Статті в журналах: "Science South Australia History"

1

Manning, Haydon. "South Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 50, no. 2 (June 2004): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2004.247_6.x.

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2

Shanahan, Martin P. "Personal Wealth in South Australia." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 32, no. 1 (July 2001): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00221950152103900.

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Probate and succession-duty records are a rich source of information about the living standards and material wealth of past communities. According to these records, the small, mainly rural, and comparatively egalitarian population of South Australia held a diverse array of personal assets at the beginning of the twentieth century. Despite the strong British influence on the former colony's culture, however, South Australia's distribution of wealth before World War I was more similar to that of the United States fifty years earlier than to that of contemporary Great Britain.

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3

Carlson, L. "Bibliography of the History of Australian Science, No. 22, 2001." Historical Records of Australian Science 14, no. 1 (2002): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr02007.

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Main sources for this bibliography were the 2001 editions of various databases such as the Australian Public Affairs Information Service (APAIS), Chemical Abstracts and Medline Express. In addition, issues of a number of Australian journals published in 2001 were scanned, and readers of the bibliography sent information about relevant items to the compiler. Most items included were published in 2001, but a number of earlier publications were also found which it was thought should be included. The scope of the bibliography is limited to material on the history of the natural sciences (mathematics, physical sciences, earth sciences and biological sciences), some of the applied sciences (including medical and health sciences, agriculture, manufacturing and engineering), and human sciences (psychology, anthropology and sociology). Biographical material on practitioners in these sciences is also of interest. The compiler would like to thank those people who sent items or information about items published during 2001 for inclusion in the bibliography. It would again be appreciated if he could be notified about other items dealing with the history of science in Australasia, the South West Pacific area and Antarctica published during 2001, but have been omitted. Readers are invited to alert the compiler to the publication of books, journal articles, conference papers, reports, Masters and PhD theses and reviews on the subject published during 2002 for inclusion in future bibliographies. Pertinent information should be sent to the compiler, C/- Deakin University Library, Geelong, Victoria 3217, Australia or by e-mail to laurie.carlson@austehc.unimelb.edu.au.

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4

Stewart, Alistair. "Becoming-Speckled Warbler: Re/creating Australian Natural History Pedagogy." Australian Journal of Environmental Education 27, no. 1 (2011): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0814062600000082.

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AbstractThe speckled warbler and other woodland birds of south-eastern Australia have declined dramatically since European settlement; many species are at risk of becoming locally and/or nationally extinct. Coincidently, Australian environmental education research of the last decade has largely been silent on the development of pedagogy that refects the natural history of this continent (Stewart, 2006). The current circumstances that face the speckled warbler, I argue, is emblematic of both the state of woodland birds of south-eastern Australia, and the condition of natural history pedagogy within Australian environmental education research. In this paper I employ Deleuze and Guattari's (1987) philosophy “becoming-animal” to explore ways that the life and circumstances of the speckled warbler might inform natural history focused Australian environmental education research. The epistemology and ontology ofbecoming-speckled warbleroffers a basis to reconsider and strengthen links between Australian natural history pedagogy and notions of sustainability.

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5

Monteath, Peter. "Globalising German Anthropology: Erhard Eylmann in Australia." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000247.

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The German presence in nineteenth-century South Australia is associated primarily with the immigration of Prussian Lutherans escaping religious persecution in their homeland. Their settlement in the fledgling British colony aided its early, stuttering development; in the longer term it also fitted neatly South Australia's perception of itself as a “paradise of dissent.” These Germans took their religion seriously, none more so than the Lutheran missionaries who committed themselves to bringing the Gospel to the indigenous people of the Adelaide plains and, eventually, much further afield as well. In reality, however, the story of the German contribution to the history of this British colony extended far beyond these pious Lutherans. Among those who followed in their wake, whether as settlers or travellers, were Germans of many different backgrounds, who made their way to the Antipodes for a multitude of reasons. In South Australia as much as anywhere, globalising Germany was a multi-facetted project.The intellectual gamut of Germans in South Australia is nowhere more evident than in the realm of anthropology. The missionaries were not alone in displaying a keen interest in the Australian Aborigines. Anthropologists steeped in the empirical tradition that came to dominate the nascent discipline at the end of the nineteenth century also turned their attention to Australia. Indeed, in Germany and elsewhere, Australia occupied a special position in international discourse. The American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan had observed in 1880 that Australian aboriginal societies “now represent the condition of mankind in savagery better than it is elsewhere represented on the earth—a condition now rapidly passing away.”

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6

Byrne, Margaret, and Daniel J. Murphy. "The origins and evolutionary history of xerophytic vegetation in Australia." Australian Journal of Botany 68, no. 3 (2020): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt20022.

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The xeromorphic vegetation is a significant component of the Australian flora and phylogenetic and phylogeographic analysis of xeromorphic plants provides a basis for understanding the origins and evolutionary history of the Australian vegetation. Here we expand on previous reviews of the origins and maintenance of the Australian flora with an emphasis on the xeromorphic component. Phylogenetic evidence supports fossil evidence for evolution of sclerophyll and xeromorphic vegetation from the Eocene with lineages becoming more common in the Oligocene and Miocene, a time of major change in climate and vegetation in Australia. Phylogenetic evidence supports the mesic biome as ancestral to the arid zone biome in Australia in phylogenies of key groups. The diversification and radiation of Australian species shows single origins of xeromorphic group mainly at deeper levels in phylogenies as well as multiple origins of arid occurring species at shallower levels. Divergence across the Nullarbor is also evident and speciation rates in south-western Australia were higher than in the south-east in several plant families. Estimates of timing of diversification generally show either constant rates of diversification or increased diversification from the mid to late Miocene. Phylogeographic studies consistently demonstrate high localised genetic diversity and geographic structure in xeromorphic species occupying both mesic and arid biomes.

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7

Young, Linda. "Material Life in South Australia." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 1 (1994): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206112.

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8

Martin, Helene A. "The history of the family Onagraceae in Australia and its relevance to biogeography." Australian Journal of Botany 51, no. 5 (2003): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt03033.

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The family Onagraceae is a relatively minor part of the Australian flora but it has a long history in Australia: a probable Ludwigia dates from the Eocene; Fuchsia, not native to Australia today, is present from early Oligocene times; and Epilobium is found only in the Pleistocene. Onagraceae first appears in the Late Cretaceous in northern South America and southern North America, where it is thought to have originated, and Ludwigia dates from the Palaeocene. It is thought that Ludwigia migrated into Australia via a northern route. Fuchsia in Australia predates its first appearance in New Zealand, suggesting that New Zealand Fuchsia may have been derived from the Australian Fuchsia.

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9

Lambeck, Kurt, and Randell Stephenson. "The post‐Palaeozoic uplift history of south‐eastern Australia." Australian Journal of Earth Sciences 33, no. 2 (June 1986): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08120098608729363.

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10

Barnett, Elizabeth J. "A Holocene paleoenvironmental history of Lake Alexandria, South Australia." Journal of Paleolimnology 12, no. 3 (December 1994): 259–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00678024.

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11

Vernin, Jean, Abdelkrim Agabi, Eric Aristidi, Max Azouit, Merieme Chadid, Eric Fossat, Tatiana Sadibekova, Hervé Trinquet, and Aziz Ziad. "Site testing at Dome C: history and present status." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 2, no. 14 (August 2006): 693–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921307012288.

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The idea of starting an astronomical site testing in Antarctica began during a congress organized by French Académie des Sciences, in 1992, and entitled ‘Recherches polaires-Une Stratégie pour l'an 2000’. At this time, one of us (Vernin 1994) gave a proposal for an astronomical site testing in Antarctica. This proposal was rapidly followed by a meeting between Al Harper (from ‘Center for Astrophysical Research in Antarctica’, Chicago), Peter Gillingham (from the Anglo Australian Observatory, Australia) and Jean Vernin (from Nice University) at Lake Geneva, Wisconsin, in 1993. It was decided to investigate what was the astronomical quality of South Pole station, each institute bringing its own participation: CARA, the South Pole infrastructure, University of New South Wales, a PhD student and Nice University its expertise and instruments.

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12

Parsons, R. F., and Stephen D. Hopper. "Monocotyledonous geophytes: comparison of south-western Australia with other areas of mediterranean climate." Australian Journal of Botany 51, no. 2 (2003): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt02067.

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Recent data on monocotyledonous geophytes from south-western Australia are compiled and compared with those from other areas of mainly mediterranean climate, especially California, Chile and Victoria, Australia. South-western Australia has a high monocot geophyte diversity of 496 species (7% of an estimated native flora of 7100 vascular species), like Victoria (12%) and the Cape region (14%). As in Victoria, orchids are by far the most important group, with c. 400 species, including those likely to be described once ongoing taxonomic research is completed. South-western Australia has higher geophyte numbers than Victoria in all families considered, but a lower geophyte percentage because of a much higher vascular species total. Among south-western Australian non-orchid geophytes, as in Victoria, the most common storage organ is tuberous roots, followed by corms then bulbs and rhizomes, whereas in California bulbs are by far the most common. The presence of microgeophytes with seed-like storage organs is a special feature seen in several phylogenetically unrelated lineages in the south-western Australian and Victorian geophytic flora, especially on granite outcrops. Divergent phylogenetic history is undoubtedly a major factor underlying striking differences between the monocot geophytes of mediterranean Australia, California, Chile, South Africa and Mediterranean countries. Further studies, particularly on the last two regions, will enable better elucidation of these patterns.

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13

Leverenz, Peter. "Australian studies in the South Australia certificate of education." Journal of Australian Studies 15, no. 29 (June 1991): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059109387051.

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14

COOPER, BARRY J., and JAMES B. JAGO. "ROBERT BEDFORD (1874–1951), THE KYANCUTTA MUSEUM, AND A UNIQUE CONTRIBUTION TO INTERNATIONAL GEOLOGY." Earth Sciences History 37, no. 2 (January 1, 2018): 416–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6178-37.2.416.

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Robert Bedford (1874–1951), based in the isolated community of Kyancutta in South Australia, was a unique contributor to world geology, specifically in the field of meteorites and fossil archaeocyatha. Born Robert Arthur Buddicom in Shropshire, UK, he was an Oxford graduate who worked as a scientist in Freiberg, Naples, Birmingham and Shrewsbury as well as with the Natural History Museum, Kensington and the Plymouth Museum in the United Kingdom. He was a Fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1899–1910. In 1915, Buddicom changed his surname to Bedford and relocated to South Australia. During the 1920s, Bedford expanded his geological interests with the establishment of a public museum in Kyancutta in 1929. This included material previously collected and stored in the United Kingdom before being sent to Australia. Bedford was very successful in collecting material from the distant Henbury meteorite craters in Australia's Northern Territory, during three separate trips in 1931–1933. He became an authority on meteorites with much Henbury material being sent to the British Museum in London. However, Bedford's work on, and collecting of, meteorites resulted in a serious rift with the South Australian scientific establishment. Bedford is best known amongst geologists for his five taxonomic papers on the superbly preserved lower Cambrian archaeocyath fossils from the Ajax Mine near Beltana in South Australia's Flinders Ranges with field work commencing in about 1932 and extending until World War II. This research, describing thirty new genera and ninety-nine new species, was published in the Memoirs of the Kyancutta Museum, a journal that Bedford personally established and financed in 1934. These papers are regularly referenced today in international research dealing with archaeocyaths.

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15

Guiry, Michael D. "The life history ofLiagora harveyana(Nemaliales, Rhodophyta) from South-eastern Australia." British Phycological Journal 25, no. 4 (December 1990): 353–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00071619000650391.

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16

Parkin, Andrew. "South Australia January to June 2019." Australian Journal of Politics & History 65, no. 4 (December 2019): 681–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12631.

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17

Manwaring, Rob. "South Australia July to December 2019." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 2 (June 2020): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12691.

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18

Parkin, Andrew. "South Australia January to June 2020." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 4 (December 2020): 693–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12714.

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19

Manwaring, Rob. "South Australia July to December 2018." Australian Journal of Politics & History 65, no. 2 (June 2019): 328–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12581.

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20

Parkin, Andrew. "South Australia. July to December 2004." Australian Journal of Politics and History 51, no. 2 (June 2005): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.374_6.x.

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21

Parkin, Andrew. "South Australia July to December 1997." Australian Journal of Politics and History 44, no. 2 (June 1998): 286–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00019.

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22

Marshall, Vern. "South Australia January to June 1998." Australian Journal of Politics and History 44, no. 4 (December 1998): 603–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00042.

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23

Watson, Mandy, Kasey Stamation, and Claire Charlton. "Calving rates, long-range movements and site fidelity of southern right whales (Eubalaena australis) in south-eastern Australia." J. Cetacean Res. Manage. 22, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47536/jcrm.v22i1.210.

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Within New Zealand and eastern Australia, over 58,000 southern right whales were harvested by commercial whalers between 1790 and 1980, with approximately 19,000 harvested from south-eastern Australia. Local extirpation is believed to have led to a loss of cultural memory of calving areas, contributing to the limited recovery of the south-eastern Australian population. While the number of whales observed using the south-eastern Australian coastline is increasing, there has been no change over three decades in the annual abundance of cow-calf pairs at Logans Beach in Warrnambool, Victoria, the only established calving ground in the region. Knowledge of life history parameters of the south-eastern Australian population is lacking. Here, we examine sightings and photo-identification data from southern Australia to investigate calving intervals, long range movements and fidelity to the Logans Beach nursery ground. Sightings data revealed at least 93 calves were born at Logans Beach between 1980 and 2018 (an average of 2.6 per year) with a mean calving interval of 3.5 Â± 1.0 years (Â± SE, n = 34). Comparison between photo-identification catalogues compiled for south-eastern and south-western Australian populations shows that southern right whales are wide ranging within southern Australian waters. Females can be sighted at locations as far apart as 3,800 km across seasons and there is overlap in the wintering range of the south-eastern and south-western populations, with at least 7% of whales using both regions. We also provide the first report of an Australian southern right whale female with strong site fidelity to a calving area in one region relocating long-term to a calving area in another region. This work highlights several knowledge gaps, such as; the location of feeding and conception grounds for this population as well as the degree of mixing between the two Australian populations outside their wintering areas. In addition, the proportion of female calves born at Logans Beach returning to their natal site to calve remains unclear. Our work provides the first assessment of calving rates, movement and site fidelity within the south-eastern Australian population, critical for understanding constraints to recovery and informing conservation management of southern right whales in Australia. Targeted, long-term monitoring programs across the south-eastern Australian region are needed to provide demographic information on which to base predictions of the impacts of anthropogenic threats such as noise disturbance, entanglement and vessel strike.

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24

Greenwood, DR. "Eocene monsoon forests in central Australia?" Australian Systematic Botany 9, no. 2 (1996): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/sb9960095.

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The Australian Tertiary plant fossil record documents rainforests of a tropical to temperate character in south-eastern and south-western Australia for much of the Early Tertiary, and also shows the climatically mediated contraction of these rainforests in the mid to Late Tertiary. The fossil record of Australian monsoon forests, that is semi-evergreen to deciduous vine forests and woodlands of the wet-dry tropics, however, is poorly known. Phytogeographic analyses have suggested an immigrant origin for some floral elements of present day monsoon forests in northern Australia, while other elements appear to have a common history with the tropical rainforests sensu stricto and/or the sclerophyllous flora. Early Tertiary macrofloras in northern South Australia may provide some insight into the origins of Australian tropical monsoon forests. The Middle Eocene macrofloras of the Poole Creek palaeochannel, and the ?Eocene-Oligocene silcrete macrofloras of Stuart Creek, both in the vicinity of modern Lake Eyre South, have foliar physiognomic characteristics which distinguish them from both modern rainforest and Eocene-Oligocene floras from south-eastern Australia. Preliminary systematic work on these floras suggests the presence of: (1) elements not associated today with monsoon forests (principally 'rainforest' elements, e.g. Gymnostoma, cf. Lophostemon, cf. Athertonia, Podocarpaceae, ?Cunoniaceae); (2) elements typical of both monsoon forests and other tropical plant communities (e.g. cf. Eucalyptus, cf. Syzygium, and Elaeocarpaceae); (3) elements likely to be reflecting sclerophyllous communities (e.g. cf. Eucalyptus, Banksieae and other Proteaceae); and (4) elements more typically associated with, but not restricted to, monsoon forests (e.g. Brachychiton). The foliar physiognomic and floristic evidence is interpreted as indicating a mosaic of gallery or riverine rainforests, and interfluve sclerophyllous plant communities near Lake Eyre in the Early Tertiary; deciduous forest components are not clearly indicated. Palaeoclimatic analysis of the Eocene Poole Creek floras suggests that rainfall was seasonal in the Lake Eyre area in the Eocene; however, whether this seasonality reflects a monsoonal airflow is not clear.

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25

ALLSOPP, PETER G., and PETER J. HUDSON. "Novapus bifidus Carne, 1957, a primary homonym and synonym of Novapus bifidus Lea, 1910 (Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae: Dynastinae)." Zootaxa 4560, no. 3 (February 26, 2019): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4560.3.9.

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In his landmark revision of the Australian Dynastinae (Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae) Phil Carne (1957) described Novapus bifidus Carne, 1957 from males and females collected at Cape York and Thursday Island. The type series is in the Australian National Insect Collection, Canberra, Australia (ANIC); the Natural History Museum, London, United Kingdom; the South Australian Museum, Adelaide, Australia (SAM); and the Museum of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia. He noted “In the collections of the South Australian Museum there are specimens designated as types of bifidus Lea. No description of this species has been published, and it is now described under the same specific name”. One of his paratypes is a female in SAM identified as “Lea’s unpublished ♀ type” and two other paratypes are males in SAM. Cassis & Weir (1992) noted that one of the SAM specimens has the registration number I4268, although they knew of only two paratypes (one male, one female) in that collection. The name has been attributed to Carne by most subsequent authors (Endrődi 1974, 1985; Carne & Allsopp 1987; Cassis & Weir 1992; Dechambre 2005; Atlas of Living Australia 2018.). Krajcik (2005, 2012) listed it in his scarab checklists but as “bifidus? Carne 1957”.

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26

Adair, R. J., and J. K. Scott. "Distribution, life history, host specificity and suitability of an undescribed Chrysolina species (Coleoptera: Chrysomelidae) for the biological control of Chrysanthemoides monilifera (Compositae)." Bulletin of Entomological Research 81, no. 3 (September 1991): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007485300033484.

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AbstractIn host specificity tests using 81 plant species from 27 families, an undescribed Chrysolina sp. completed its development only on Chrysanthemoides monilifera, a serious weed of native vegetation in Australia. Minor exploratory feeding, mostly by adults, occurred on 35 plant species. The Chrysolina sp. is restricted to the eastern Cape Province of South Africa where it occurs on Chrysanthemoides m. pisifera, a subspecies not yet recorded in Australia. Chrysanthemoides m. monilifera and C. m. rotundata, both naturalized in Australia, were accepted as hosts by Chrysolina sp., but adult emergence was lower on the latter subspecies. A climate comparison between a site location for Chrysolina sp. and stations within the Australian distribution of Chrysanthemoides monilifera has identified potential release sites that may be suitable for the insect. Chrysolina sp. was approved for release in Australia in 1989 and releases were initiated in 1990.

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27

Norris, KR. "Evidence for the Multiple Exotic Origin of Australian Populations of the Sheep Blowfly, Lucilia-Cuprina (Wiedemann) (Diptera, Calliphoridae)." Australian Journal of Zoology 38, no. 6 (1990): 635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/zo9900635.

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Some Lucilia cuprina populations in the eastern coastal areas of Australia are shown to be a blend of the two subspecies, Lucilia cuprina cuprina and L. cuprina dorsalis. The possible history of the introduction to Australia of these two subspecies, respectively from the Pacific and South Africa, is discussed. The hybrid nature of the Australian population makes it vital to take into consideration the genetic constitution of cultures before launching comparative studies.

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28

Mendes, Luis Fernandes, Miquel Gaju-Ricart, Rafael Molero-Baltanás, and Carmen Bach de Roca. "On the genera Allomachilis Silvestri, 1906, and Kuschelochilis Wygodzinsky, 1951 (Insecta: Microcoryphia)." Pesquisa Agropecuária Brasileira 44, no. 8 (August 2009): 984–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0100-204x2009000800029.

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The objective of this study was to revise the nominal, and only described, species of the genera Allomachilis Silvestri, 1906, from Australia, and Kuschelochilis Wygodzinsky, 1951, from Chile (Microcoryphia: Meinertellidae). The studied specimens came from the collections deposited in the: American Museum of Natural History (USA); Instituto di Entomologia Agraria dell'Università di Portici (Italy); South Australian Museum (Australia); Carmen Bach collection of the Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona (Spain); and the entomology collection of the Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical (Portugal). The revision of the nominal species of the genera Allomachilis and Kuschelochilis allows to consider the Neotropical genus a junior synonym of the Australian one.

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29

Neilson, Briony. "“Moral Rubbish in Close Proximity”: Penal Colonization and Strategies of Distance in Australia and New Caledonia, c.1853–1897." International Review of Social History 64, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 445–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000361.

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AbstractIn the second half of the nineteenth century, the two convict-built European settler colonial projects in Oceania, French New Caledonia and British Australia, were geographically close yet ideologically distant. Observers in the Australian colonies regularly characterized French colonization as backward, inhumane, and uncivilized, often pointing to the penal colony in New Caledonia as evidence. Conversely, French commentators, while acknowledging that Britain's transportation of convicts to Australia had inspired their own penal colonial designs in the South Pacific, insisted that theirs was a significantly different venture, built on modern, carefully preconceived methods. Thus, both sides engaged in an active practice of denying comparability; a practice that historians, in neglecting the interconnections that existed between Australia and New Caledonia, have effectively perpetuated. This article draws attention to some of the strategies of spatial and temporal distance deployed by the Australian colonies in relation to the bagne in New Caledonia and examines the nation-building ends that these strategies served. It outlines the basic context and contours of the policy of convict transportation for the British and the French and analyses discursive attempts to emphasize the distinctions between Australia and New Caledonia. Particular focus is placed on the moral panic in Australian newspapers about the alleged dangerous proximity of New Caledonia to the east coast of Australia. I argue that this moral panic arose at a time when Britain's colonies in Australia, in the process of being granted autonomy and not yet unified as a federated nation, sought recognition as reputable settlements of morally virtuous populations. The panic simultaneously emphasized the New Caledonian penal colony's geographical closeness to and ideological distance from Australia, thereby enabling Australia's own penal history to be safely quarantined in the past.

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30

Jordan, Matthew. "Quality control in South Australia." Journal of Australian Studies 16, no. 34 (September 1992): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059209387108.

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31

Hill, Robert S., Yelarney K. Beer, Kathryn E. Hill, Elizabeth Maciunas, Myall A. Tarran, and Carmine C. Wainman. "Evolution of the eucalypts – an interpretation from the macrofossil record." Australian Journal of Botany 64, no. 8 (2016): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt16117.

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Eucalypts have influenced the fire ecology of the Australian landscape more than any other plant group. They are the iconic plant taxon in the Australian vegetation today, but their origin, early evolution and migration remain poorly understood, mostly because of a remarkably sparse and underworked fossil record. However, a recent major macrofossil find in southern South America, coupled with increasing sophistication of molecular phylogenetic and palynological research allow for a more comprehensive summary of the likely early history of this group of genera. It is likely that the origin was close to the Cretaceous–Paleogene boundary, somewhere in the Weddellian Biogeographic Province (which includes southern South America, western Antarctica and south-eastern Australia), in an area with high natural fire frequency. Evidence for the early record of eucalypts in Australia and their eventual spread across the continent, leading to their current dominance of the Australian plant biomass is growing and is consistent with a drying climate and increasing fire frequency following a very wet period during the Paleogene. The causes of the extinction of eucalypts from South America and probably New Zealand are considered, but remain obscure.

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32

Cooper, Barry. "‘Snowball Earth’: The Early Contribution from South Australia." Earth Sciences History 29, no. 1 (June 8, 2010): 121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.29.1.j8874825610u68w5.

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Much early discussion on the glaciations now dated as late Neoproterozoic (Cryogenian) emanated from the small geological community working in South Australia in the early twentieth century, when their age was regarded as Lower Cambrian. An initial glacial interpretation of long known ‘conglomerates’ by H. P. Woodward was made as early as 1884. Papers by Adelaide-based W. Howchin, were published in British, US and German Journals in 1908, 1911 and 1912 respectively, advocating floating sea ice as a major depositional mechanism. Sydney-based T. W. E. David was also significantly involved via the longstanding Glacial Research Committee of the Australasian Association for Advancement of Science. David publicised recognition of the glaciation at the International Geological Congress in Mexico (1906) where he also suggested that the entire earth might have been glaciated, hence foreshadowing the modern ‘snowball earth’ hypothesis. Objections to the hypothesis of a ‘Lower Cambrian’ glaciation were also raised at an early stage by Howchin's Adelaide-based colleagues. Howchin and his adversaries defended their opposing views in voluminous and fiery articles in the South Australian press in the period 1905-1912 during which both sides endeavoured to undermine their opponent's credibility. By 1907, David had also appreciated the importance of carbonate beds that succeed glacial deposition. R. Lockhart Jack recognised two major glacial episodes within the modern late Neoproterozoic as early as 1913.

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Cioffi, Ráb, Ezaz, Bertollo, Lavoué, Oliveira, Sember, et al. "Deciphering the Evolutionary History of Arowana Fishes (Teleostei, Osteoglossiformes, Osteoglossidae): Insight from Comparative Cytogenomics." International Journal of Molecular Sciences 20, no. 17 (September 2, 2019): 4296. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijms20174296.

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Arowanas (Osteoglossinae) are charismatic freshwater fishes with six species and two genera (Osteoglossum and Scleropages) distributed in South America, Asia, and Australia. In an attempt to provide a better assessment of the processes shaping their evolution, we employed a set of cytogenetic and genomic approaches, including i) molecular cytogenetic analyses using C- and CMA3/DAPI staining, repetitive DNA mapping, comparative genomic hybridization (CGH), and Zoo-FISH, along with ii) the genotypic analyses of single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) generated by diversity array technology sequencing (DArTseq). We observed diploid chromosome numbers of 2n = 56 and 54 in O. bicirrhosum and O. ferreirai, respectively, and 2n = 50 in S. formosus, while S. jardinii and S. leichardti presented 2n = 48 and 44, respectively. A time-calibrated phylogenetic tree revealed that Osteoglossum and Scleropages divergence occurred approximately 50 million years ago (MYA), at the time of the final separation of Australia and South America (with Antarctica). Asian S. formosus and Australian Scleropages diverged about 35.5 MYA, substantially after the latest terrestrial connection between Australia and Southeast Asia through the Indian plate movement. Our combined data provided a comprehensive perspective of the cytogenomic diversity and evolution of arowana species on a timescale.

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34

Wayne, A. F., C. G. Ward, J. F. Rooney, C. V. Vellios, and D. B. Lindenmayer. "The life history of Trichosurus vulpecula hypoleucus (Phalangeridae) in the jarrah forest of south-western Australia." Australian Journal of Zoology 53, no. 4 (2005): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/zo05008.

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The common brushtail possum (Trichosurus vulpecula) is noted for its morphological, biological and ecological variability across its range. Despite having suffered substantial population declines since European settlement, relatively little has been published on the south-western Australian subspecies, the koomal (T. v. hypoleucus). This study reports morphological, reproductive and general life-history data from an 18-month study of a population in the southern jarrah (Eucalyptus marginata) forest at Chariup (part of Perup), near Manjimup, in south-western Australia. As one of the smallest subspecies, adult males of T. v. hypoleucus averaged 1616 g and females averaged 1470 g. Sexual dimorphism also occurred with head length and pes length, but not tail length. A single autumn breeding season occurred in both 2002 and 2003, in which all adult females bred and produced a single young between February and May. The onset of autumn births was associated with the end of the summer drought. Unlike many other Trichosurus populations, no spring breeding pulse or ‘double-breeding’ events were observed. At least 83% of pouch young survived to pouch emergence. The growth rate of offspring was initially linear, but became curvilinear and approached an asymptote after ~5 months. Most females bred for the first time when they were 1 year old. On the basis of testis size, males also matured at 1 year old. The body condition of adult males, but not adult females, changed significantly over time and followed an apparently seasonal pattern in which their condition was poorest in winter and best in summer. While many of the life-history traits of the Chariup population were similar to those of other south-western Australian populations of T. v. hypoleucus, the most striking variations included age at maturity, extent of spring breeding pulse and female fecundity. Further comparisons with conspecifics elsewhere in Australia and New Zealand also highlight the variability exhibited by T. vulpecula across its range. Some aspects of the biology of T. v. hypoleucus were particularly similar to those observed for T. v. arnhemensis in northern Australia.

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35

Tooth, Stephen, and Gerald C. Nanson. "The geomorphology of Australia's fluvial systems: retrospect, perspect and prospect." Progress in Physical Geography: Earth and Environment 19, no. 1 (March 1995): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913339501900103.

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This article provides a review of the study and geomorphology of Australia's fluvial systems by offering comment on the development, concerns and future of the subject. Trends in the history of fluvial landform studies in Australia are traced from the observations and comments of the early explorers and visiting scientists through to the emergence and growth of fluvial geomorphology as a study discipline. Subsequent development of the idea of a distinctive geomorphology of Australian fluvial systems that often contrast with Anglo-American observations is outlined and illustrated with particular reference to fluvial studies in south-east Australia. Key features of the Australian setting include low long-term denudation rates, the absence of extensive Quaternary glaciation and the predominance of low gradient fluvial systems over much of the continent. Some of the most important themes in contemporary Australian fluvial research are discussed and include long-term landscape evolution, thresholds and riverine response to secular trends in climate, Quaternary environmental change, arid-environment systems, bedrock channels and applied approaches to study. Consideration is also given to present deficiencies in research and to future priorities. Particular attention is focused on the need firstly to collect additional process data, secondly to shift the bias in research away from south-east Australia, and thirdly to develop links between fluvial process and alluvial stratigraphy/chronology. It is concluded that, given the variety of hydrogeomorphological environments in Australia and the diversity of approaches to study, ongoing research will provide further indications of the unusual nature of many of the continent's fluvial systems.

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36

Henningham, Stephen. "Aspects of the History of South Asian History in Australia: Rise, Decline and Diversification." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 39, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 234–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2016.1124233.

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37

Waters, Christopher. "Manuscript XXVII: AUSTRALIA AND THE SOUTH PACIFIC." Journal of Pacific History 48, no. 2 (June 2013): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2013.796732.

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38

Codd, GA, DA Steffensen, MD Burch, and PD Baker. "Toxic blooms of cyanobacteria in Lake Alexandrina, South Australia — Learning from history." Marine and Freshwater Research 45, no. 5 (1994): 731. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/mf9940731.

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Early accounts by European explorers and settlers of South Australia contain numerous references to scums or discoloured water that are consistent with cyanobacterial blooms. Documented reports refer back to at least 1853. The first detailed scientific account of toxic cyanobacteria appeared in 1878. In a perceptive and prescient paper in Nature, the Adelaide assayer and chemist George Francis reported on stock deaths at Milang on the shores of Lake Alexandrina in South Australia. Francis attributed the deaths to the ingestion and toxicity of scums of the cyanobacterium Nodularia spumigena. Reports of cyanobacterial blooms, scums and associated problems in Lake Alexandrina and in the River Murray between about 1851 and 1888 are discussed and comparisons are made with the reactions to blooms a century later.

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39

Cook, Peter, and Jim Moss. "Sound of Trumpets: History of the labour movement in South Australia." Labour History, no. 52 (1987): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508828.

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40

Muona, J. "The eucnemidae of South-East Asia and the Western Pacific — a biogeographical study." Australian Systematic Botany 4, no. 1 (1991): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/sb9910165.

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Eighty-nine eucnemid genera occur in the region from South-east Asia to the south-west Pacific. The phylogenies of 84 of these were used together with the present-day distributions of the species to analyse the biogeographical history of the area. Fifty-seven genera shared a pattern coinciding with the traditional model of Laurasia–Gondwana break-up. Six genera showed a pattern contradicting the model. The remaining 21 genera neither supported nor refuted the model. Twenty-five genera were observed to include an Indomalesian clade younger than the South America–Australia connection. This biogeographical unit consisted of present-day South-east Asia and the Sunda islands, but did not include the Philippine Islands and Sulawesi. In addition to this Indomalesian clade, three separate clades involving northern Australia or New Guinea were observed, New Guinea–Australia, New Guinea–Philippines–Sulawesi and New Guinea–Fiji. The possible presence of four separate areas in the general region of New Guinea–north Australia as the result of the Cretaceous geological events is suggested. Three of these, in the area of present-day New Guinea, originally sharing sister-groups with the north-eastern Australian isolate, are regarded as the sources of the New Guinea–Indomalesia, New Guinea–Philippines and New Guinea–Fiji faunas after northward drifting of the Australian continent. During the Oligocene–Miocene these source areas were flooded and their original fauna lost. When the present-day New Guinea emerged, it was invaded from the north-eastern Australian region. This invasion created new New Guinea–Australia connections and brought in the sister-groups of the old New Guinea source areas as well. The eucnemids of Vanuatu, Samoa and Tonga are regarded as having originated in connection with dispersal from Fiji. The New Zealand fauna has strong, old connections with that of south-eastern Australia, but other complex connections are indicated. The Eocene Baltic Amber fauna agrees well with the results obtained from extant species. The species belonging to five fossil genera belong to Gondwanan groups that seem to have invaded the Holarctic via Central America. Four other fossil genera showing discordant patterns belong to the group of six genera exhibiting these aberrant patterns even today. The eucnemid fauna of the region is of Gondwanic origin. Only six Laurasian genera have invaded the area, all of them apparently quite recently.

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41

Hurwood, David A., Mike P. Heasman, and Peter B. Mather. "Gene flow, colonisation and demographic history of the flat oyster Ostrea angasi." Marine and Freshwater Research 56, no. 8 (2005): 1099. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/mf04261.

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The Australian flat oyster Ostrea angasi is currently being assessed for its potential as a species for culture in New South Wales. It is considered important to determine the population genetic structure of wild stocks among estuaries before translocation of juveniles (spat) for growout in order to avoid possible deleterious effects of hybridisation of genetically divergent stocks (i.e. outbreeding depression). Five estuaries were sampled in southern New South Wales as well as another four from across the natural range of the species in Australia. Sequence analysis of a 594 base pair fragment of the mitochondrial cytochrome oxidase I gene was used to determine the degree of population structuring inferred from pairwise ΦST estimates and spatial analysis of molecular variance analysis. The analyses revealed that there is no significant genetic differentiation among the sampled New South Wales estuaries (P > 0.05) and all eastern samples represent a geographically homogeneous population. This essentially removes any potential constraints on broodstock sourcing and spat translocation within this region. Although levels of differentiation among all sites varied, little divergence was evident across the entire range of the sample. Furthermore, the study revealed extremely low levels of divergence between O. angasi and its northern hemisphere congener, O. edulis, raising the possibility that O. angasi may have only recently colonised Australian estuaries.

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42

Corbett, David. "The Foundations of South Australian Geology : 1802-1860." Earth Sciences History 6, no. 2 (January 1, 1987): 146–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.6.2.146u45l482734411.

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The Colony of South Australia was founded at a time when the science of geology was developing rapidly and increasing in popularity among all levels of society. Adelaide, the foundation city, had good reason to foster its 'sense of difference' from the other colonies in Australia, being largely isolated from them, but also, and more significantly, because it had been established by free settlers. Among these was a group of well-educated men concerned with geological matters - partly from necessity and the need to locate useful natural resources but equally, imbued with a well-developed sense of intellectual curiosity. The early observations were made by explorers, surveyors and interested laymen who applied their imported concepts and ideas in the new and unknown land. Their writings reflect the varied strands of current thought during this formative period in the history of geology and their investigations, though uncoordinated, provided a foundation upon which later workers were able to build as the century progressed.

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43

Lowther, Andrew D., and Simon D. Goldsworthy. "Maternal strategies of the Australian sea lion (Neophoca cinerea) at Dangerous Reef, South Australia." Australian Journal of Zoology 59, no. 1 (2011): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/zo11025.

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Maternal strategies of otariid seals reflect the optimisation between resource exploitation and offspring provisioning driven across spatially separated foraging and nursing grounds. Intercolony variation in the expression of maternal strategies may represent temporal and spatial differences in resource availability, intraspecies competition or differences in life-history traits. The current study describes maternal strategies of the Australian sea lion at the largest breeding colony of the species (Dangerous Reef) and a comparative analysis was performed with data collected 16 years earlier at Seal Bay (Kangaroo Island). Significant differences in maternal strategies were characterised by lower milk lipid content (21.0 versus 28.9%), abbreviated periods onshore (0.93 versus 1.63 days) and slower pup growth rates (0.09–0.12 kg day–1) at Dangerous Reef. These data suggest flexibility in the expression of maternal investment between breeding sites and support the hypothesis of localised adaptation

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44

Stevens, Christine A. "The limits of community: Cambodians in South Australia." Journal of Intercultural Studies 14, no. 2 (January 1993): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1993.9963403.

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45

Henderson, RJF. "Studies in Euphorbiaceae A.L.Juss., sens. lat. I.* A revision of Amperea Adr. Juss. (Acalyphoideae Ascherson, Amphereae Muell. Arg.)." Australian Systematic Botany 5, no. 1 (1992): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/sb9920001.

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The genus Amperea Adr. Juss. contains eight species, six of which are confined to the south-west of Western Australia. The seventh occurs only in central Australia while the eighth ranges from central Queensland to Tasmania and extends to the south-east of South Australia. A. simulans, from Western Australia, is described as new, and A. xiphoclada var. papillata and A. xiphoclada var. pedicellata from New South Wales are recognised as new varieties; A. xiphoclada var. pedicellata is probably now extinct. Lectotypes are chosen for A. micrantha and A. volubilis. All species are described in detail and a key to identify them is provided. The diagnostic relevance of a range of attributes of the genus is reviewed as is its classificatory history.* The first of a projected series of revisions of genera traditionally included in Stenolobeae Benth., and others related to them, which are intended to form the basis of future Flora of Australia accounts.

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46

Rankin, L. R., A. R. Martin, and A. J. Parker. "Early Proterozoic history of the Karari Fault Zone, northwest Gawler Craton, South Australia." Australian Journal of Earth Sciences 36, no. 1 (March 1989): 123–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14400958908527955.

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47

Dorward, David. "Australia and Africa: A New Friend from the South?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 1 (March 2020): 168–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12653.

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48

Mather, Glenda, Kate Darian-Smith, Liz Gunner, and Sarah Nuttall. "Text, Theory, Space: Land, Literature and History in South Africa and Australia." Labour History, no. 74 (1998): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516584.

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49

Fitzpatrick, Matthew. "New South Wales in Africa? The Convict Colonialism Debate in Imperial Germany." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000260.

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In 1852, the naturalist and writer Louisa Meredith observed in her book My Home in Tasmania: “I know of no place where greater order and decorum is observed by the motley crowds assembled on any public occasion than in this most shamefully slandered country: not even in an English country village can a lady walk alone with less fear of harm or insult than in this capital of Van Diemen's Land, commonly believed at home to be a pest-house, where every crime that can disgrace and degrade humanity stalks abroad with unblushing front.”Meredith's paean to life in the notorious Australian penal colony of Hobart was in stark contrast to her earlier, highly unfavourable account of colonial Sydney. It papered over the years of personal hardship she had endured in Australia, as well as avoiding mention of the racial warfare against Tasmania's Aborigines that had afforded her such a genteel European existence.Such intra-Australian complexities, however, were lost when Meredith's account was superimposed onto German debates about the desirability of penal colonies for Germany. Instead, Meredith's portrait of a cultivated city emerging from the most notorious penal colony in Australia was presented as proof that the deportation of criminals was an important dimension of the civilising mission of Europe in the extra-European world. It was also presented as a vindication of those in Germany who wished to rid Germany of its lumpen criminal class through deportation. The exact paragraph of Meredith's account cited above was quoted in German debates on deportation for almost half a century; first in 1859 by the jurist Franz von Holtzendorff, and thereafter by Friedrich Freund when advocating the establishment of a penal colony in the Preußische Jahrbücher in September 1895.

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Adair, R. J., and J. K. Scott. "Distribution, life history and host specificity of Chrysolina picturata and Chrysolina sp. B (Coleoptera: Chrysomelidae), two biological control agents for Chrysanthemoides monilifera (Compositae)." Bulletin of Entomological Research 87, no. 4 (August 1997): 331–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007485300037354.

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AbstractThe southern African shrubs Chrysanthemoides monilifera monilifera and C. m. rotundata (Compositae) are serious weeds of native vegetation in Australia and are targets for classical biological control. In host specificity tests using 69 species from 25 families, two leaf-feeding chrysomelid beetles, Chrysolina picturata (Clark) and Chrysolina sp. B, were able to complete development on only Chrysanthemoides monilifera and C. incana. The subspecies Chrysanthemoides m. monilifera was the superior host for both Chrysolina picturata and Chrysolina sp. B. Feeding and limited development of both species occurred on Calendula officinalis; limited development by Chrysolina picturata larvae occurred on Helianthus annuus, Tussilago farfara and Cymbonotus priessianus. Chrysolina picturata and Chrysolina sp. B are considered to be Chrysanthemoides-specific and have been approved for release in Australia. Potential release sites for both Chrysolina species were chosen by comparing the climate of the insects' African distribution with climate stations within the range of Chrysanthemoides monilifera in Australia. Chrysolina picturata and Chrysolina sp. B are suited for release within the western distribution of Chrysanthemoides m. monilifera in coastal areas of south eastern South Australia.

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