's Jocks: Voices of Scottish Soldiers from the First World War (ed. by Gary West)." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 39, no. 2 (November 2019): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2019.0277.

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16

Tulloch, Graham. "Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King: Nursery for Men of Honour (review)." Parergon 24, no. 2 (2008): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2008.0039.

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17

Furgol, Edward M. "Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King: Nursery for Men of Honour (review)." Journal of Military History 69, no. 2 (2005): 543–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2005.0091.

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18

Novotny, Jennifer. "To 'take their place among the productive members of society': Vocational rehabilitation of WWI wounded at Erskine." Wellcome Open Research 2 (January 17, 2017): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.10581.1.

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In 1916, the foundation of the Princess Louise Scottish Hospital for Limbless Sailors and Soldiers (still in existence today as Erskine), on the banks of the River Clyde in Scotland, was a direct response to the need for specialised medical facilities to deal with the unprecedented number of injured service personnel returning from the Great War. At the hospital, the West of Scotland medical and industrial communities came together to mend broken bodies with prosthetic technology, as well as physical and mental rehabilitation to prepare the limbless to re-enter the job market. This paper explores the establishment of manual therapy workshops at Erskine and how such programmes of vocational rehabilitation were culturally informed by the concerns and anxieties of both the military and civilian populations of the First World War-era.

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19

Wood, Alan Muir. "Alfred Maurice Binnie, F. Eng. 6 February 1901—31 December 1986." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 43 (January 1997): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1997.0005.

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The Binnie family may be traced back many generations to the Eastern Lowlands of Scotland, early records of the surname being associated in the 13th century with Uphall, West Lothian. The Armorial Bearings granted to a distant ancestor, a ‘horse's head furnished with a wagon proper’, and an ambiguous motto, ‘virtute doloque’ (by courage and policy [or deceit]), recall an incident of history–or myth—of the year 1313 in which a yeoman farmer, William Binny, who supplied hay to Edward II of England's garrison troops of a peel, Linlithgow Castle, adopted the ruse of stalling his wagon on entering the castle so that neither could the drawbridge be raised nor the portcullis lowered. Scottish soldiers emerged from beneath the hay and, with local irregulars, took the castle in the name of Robert the Bruce of Scotland.

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20

Mikic, Zelimir. "Scottish women's hospitals: The 90th anniversary of their work in Serbia." Medical review 58, no. 11-12 (2005): 597–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/mpns0512597m.

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The Scottish Women's Hospitals (SWH), a unique health institution in the history of medicine, staffed entirely by women, was founded soon after the outbreak of the First World War, August 12, 1914 in Edinburgh, by the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies. The founder and the main driving force behind this organization was Dr. Elsie Inglis (1864-1917). Although her proposition to the British War Office had been rejected, she offered her services to the Allies (France, Belgium, Russia and Serbia). The first 200 bed SWH unit was sent to France in November 1914, and soon after followed other units, so at the end '.here were 13 very well equipped SWH units working in the various theatres of war in Belgium, Serbia, Russia, Rumania and Greece. The first unit of SWH came to Serbia in early January 1915, and was located at Kragujevac. Soon after, three other SWH units arrived to Serbia and were stationed at Mladenovac, Valjevo and Lazarevac. It was an enormous help to Serbia, full of wounded and sick people, due to the dreadful typhus epidemic which was devastating the country. A large SWH unit, attached to the Southern Slav Volunteer Division, had worked on the Dobrudza front, and there were three hospitals and a special transport unit on the Salonika Front, which were all engaged in the treatment of Serbian wounded soldiers until the end of the First World War. Two other SWH units, located in France, were treating the Serbian refugees. Serving bravely and honorably on the various theatres of war, the legendary Scottish Women's Hospitals made enormous contributions to the allied war efforts, and helped Serbian people a great deal.

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21

Riggs, Paul, and Timothy Cuff. "Ladies from Hell, Aberdeen Free Gardeners, and the Russian influenza: An anthropometric analysis of WWI-era Scottish soldiers and civilians." Economics & Human Biology 11, no. 1 (January 2013): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ehb.2012.03.005.

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22

Gannon, Seán William. "‘Irish … but nothing Irish’: The performance of Ireland on the British colonial stage." Scene 8, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2020): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/scene_00028_1.

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In a perceptive essay on Scottish national and imperial identity, Richard J. Finlay framed what he termed the ‘transplantation of “Highlandism”’ to the colonies through Scottish societies, Highland dancing clubs and Burns nights as the ‘performance of Scotland’ overseas. Using a range of documentary archival sources and written and oral personal testimonies, this essay applies Finlay’s idea to Irish communalization in the twentieth-century British dependent empire. The transient ‘imperial Irish’ diasporas that Irish soldiers, settlers, colonial servants and missionaries comprised formed an integral and generally indiscernible part of the British ruling class. However, Irishness was spatialized in colonial life through Irish clubs, societies and St Patrick’s Day celebrations which enacted a ‘stage’ performance of Ireland based on ritualized caricature and trope. This performance was also thoroughly imperialized and was directed with performative purpose. It worked to ecumenize the social, religious and political ‘varieties of Irishness’ that co-existed in British colonial life; ‘imperial Irish’ diasporas represented the heterogeneity of twentieth-century Irish identities and these performances created depoliticized spaces which emphasized commonalities rather than contrasts. Inter-accommodation of these disconsonant identities was required in the colonies where ‘British’ ethnic, political and religious differences had to be submerged to preserve the more critical distinction between colonizer and colonized on which the empire’s legitimacy and sustainability depended. The colonial performance of Ireland also served to demonstrate that Irishness and loyalty to the Crown and empire were not, by definition, dichotomous: the non-threatening, imperialized image of Irishness that they presented countered the enduring trope of the Irish as ‘natural subversives’.

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23

Leach, Robert. "The Short, Astonishing History of the National Theatre of Scotland." New Theatre Quarterly 23, no. 2 (May 2007): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x07000073.

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The National Theatre of Scotland was constituted in 2003, following a debate in the newly devolved Scottish Parliament. Its first artistic director was appointed in 2004, and its inaugural production was presented in February 2006. Within another year, some twenty productions had been seen in over forty urban and rural locations – a rate of development in marked contrast to the slow crawl over more than half a century towards a National Theatre in London. Personal and political drive apart, a major reason for the speed with which the National Theatre of Scotland has not only established itself but gained respect far beyond national boundaries is the simple fact that it does not possess a theatre building, so that all its work must of necessity tour nationwide – or involve co-productions with building-based companies. Home, the opening event, was in fact a multiplicity of different shows tailored to ten different locations; later work has ranged from the classic Mary Stuart to Anthony Neilson's surrealist Wonderful World of Dissocia, from a reinvention of Macbeth to Gregory Burke's astonishing Black Watch, which interweaves the history of the famous but doomed Scottish regiment with the raw actuality of young soldiers serving in Iraq. In this article, based on a paper presented to the fourth Forum for Arabic Theatre in Sharjah in January 2007, Robert Leach surveys both the brief history of the company and the highlights of its prolific first year's work. Robert Leach lives in Scotland but teaches in England, at Cumbria Institute of the Arts in Carlisle. His latest book is Theatre Workshop: Joan Littlewood and the Making of Modern British Theatre, published by Exeter University Press in 2006.

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24

Fernández, Víctor M. "“What the great Alexander and the famous Julius Caesar wanted so much to see”. A commemoration of the fourth centenary of the Blue Nile Sources discovery by the Spanish Jesuit Pedro Páez Xaramillo (April 21th, 1618)." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): 012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.012.

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On April 21, 1618 Pedro Páez visited the small spring where the waters of the Blue Nile rise before passing through Lake Tana. The site had been seen before by the military leader of the group of Ethio-Portuguese descendants of the Portuguese soldiers who had helped the Christian kingdom in the wars of 1541-1543, who passed the news to the missionaries shortly before 1607. In both cases the Ethiopian kings, Särsä Dengel and Susenyos, took them to the sources, showing that the local population had a clear knowledge of the river course. Páez was the first European who described all its characteristics, occupying a complete chapter of his “History of Ethiopia”. Although this book was not published until the 20th century, the manuscript was copied and the information was incorporated into the global knowledge before the end of the 17th century, through the works of the German Jesuit Athanasius Kircher and the maps of the Venetian geographer, Vincenzo Coronelli. In this way, a problem that had intrigued travellers, geographers and historians since antiquity was solved. The next European who visited the place was the Scottish James Bruce in 1770, and the sources in Lake Victoria of the other large arm of the river, the White Nile, were not discovered until two and a half centuries later, with the travels of the English John Hanning Speke in 1858-1862.

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25

Dolan, Chris. "A Scottish Soldier." Critical Quarterly 39, no. 2 (July 1997): 75–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8705.00087.

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26

Milenković, Slaviša. "The Beginning of Rugby Union in Serbia." Physical Education and Sport Through the Centuries 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/spes-2019-0014.

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Summary The first direct contact with rugby was made by young men from Serbia during the First World War, after retreating through Albania, watching matches of French and English soldiers. During 1916, some 3,500 Serbian boys were sent to France and the United Kingdom to study. During their education at lyceums, colleges and universities, they were given the opportunity to play various sports, including rugby union. In keeping with their interest and quality, the Serbian boys quickly became involved in the school teams. Most Serbian boys actively participated in playing rugby in three Scottish cities - Edinburgh, Glasgow and Dundee. Their interest in the sport was so much that in Edinburgh and Glasgow they formed special teams made up only of Serbs who played matches with other school teams. The highlight of dealing with Serb rugby in Scotland was the performance by the boys of the George Heriot School at the Rugby 7 tournament on March 9, 1918 in Edinburgh and a victory over the British Colonies selection. This performance can be considered the first appearance of a sports team under the name of Serbia on the international stage. After the end of World War I and the return to the homeland, some of the young men who became acquainted with rugby in France and the United Kingdom actively participated in academic and sports life in their homeland and the result was the establishment of two rugby clubs, in Sabac and Belgrade.

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Mackenzie, Kirsteen M. "Christopher Gerrard, Pam Graves, Andrew Millard, Richard Annis and Anwen Caffell, Lost Lives, New Voices: Unlocking the Stories of the Scottish Soldiers from the Battle of Dunbar 1650." Northern History 57, no. 2 (June 17, 2020): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0078172x.2020.1778247.

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Watt, Patrick. "The Highland Society of London, material culture and the development of Scottish military identity, 1798–1817." Historical Research 94, no. 264 (April 16, 2021): 351–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab009.

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Abstract The image of the Highland soldier as a brave, loyal warrior was central to nineteenth-century notions of Scottish national identity. This article uses material culture evidence alongside traditional archival sources to provide an interdisciplinary explanation of how the military dimension of Scottish identity was shaped in the early nineteenth century. It finds that it was the responses of the Highland Society of London to Scottish battlefield valour – rather than the actions themselves – that created the enduring popular perception of the Highland soldier as a desirable national symbol and as an icon of empire.

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29

Burke, James. "The New Model Army and the problems of siege warfare, 1648–51." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (May 1990): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010282.

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The destruction of the Royalist field armies at Naseby and Langport in 1645 did not end the English Civil War. Althought the king had suffered irreversible military defeats, Parliament was unable to govern effectively while politically important towns and fortresses remained in enemy hands. To ensure political stability Parliament’s army was forced to besiege and reduce a large number of strongholds in England, Ireland and Scotland, a task that was not finally completed until the surrender of Galway in 1652. In particular the war in Ireland was to test the army’s siege-making capacity more severely than any previous campaign. To complete the political conquest of Britain and Ireland the army and its generals were compelled increasingly to practise an aspect of warfare that had been traditionally neglected by English soldiers. In contrast, siege warfare was an area in which their continental counterparts had excelled.In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, European wars produced few set-piece battles. Conflicts were more frequently resolved by the assault and defence of fortified cities and towns. Consequently the art of siege warfare evolved rapidly. England’s political and military insularity during this period detached the country from advances in siege technology that had transformed the conduct of European warfare. No major siege had been undertaken by an English army since Henry VIII had invested Boulogne in 1544, and as there had been no siege of English towns or fortresses since medieval times, there had been little innovation in defensive fortifications. What improvements did occur were sporadic and unco-ordinated. In the sixteenth century a great fortress was built at Berwick-on-Tweed to counter Scottish infiltration and a number of coastal towns in the south-east were refortified against the threat of Spanish invasion. However, by the outbreak of civil war in 1642, even these were obsolete by contemporary continental standards.

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Rowlands, Guy. "Book Review: Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King: Nursery for Men of Honour. By Matthew Glozier. Koninklijke Brill. 2004. xix + 290 pp. 90 (US$ 130). ISBN 9 004138 65 X." War in History 14, no. 3 (July 2007): 373–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09683445070140030502.

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31

Danilova, Nataliya, and Emma Dolan. "The politics and pedagogy of war remembrance." Childhood 27, no. 4 (June 7, 2020): 498–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568220921226.

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Drawing on analysis of learning materials, interviews and ethnographic observations of Scottish education, we analyse how projects aimed at teaching children to remember wars instil war-normalising logics through (a) substitution of self-reflective study of conflict with skill-based knowledge; (b) gendered and racial stereotyping via emphasis on soldier-centric (Scottish/British) nationalisms, localisation and depoliticisation of remembrance; (c) affective meaning-making and embodied performance of ‘Our War’. Utilising Ranciere-inspired critical pedagogy, we explore opportunities for critical engagement with the legacy of conflicts.

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32

McFarland, Elaine. "Christ's Soldier, Scotland's Hero: Major-General Andrew Gilbert Wauchope (1846–99)." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 36, no. 2 (November 2016): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2016.0185.

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Major-General Andrew Gilbert Wauchope was quickly elevated to the status of imperial hero following his death at the battle of Magersfontein in 1899. His case throws light on mechanics of military celebrity in the popular culture of high imperialism, with a particular focus on its Scottish dimension. Indeed, the defence of his leadership was also a vital component in vindicating Scotland's martial reputation after the initial reversals of the South African War. Great imaginative significance was invested in the raw material of his life, but the media also created a political environment that made criticism of Wauchope's leadership difficult. Historians and biographers played a further important mediating role, elaborating the themes of ‘Christian soldier’ and ‘Scottish hero’ that structured his posthumous reputation. The heroic image of Wauchope was further subject to the processes of commemoration and commodification in the years that followed his death. Ultimately, however, the traditional image of the heroic commander was short circuited by the Great War, ensuring that the ‘Scot of the Scots’ did not linger long in the public consciousness.

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33

Rutherford, Andrew. "Grant G. Simpson (ed.), The Scottish Soldier Abroad 1247–1967." Northern Scotland 13 (First Serie, no. 1 (May 1993): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.1993.0009.

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Gold, Robert L., and Paul David Nelson. "General James Grant: Scottish Soldier and Royal Governor of East Florida." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 657. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081217.

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Arnade, Charles W., and Paul David Nelson. "General James Grant, Scottish Soldier and Royal Governor of East Florida." Journal of Military History 58, no. 1 (January 1994): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944191.

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Starr, J. Barton, and Paul David Nelson. "General James Grant: Scottish Soldier and Royal Governor of East Florida." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 3 (August 1994): 562. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211001.

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Robinson, W. Stitt, and Paul David Nelson. "General James Grant: Scottish Soldier and Royal Governor of East Florida." American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167346.

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38

Jackson, Harvey H., and Paul David Nelson. "General James Grant: Scottish Soldier and Royal Governor of East Florida." William and Mary Quarterly 51, no. 1 (January 1994): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947028.

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Penman, Michael A. "Faith in war: the religious experience of Scottish soldiery, c.1100–c.1500." Journal of Medieval History 37, no. 3 (September 2011): 295–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmedhist.2011.05.001.

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40

Danilova, Nataliya, and Kandida Purnell. "The ‘museumification’ of the Scottish soldier and the meaning-making of Britain’s wars." Critical Military Studies 6, no. 3-4 (October 19, 2019): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23337486.2019.1677042.

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41

Straub, Kristina. "The Soldier in the Theater: Military Masculinity and the Emergence of a Scottish Macbeth." Eighteenth Century 58, no. 4 (2017): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecy.2017.0035.

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42

Danilova, Nataliya, and Emma Dolan. "Scottish soldier-heroes and patriotic war heroines: the gendered politics of World War I commemoration." Gender, Place & Culture 27, no. 2 (July 17, 2019): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0966369x.2019.1639632.

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43

Mackillop, Andrew. "Confrontation, Negotiation and Accommodation: Garrisoning the Burghs in Post-Union Scotland." Journal of Early Modern History 15, no. 1-2 (2011): 159–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006511x552877.

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AbstractThis article challenges the assumption that garrisons in post-union Scotland were confronted with an “uninflammable” and easily controlled urban population. The emphasis is instead placed on the distinctive aspects of eighteenth-century Scottish society, characterized as it was by a combination of dispersed settlement and the fastest growing urban sector within the British-Irish Isles. These factors severely complicated and challenged the army’s ability to consistently and effectively control Scotland’s villages, towns and cities. Yet confrontation was not the only mode of interaction between local garrisons and the civic world of the burghs. The article argues that excessive concentration upon large scale urban tumults, such as the Malt Tax or Porteous Riots, has detracted from the subtle and sophisticated social and cultural practices which not only regulated relations between both groups but that increasingly eroded the boundaries and definitions of what constituted a “soldier” and a “civilian” in eighteenth-century Scotland.

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44

Durie, Alastair J. "GRANT G. SIMPSON (ed.), The Scottish Soldier Abroad, 1247-1967. (Edinburgh, John Donald, 1992, pp. xii and 173, £25.00)." Scottish Economic & Social History 13, no. 1 (May 1993): 87–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1993.13.13.87.

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Streets, Heather. "Edward M. Spiers. The Scottish Soldier and Empire, 1854–1902. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006. Pp. 244. $42.50 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2008): 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/528656.

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46

Gül, Sinan. "“Hospitality to the Exile and Broken Bones to the Tyrant”: Early Modernity in Walter Scott’s Waverley." Prague Journal of English Studies 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2018): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pjes-2018-0002.

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Abstract Published anonymously in 1814, Waverley; Or ‘Tis Sixty Years Hence is a historical novel by Sir Walter Scott which unfolds the story of a young English soldier, Edward Waverley, and his journey to Scotland. Regarded as the first historical novel, it contains elements of modernity, heralding a new upcoming era in England. Scott obviously displays the concept of the modern/modernity differently from the perception that writers are conveying today, but he hints at the emergence of a society detached from feudal customs in several aspects through the issue of union between England and Scotland. Highlighting the modern characteristics of Walter Scott’s Waverley, this paper argues that Scott employs elements of modernity in his novel long before their disclosure in literature and politics.

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47

Coombs, Bryony. "Identity and Agency in the Patronage of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny: The Political Self-Fashioning of a Franco-Scottish Soldier and Diplomat." Mediaeval Journal 7, no. 1 (January 2017): 89–143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.tmj.5.115348.

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Hill, J. Michael. "Grant G. Simpson, editor. The Scottish Soldier Abroad, 1247-1967. (The Mackie Monographs 2.) Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers. 1992. Pp. xii, 173. £25.00." Albion 25, no. 2 (1993): 365–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051515.

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Dawson, Ashley. "New World Disorder: Black Hawk Down and the Eclipse of U.S. Military Humanitarianism in Africa." African Studies Review 54, no. 2 (September 2011): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0024.

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Abstract:This article argues that Ridley Scott's film Black Hawk Down (2001) may be seen with the benefit of historical hindsight as a portrait of the fear of imperial overreach and failure as written through the psyche of elite U.S. soldiers. In Black Hawk Down, Mogadishu and its denizens are made to stand in for the worst fears of the American military and the civilian policymaking establishment: the city, and, by extension, urban Africa, is represented as a feral zone in which the U.S. military's unmatched firepower and technology are overwhelmed in densely populated slums. The Mog, as the film's Special Forces troops call the city, is a ramshackle megacity whose residents are armed to the teeth with the military detritus of the Cold War. Mogadishu thus embodies the new Heart of Darkness, a stateless urban world of vicious Hobbesian war of all against all. This view of Africa as the vanguard of anarchy is shared by a significant segment of the elite in the global North, who see the criminalization of the state in Africa as a direct threat to U.S. interests. If, as these analysts hold, it is from such feral zones that future threats to American society are likely to originate, then potent new weapons systems must be developed to deal with this racialized new world disorder. This article unpacks the ahistorical character of such selfserving representations of urban Africa, underlining the extent to which policies pursued during the Cold War and neoliberal era by powers such as the U.S. have helped to create the conditions that Black Hawk Down represents in such spectacular excess.

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Davis, Natalie Zemon. "Judges, Masters, Diviners: Slaves’ Experience of Criminal Justice in Colonial Suriname." Law and History Review 29, no. 4 (October 20, 2011): 925–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000502.

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“Two negroes hanged,” John Gabriel Stedman wrote in his Suriname journal for March 9, 1776, and then two days later, among his purchases of “soap, wine, tobacco, [and] rum” and his dinners with an elderly widow, he records, “A negro's foot cut off.” Stedman expanded on these events in the laterNarrativeof his years as a Dutch–Scottish soldier fighting against the Suriname Maroons:And now, this being the period of the [court] sessions, another Negro's leg was cut off for sculking from a task to which he was unable, while two more were condemned to be hang'd for running away altogether. The heroic behavior of one of these men deserves particularly to be quotted, he beg'd only to be heard for a few moments, which, being granted, he proceeded thus––“I was born in Africa, where defending my prince during an engagement, I was made a captive, and sold for a slave by my own countrimen. One of your countrimen, who is now to be my judge, became then my purchaser, in whose service I was treated so cruelly by his overseer that I deserted and joined the rebels in the woods . . .”To which his former master, who as he observed was now one of his judges, made the following laconick reply, “Rascal, that is not what we want to know. But the torture this moment shall make you confess crimes as black as yourself, as well as those of your hateful accomplices.” To which the Negroe, who now swel'd in every vain with rage [replied, holding up his hands], “Massera, the verry tigers have trembled for these hands . . . and dare you think to threaten me with your wretched instrument? No, I despise the greatest tortures you can now invent, as much as I do the pitiful wrech who is going to inflict them.” Saying which, he threw himself down on the rack, where amidst the most excruciating tortures he remained with a smile and without they were able to make him utter a syllable. Nor did he ever speak again till he ended his unhappy days at the gallows.

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