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1
Kuzmina, V. M., and M. A. Parkhomchuk. "Russian-German Economic Relations in the Context of the Deepening Political Confrontation Between the Russian Federation and the European Union." Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series: Economics. Sociology. Management 12, no. 2 (April 25, 2022): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1552-2022-12-2-10-21.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Relevance. Today, Russian-German economic relations, on the one hand, are developing in the context of Russia ‒ EU relations, and on the other hand, between the Russian Federation and Germany, but they are weighed down by the influence of political factors. The traditional areas of economic cooperation received their first cracks due to the introduction of sanctions in 2014, but the “fourth” package of sanctions in March 2022 from the EU, which was successfully joined by the Scholz government, disrupted the world economic ties between countries that had been established for decades.The purpose is to assess the economic cooperation between Russia and Germany, taking into account the complicated political relations between the EU and the Russian Federation.Objectives: identify priority areas of cooperation between Russia and Germany at the present stage; highlight the constraining factors of economic relations between countries.Methods. A discursive analysis of the official statements of the heads of government was applied to study the qualitative and quantitative indicators of cooperation between the Russian Federation and Germany. The secondary statistical data obtained on the basis of the gravity modeling approach are analyzed.Results. The study showed that one of the most effectively developing industries is the investment of German companies in enterprises of Russian regions. The sanctions of the EU countries had a negative impact on certain high-tech sectors of the Russian economy, but Russian counter-sanctions on meat, milk and dairy products, as well as fruits and vegetables "hit" the consumer in the EU countries and Germany. The forecast of trade and economic relations in connection with the upcoming "fifth" package of EU sanctions against the Russian Federation is difficult.Conclusions. Germany occupied a significant place in trade, economic and investment cooperation with Russia. At the moment, unfounded accusations of Russia that our country is a “threat” to the European Union continue to be unraveled. Germany actively supports the EU in its course towards the introduction of new sanctions measures against the Russian Federation.
2
Marić, Bojan. "Mutual relations between Germany and Russia from 2000 to 2017." Megatrend revija 17, no. 1 (2020): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2001063m.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The focus of this paper is based on the analysis of bilateral relations between Federal Republic Germany and the Russian Federation in the period from 2000 to 2017. Until November 2005, the German Government was led by Social Democratic party leader Gerhard Schroeder. After the triumph, the Christian Democrats at extraordinary parliamentary elections that were held in September the same year the rudder of the government is in hands of Angela Merkel until the present. Vladimir Putin largely determines main directions of Russian politics and represents a dominant political figure since the beginning of his first mandate as the Russian Federation President. These three political leaders have mostly dictated bilateral relations dynamics between FR Germany, as an economic leader in Europe, and the Russian Federation as the biggest country in the world. Germany settles its needs for energy and vital resources mostly from Russia, while the great importance is paid to the import of the German technologies and capital by the Russian side in order to diversify its economy and ceased to be an economy based on the export of the national resources. Unlike most of the growing economies, Germany's relations with the Russian Federation overcomes the capacity of the economy and relates to political and security aspects. The peak of the German-Russian relations had been achieved in 2008 by the project Partnership in modernization. The European Union attempted in 2010 to establish a similar partnership with Russia following the same model. The Ukrainian conflict eruption in 2014 and introduction of sanction to Russian Federation by EU, as well as counter-measures undertaken in opposite direction, has frozen, at least until the moment of the Ukrainian conflict settlement, the possibility for further development of German-Russian relations and partnership agenda between EU and RF.
3
Bahturidze, Z. Z., and D. S. Rachkova. "The German Press about Russian Foreign Policy Activities: The Crisis in Ukraine (2013–2014) and its Consequences." Administrative Consulting, no. 6 (August 8, 2020): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-6-30-40.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to identifying the current image of Russia in the mirror of the German media after the Ukrainian crisis. The role of the media is noted, the crisis situation in Ukraine is characterized. Analyzed publications in the leading print media of Germany on the topic of Russian foreign policy in Ukraine and the role of the Russian Federation in the political crisis in Ukraine (2013–2014). The authors have identified and identified key approaches in the formation of German society a certain idea of Russia and its foreign policy. As conclusions, it is noted that both for objective reasons, and not least thanks to the German media, which use a lot of negative characteristics when constructing the image of Russia, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany go through a zone of mutual exclusion. However, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany can go to a new level, taking into account the possible pragmatic cooperation of the two states, and provided, among other things, a reduction in the degree of anti-Russian rhetoric in the German media.
4
Friegel, Sebastian, Natalia Georgievna Ivanova, Anastasia Aleksandrovna Orlova, Rimma Alekseevna Petuhova, and Stephan Meyering. "Transfer Pricing in Russia and Germany: Similarities and Differences." Intertax 45, Issue 2 (February 1, 2017): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2017015.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Transnational related companies are allowed to settle border-crossing internal obligations by use of transfer prices. For related companies, it is assumed that internal business relationships are not determined predominantly by the competing interests normally prevailing between unrelated third parties. Since transfer prices affect the tax burden in individual countries, the problem arises of the appropriateness of transfer prices between cross-border related companies. This study primarily aims to provide an overview of transfer prices in the international context. It focuses in particular on their configuration respectively in Germany and in the Russian Federation. To sum up, it can be stated that the transfer pricing rules in Germany and the Russian Federation are based on the OECD’s recommended transfer pricing rules. However, when it comes to their specific elaboration, both countries partially diverge from them. In both countries, the arm’s length principle is established as the key standard for evaluating the appropriateness of transfer prices both in the international and national context.
5
Golubovsky, Vladimir, Mikhail Kostyuk, and Elena Kunts. "Measures for countering drug trafficking in Russia and Germany." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 74 (October 25, 2022): 410–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4074.22.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of this research was to develop a coherent theoretical proposal for counteracting drug trafficking in Russia and Germany. The methodological basis of the research is the dialectical and worldview approach. The latter determined the application of the general principles of cognition to study the current situation of drug abuse in Russia and Germany. Among the results stands out the fact that, previously tested forms of preventive work require careful restructuring and adjustment on the example of the implementation of the Strategy of the State Anti-Drug Policy of the Russian Federation until 2030, which implies the involvement of various actors in the organization of preventive work. In addition, the scientific results of the research include a critical analysis of the legislation on drug trafficking, trends in the drug situation and criminological study of persons involved in drug trafficking. In conclusion, the authors provided a legal formulation of certain areas of the fight against drug trafficking in the Russian Federation and Germany.
6
Veselov, Yuriy Aleksandrovich. "Analysis of evolution of the attitude of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Russian Federation within the framework of the establishment of German national identity after the German reunification." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.33611.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the relevant topic of Germany-Russia relations. The goal is set to analyze the German perception of these relations through the prism of specific German national identity. The key task lies in studying the German identity and its reflection in foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany with regards to the Russian Federation. The author believes that German identity is a crucial factor in the formation of foreign policy course alongside the establishment of advantageous business ties. The article covers the main characteristics and problems of German national identity since 1990, which allows tracing the evolution of Germany-Russia relations. Special attention is given to the characteristic features of German identity that have formed prior to the German reunification, but their fundamental traits remain essential for studying German identity. Leaning on the scientific research of the prominent specialists in German Studies, the author highlights not only the basic, but also complementary features of the modern German identity, and outlines the landmark events that currently acquire special resonance in German society. The author also traces the evolution of Germany-Russia relations, placing emphasis on the aspects that are of particular importance for the economic and ideological interests of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made on unfeasibility of continuing the dialogue between Germany and Russia due to the fact that the Federal Republic of Germany is a full-fledged member of the European Union and no longer intends to implement solely national foreign policy.
7
Shamne, Anton. "Search in Criminal Procedure of Russia and Germany: Comparative Legal Characteristics." SHS Web of Conferences 50 (2018): 01159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185001159.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article compares the Criminal Procedural Codes provisions of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany that regulate conducting a search as an investigative act. It also provides and compares the definitions of the concept “search” and “dwelling” given in Russian and German criminal procedural legislation. The reasons for conducting the search in general and the search of dwelling are considered, similarities and differences are revealed in relation to the status of the subject who is under the search. The author characterizes the search of dwelling and gives a comparative analysis of this investigative action as well as the notion of “urgent cases” in both countries. The authors also proposed some brief recommendations for improving the norms of the Russian Federation Criminal Procedure Code.
8
Terekhov, O. E. "Russian-German Political Relations in 1991–2021 in Modern Russian Historiography." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 3 (June 15, 2022): 292–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-3-292-298.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article deals with modern Russian historiography of the political relations between Russia and Germany in 1991– 2021. Due to the vastness of the research scope, the paper covers only the major trends in the Russian-German political relations in the Russian historiography. The work relied on the problem-chronological method that made it possible to consider the topic in diachronic and synchronic perspective, simultaneously revealing its temporal and problematic components. The research featured works by contemporary Russian historians, political scientists, and economists on the political relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany. The thirty-year history of relations between the united Germany and the Russian Federation was full of events and can be divided into several periods. As a result of the historiographical process, the modern Russian historiography consists of three stages, which partially coincide with the chronology of direct political relations between Russia and Germany. The assessment of the Russian-German relations in modern historiography directly depends both on their conjecture and the historical and political context.
9
SUROWIEC, Krzysztof. "RUSSIA AND GERMANY AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF THE THREE SEA INITIATIVE STATES FROM 1993 TO 2021 IN A POWERMETRICS PERSPECTIVE." Humanities and Social Sciences quarterly 29, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7862/rz.2022.hss.29.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article presents the powers of Russia and Germany against the backdrop of a group of 12 countries that launched a new organization in Europe in September 2015 called the Three Seas Initiative. Member states try to create a counterbalance, and at the same time compete with two great countries: Germany and the Russian Federation (Russia). The members of the Three Seas Initiative are small and medium-sized entities on the European scene. The aim of the article was to indicate the power of the examined entities of the international relations of Russia and Germany against the background of the countries forming the Three Seas Initiative. The article uses the methodology developed by Professor Sułek to study the power of the indicated countries.
10
Belov, Vladislav. "New Hydrogen Strategies of Germany and the EU and Prospects for Cooperation with Russia." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520206576.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In June 2020, Germany adopted a national hydrogen strategy. A month later, when Germany assumed the EU Council presidency, the European Union Commission presented a similar document. Both strategies acknowledge the need to import hydrogen to meet the demand of the EU countries as an essential prerequisite for the transition to a climate-neutral economy. In parallel, the Government of the Russian Federation adopted the Energy Strategy of the Russian Federation until 2035, which sets the goal of turning our country into one of the global players in the world hydrogen market. Despite Russia's obvious competitive advantages in this relatively new segment of the energy market, Berlin and Brussels do not mention it as a potential partner. The article provides an assessment of the main provisions of these strategic documents. The author explores the prospects and possibilities of Germany and the EU cooperating with the Russian Federation in the production and supply of hydrogen, analyzes the content of the position documents of the German-Russian Chamber of Commerce and the Eastern Committee of the German Economy on these issues, draws conclusions and formulates recommendations for interested parties.
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Merkulov, A. L. "FOREIGN POLICY OF ANGELA MERKEL IN SCOPE OF RUSSIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 7, no. 3 (September 29, 2023): 404–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2023-7-3-404-411.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The interrelations of Russia and Germany are widely regarded as having the fundamental meaning for European security and the entire constitution of the West. While some people tend to believe in the reliability of Germany as the USA partner and its so-called Westbindung as a whole - because of its relations with the Russian Federation, others point to the leading role of Germany in the European foreign policy, while still others see German-Russian relations as a common barometer of conflict and co-operation in Europe. How Germany chooses to approach Russia and how it deals with the crisis in Ukraine in particular are questions that underlie several possible visions of the future European order.
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Chabska, Katarzyna. "The judgmental failures of the Western European states towards the Russian Federation by perceiving it through European values." Przegląd Nauk o Obronności, no. 15 (November 29, 2022): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/pno/156988.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ObjectivesThe purpose of this article is to show the Western European judgmental failures towards Russia by perceiving it through European values. These failures have a negative impact on European security and all of them appeared because Russia was considered the European state and the European values were put in Russia. In fact, the Russian Federation is only a geographic part of Europe, but no longer a part of European civilization.MethodsThe research was conducted by analyzing the relationship between Western European countries and the Russian Federation, as well as analyzing the general condition of Russian society and Russian foreign policy.ResultsThis article states that Western European countries made a critical mistake by adopting European values to the Russian Federation. This hypothesis was composed by addressing the following question: What is the grand strategy of the Russian Federation? What are judgmental failures and what are their types? What judgmental failures were made by Western Europe towards Russia?ConclusionsThe Russian Federation for the past years has been treated by the Western European states as a strategic business partner, however as it can be seen now, this approach was misleading and was a complete failure in terms of European security. Countries such as France and Germany had not seen Russia as an enemy of the West.
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Belov, Vladislav, and Alexander Kotov. "Germany's anti-Russia sanctions policy: intermediate results and countermeasures." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 4 (2022): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics42720223742.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It is emphasized that in 2022 the sanctions of Germany, the largest economic partner of Russia in the EU, radically weakened Russian-German economic cooperation in a wide range of interactions. It is determined that, as part of coordinated actions with Brussels, Berlin is focused on curbing the industrial development of the Russian Federation and limiting its foreign exchange earnings. Russia, along with the already existing countermeasures, needs to develop additional steps aimed at reducing the potential for conflict in bilateral economic cooperation, incl. by attracting the German business that remained in the Russian Federation as an economic lobbyist for a peaceful settlement for the future.
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Blinova, Yu V., and G. V. Dvoryankin. "Co-Authorship in Russia and Germany: General and Special." Actual Problems of Russian Law 18, no. 1 (December 18, 2022): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2023.146.1.183-197.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper analyzes the provisions of Russian and German legislation on the regulation of co-authorship relations. The study revealed the following features. By virtue of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, the joint work of several persons can be carried out in the mode of both separate and inseparable co-authorship, including intermediate modes allocated doctrinally. The German legislator names only inseparable co-authorship as a basis for the appearance of co-authors, all other cases are covered by the regime of linked works. Co-authorship can only arise if there is a joint creative work, which implies the understanding of the co-authors that they work together (subjective criterion), as well as a single period of time, being at the same «stage of production», the existence of an agreement between the co-authors, etc. (objective criterion). German jurisprudence clarifies: co-authorship is not excluded in the case of incremental contributions, but it assumes that each participant has made his own creative contribution, subject to a common idea. It is not required that the co-authors simultaneously participate in all stages of the development of the work. Accordingly, the so-called vertical division of labor is possible, in which the co-authors rely on already created preliminary versions of the work, as well as the horizontal division of labor, when the co-authors simultaneously create separate parts of the work, which then merge into a single work. The presumption in Russia of equal contribution of co-authors to the creation of a common work is applied in Germany on a subsidiary basis, if it is objectively impossible to determine this contribution. The main regulators of the rights of co-authors (authors) in Russia and Germany are the law and the contract, sometimes a court decision. The use of a work created by co-authors is carried out jointly, taking into account the principle of good faith, which is explicitly present in German law and follows from a systemic interpretation of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation.
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Кудайберген and Pirimkul Kudaybergen. "FEATURES OF FORMATION AND MANAGEMENT OF STAFF QUALITY IN GERMANY AND RUSSIA." Management of the Personnel and Intellectual Resources in Russia 6, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/25269.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article reveals peculiarities of the German and Russian staff, the tradition of quality of formation personnel in Germany and the Russian Federation. The impact reveals social protection, promotion, and the inevitability of punishment on the quality of the German staff. For example, compare the quality of the metro station and staff in Moscow and Dortmund, there is shown the differences in the activities of personnel in Germany and Russia. The origins and reasons for the relatively poor quality of Russian personnel are settled.
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Prikhodko, T. V. "Legal regulation of counteraction to domestic violence in Russia and Germany: comparative analysis." Law Enforcement Review 6, no. 4 (December 25, 2022): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.52468/2542-1514.2022.6(4).149-161.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject. The article considers a study of regulation of countering domestic violence in Russia and Germany. The author investigates the draft of Russian federal law "On the prevention of domestic crimes" No. 1183390-6 and the law of Germany "On civil protection from acts of violence and persecution" as well as federal and lands’ legislation in this sphere. Purpose of the study. The comparative study aims to identify the reasons for the draft’s unviability in Russian Federation, in particular, and to search for legislative opportunities to solve the domestic crime’s problems in Russia, in general.Methodology. The article is based on the comparative legal method. Due to this method, the article describes the legal protections against domestic violence in Russia and Germany (at the level of the federation and states), the advantages and disadvantages of each system.The main results. The legal measures in Germany as well as the draft federal law in the Russian Federation contain protective measures that can be applied by police and court. The main feature of German measures from Russian ones is the possibility of temporary violator’s ejection from the occupied housing by issuing a judicial or police order. The simplicity of the procedure allows а victim to receive effective help at any time, even at night and on non-working days. The article analyses the allowability of these measures to the offender from the point of view of basic rights’ interference; notes the position of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany about the police order on temporary eviction: the residence ejection is allowable only when the measure aims at preventing criminal acts. The article draws attention to the technique’ defects of the Russian draft federal law "On the prevention of domestic crimes" No. 1183390-6, which require correction in order to improve the domestic violence’ counteraction in Russia.Сonclusions. It is concluded that in the Russian Federation it is necessary to differentiate heterogeneous phenomena in the law, such as victim’s protection from domestic violence and preventive family relationships’ measures, unreasonably mixed together in the draft federal law "On the prevention of domestic crimes" No. 1183390-6. Besides the law about victim’s protection from acts of violence and persecution should include significant consequences exactly for the violator. In this regard, the German multi-level protection system consisting of police protective measures, preliminary judicial measures as well as judicial measures can be applied. German practice makes it possible to react quickly to an act of domestic violence and provide the necessary victim’s support. The experience of applying the police order on the temporary eviction in Germany as well as violator rights’ interference may be appropriate for use in Russia.
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Shcherbakov, V. Yu. "Forced “Union”? Russia in the Politics of the “Alternative For Germany” Party." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 3 (207) (October 19, 2020): 78–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-3-78-83.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article deals with the relationship of the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) party to the Russian Federation. The article notes that the independent foreign policy of Russia, its active opposition to the Imperial policy of the United States appeals to some of the German electorate, this is used by the AfD in its own interests. The young party, which is justifiably called a right-wing populist party, despite serious success in elections at various levels, including in the Bundestag, does not have influential political allies in the country. Therefore, it has no real opportunities to exert a significant influence on German politics. In the context of the harsh anti-Russian policy of Western countries, the AfD is trying to occupy a niche as a foreign policy “partner” of Russia and thereby attract voters who are sympathetic to our country. For example, this applies to numerous “Russian Germans”. We should also mention the desire of the Russian Federation to use AfD to promote its own interests, including projects such as Nord stream - 2. The author notes that most likely, if relations between Bonn and Moscow improve or if the AfD's domestic political influence increases, the problem of Russia's rapprochement with the AfD will lose its relevance.
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Belov, V. B. "A Paradigm Change in Energy Cooperation between Germany and Russia." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S6 (September 2022): S512—S520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622120024.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Germany’s transition to a climate-neutral economy, the main parameters of which were determined by the European Green Exchange Rate (December 2019) and clarified in the updated Law on Climate Protection of Germany (June 2021) and the EU Fit-for-55 program (July 2021), leads to the abandonment of the use of primary energy sources, including their importation from Russia. The energy transformation of the German market economy presumed a gradual restructuring of the existing model of German–Russian cooperation in the energy sector, including its transfer to priority cooperation in the field of energy efficiency and renewable energy sources. Brussels and Berlin responded to the special military operation of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine with large-scale economic and political sanctions, which included significant restrictions on the import of Russian coal and oil. At the same time, the German federal authorities outlined the necessity to abandon Russian pipeline gas and petroleum products, as well as the deprivation of ownership of the two main players from the Russian Federation in the German oil and gas market—Gazprom and Rosneft. Their German partners have frozen participation in Russian projects. At the end of February, the certification of the Nord Stream-2 offshore gas pipeline was stopped. Interdepartmental state interaction and scientific and technical cooperation in the energy sector have been terminated. These events indicated the readiness of the government coalition in the short term to replace the previous model of energy cooperation, which has performed well for half a century, and to move to independence from Russian fossil resources and their derivatives. The author analyzes the reasons and content of the current measures taken by Berlin, as well as their medium- and long-term consequences for German–Russian cooperation.
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Salenko, Alexander V. "Single picket in Russia and Germany: Constitutional and legal dimension." Tyumen State University Herald. Social, Economic, and Law Research 8, no. 4 (2022): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-7897-2022-8-4-131-144.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Russia the Public Assembly Law, which regulates the implementation of the constitutional right to freedom of peaceful assembly, is in the process of constant development. The author analyzes the Russian legislation and case-law of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, which affect the holding of peaceful assemblies in the form of picketing (also single picketing). The author conducts that the conduct of single pickets in the Russian Federation in law years has been highly formalized. Theoretically, holding a single picket does not require notification and approval from representatives of public authorities. However, as the analysis shows, it is difficult to exercise the right to a single picket in practice, because law has established a number of restrictions, which significantly complicate the exercise of the freedom of peaceful assembly in the form of single picketing. The author concludes that the right to a single picket without approval de facto has a declarative nature, since law enforcement authorities have considerable discretion when qualifying a single picket as an unauthorized public event. The article contains an analysis of the legal positions of the Constitutional Court of Russia, which attempted to limit the discretion of law enforcement authorities in order to simplify the procedure for holding single pickets in Russia. In the article, the author examines the constitutional and legal experience of modern Germany (in particular, the German legal doctrice of Versammlungsrecht), where a single picket is regarded as one of forms to implement the constitutional freedom of speech and opinion, as well as the right to free development of the individual. The general conclusion of the author is that it is necessary to significantly simplify the procedure for holding a single picket, which could be regarded as the safest form of public event.
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Sedova, Daria A. "Disconnecting Russia from the SWIFT System: Possible Legal Risks." Russian Journal of Legal Studies (Moscow) 9, no. 2 (July 18, 2022): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls108276.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There has been talk for a long time about the possible disconnection of the Russian Federation from the SWIFT system. On one hand, it is a promising vector of development, because it allows the Russian Federation to advance in the digital market. It opens opportunities to offer alternatives to existing foreign technologies and systems, and introduce fintech into the companies activities. On the other hand, the national system is currently vulnerable to foreign digital giants, among which, of course, are the United States and China. External developments and technologies may harm national systems in the near future, which in turn may violate the right of the Russian Federation to digital sovereignty. How relevant the issue of digital sovereignty is now can be judged by how many states are trying to limit the influence of external actors in every possible way. These states include Austria, Germany, and some other EU countries. Therefore, the issue of ensuring national security and protecting digital sovereignty is currently critical, and will require a definite answer in the near future.
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YAKIMCHUK, Natal'ya N., Maksim D. IVANOV, and Aleksandr A. OREL. "The SME sector of the Russian Federation: Current status, development problems, and State support measures." Regional Economics: Theory and Practice 20, no. 7 (July 14, 2022): 1253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/re.20.7.1253.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Subject. This article analyzes the functioning of the small and medium-sized business sector in Russia and the SME support programmes implemented in Germany, the USA, and the UK. Objectives. The article aims to conduct a comparative analysis of the development indicators of small and medium-sized businesses in Russia and some foreign countries, and develop recommendations for improving State support for this business in Russia. Methods. For the study, we used the methods of comparative and content analyses. Results. The article identifies and describes the main negative factors affecting the development of small and medium-sized businesses in Russia. Conclusions. The article concludes that it is necessary to develop strategic measures aimed at increasing the investment activities in the small and medium-sized business sector.
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Solovyova, D. "The role of intellectual property in the development of trade and economic cooperation between Russia and Germany." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 6 (June 1, 2020): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2006-07.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes trade and economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and Germany in the field of intellectual property. It shows both the current state of this cooperation and possible prospects for its further development.
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Belov, Vladislav, and Alexander Kotov. "Has the “Zeitenwende” taken shape in the economic relations of the EU and Germany with the Russian Federation?" Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 1 (2023): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics1320231727.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A year has passed since the introduction by the EU in late February 2022 of the first three packages of sanctions against the Russian Federation. Federal Chancellor O. Scholz announced the “Zeitenwende” due to the start of the special military operation of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine. Over the next 12 months, Brussels adopted seven more sanction packages. Restrictive economic measures affected almost all sectors of the national economy. Moscow introduced a number of retaliatory restrictions. The mutual sanctions have primarily affected the financial and energy sphere of Russian- European cooperation, in which Germany took one of the leading places. Berlin has taken a number of initiatives of its own that have had a significant negative impact on cooperation with Russia. The authors analyze the consequences of the complex pressure of the European Union and Germany, both on the Russian Federation and on their own business, and forecast further development of relations.
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Kirilova, Ekaterina A., and Evgeny F. Troitsky. "The Cultural Interaction between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany from 2000 till 2020." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 470 (2021): 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/470/18.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the modern world, culture is an integral part of the state policy. The authors note the importance of cultural policy as a tool for countries to improve their relations, overcome crisis situations and build further development paths, in spite of political differences. The article deals with the cultural interaction between Germany and Russia during the 21st century. The chosen period is explained by the coming to power of Vladimir Putin in the Russian Federation and the beginning of significant changes in the state's foreign and domestic policies. During the examination of this topic, the research methods of classification, systemic approach, and historical analysis were used. With the help of historical analysis, the history of cooperation between the two states, starting from the 9th century, was considered. Common and different features in the historical past of Russia and Germany were also established. The systemic approach made it possible to define cultural policy as an integral element of the country's foreign policy. The classification method involves the division of cultural policy into several areas in which the Russian Federation and the FRG interact. The work on this article was carried out using laws in the field of international cultural cooperation, a large amount of information from official news portals (RIA Novosti, TASS, RBC), official websites of the Embassy of Russia in Berlin and the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany in Moscow. The vectors of interaction between the two states are described in detail: scientific and technological cooperation; academic mobility; exchange programs for students, scientists, exchange of methodological literature; cross-years; forum campaign; preservation of historical memory in the territory of both states; support programmes for compatriots living in Russia and Germany; activities to promote and remain both Russian and German languages, etc. Within each direction, the forms and ways, in which countries work together, are described. This research allowed drawing conclusions about culture's significance in the formation of a positive/negative image of the state, as well as to highlight an important pattern: with the help of cultural policy, states can both improve relations and provoke conflict. Thus, the authors analyzed various forms and mechanisms of the cultural interaction between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany. There is a rich historical experience and economic basis for fruitful cooperation between the two countries and their nations. That is why two states have been able to maintain a dialogue at different levels, resolve conflict situations and restore contacts for many centuries. Therefore, both Russia and the FRG can continue to work in this direction in order to strengthen relations and bring them to a new level with the help of cultural policy.
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Kozhevnikov, Vladimir Valentinovich. "On the Consolidation of Normative Legal Acts in the Russian Federation." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 2, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v2i1.628.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The scientific article analyzes such a form of systematization of regulatory legal acts in the Russian Federation as their consolidation. Attention is drawn to the problem of the correlation between codification and consolidation of legal acts. It is noted that this form of systematization has a very limited distribution in Russia in comparison with foreign (France, Great Britain, Germany, USA) countries, in which the consolidation of normative legal acts is understood somewhat differently than in Russian legal science.
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Burganova, Maria A., and Dietrich Brauer. "INTERVIEW WITH DIETRICH BRAUER, ARCHBISHOP OF THE EVANGELICAL-LUTHERAN CHURCH OF RUSSIA." Scientific and analytical journal Burganov House. The space of culture 16, no. 4 (December 10, 2020): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36340/2071-6818-2020-16-4-10-18.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The journal traditionally opens with an academic interview. In this issue, we present Dietrich Brauer, Archbishop of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church of Russia, member of the Council for Interaction with Religious Associations under the President of the Russian Federation, chevalier of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany, who kindly agreed to answer questions from Maria Burganova, the Editor in chief of The Burganov House. The Space of Culture journal.
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Popova, Evgeniya Mikhailovna, and Tatyana Viktorovna Nikitina. "Direct German investments in the Russian economy: regional cross-section." Теоретическая и прикладная экономика, no. 1 (January 2022): 68–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8647.2022.1.37585.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Economic relations between Russia and Germany are developing in the context of such global challenges as the aggravation of the international political situation, the introduction of anti-Russian sanctions, the economic recession against the background of the Covid-19 pandemic. The subject of this study is the regional peculiarities of the placement of German capital on the territory of Russia. The object of the study is 55 subjects of the Russian Federation, which are recipients of direct German investments. The authors focus on studying the dynamics, species and geographical structure of accumulated direct German investments in the context of individual subjects and federal districts. The article assesses the level of differentiation of direct German investments within individual federal districts, calculates sub-federal investment positions, identifies trends in investment cooperation between Russian and German enterprises carried out within the framework of special economic zones. It is established that the factors contributing to the placement of German capital in European Russia are the preferential localization of special economic zones in this part of the country, as well as the conclusion of special investment contracts on the basis of already functioning production facilities. According to the results of the study, the authors summarize that the current regional structure of German investments does not contribute to the achievement of such a task provided for by the Spatial Development Strategy of the Russian Federation as the reduction of interregional socio-economic imbalances. The scientific novelty of this study is to develop recommendations for expanding investment cooperation between Russia and Germany in the Far East, special attention is paid to the role of state institutions. The authors substantiate that the implementation of investment projects for the production of wind power units and assemblies, solar panels, as well as the construction of wind and solar power plants in the Far East should be considered as a promising area of cooperation between Russia and Germany.
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Stolarczyk, Mieczysław. "Dilemmas of Poland’s foreign and security policies in the post-Cold War period in the context of its geopolitical location between Russia and Germany." Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis 26 (September 30, 2019): 45–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/spus.2019.26.03.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The research objective of this paper is the presentation of the influence (significance) of the geopolitical factor in Poland’s relations with the Russian Federation (Russia) and the Federal Republic of Germany (Germany) in the post-Cold War period, first and foremost the influence on the shares of convergent and divergent (contradictory) interests of Poland and the two countries, as well as relevant dilemmas concerning Poland’s foreign and security policies. The main research thesis is that the geopolitical factor remains one of the chief determinants of Poland’s relations with Russia and Germany despite the changes taking place in the international system (e.g. the acceleration of globalisation processes) in the last few decades. In the post-Cold War period, however, it affected Poland’s relations with Russia in a much more negative way than it did the Polish-German relations. The German problem in its traditional sense of a hazard source diminished considerably in the Polish foreign policy in the abovementioned period, while the significance of the Russian problem increased. The decision makers of the Polish foreign policy viewed Germany first and foremost as a partner and an ally (within NATO), while Russia was seen as the main hazard to Polish security, including a military hazard in the form of a direct invasion. Wishing to present more detailed matters, the paper brings to the fore i.a. the issues concerning the essence of the geopolitical factor in the foreign policies of countries, certain conditions of Poland’s geopolitical location in the post-Cold War period, the main stages of Poland’s relations with Germany and Russia in that period together with their characteristics, the main areas of divergent interests in Poland’s relations with Germany and Russia in the second decade of the 21st century, the similarities and differences in Poland’s policy toward Germany and Russia in the post-Cold War period as well as the main dilemmas of the Polish foreign policy toward the end of the second decade of the 21st century stemming from Poland’s geopolitical location between Russia and Germany. One main conclusion formulated on the basis on those deliberations is that Poland’s geopolitical location between Russia and Germany does not doom Polish relations with the two countries to a confrontational nature for historical reasons. The geopolitical factor is not an independent prime mover; it does not entail geopolitical determinism which automatically eliminates the possibility of influencing Poland’s geopolitical situation by subsequent Polish governments. The geopolitical location does not determine eternal enemies or eternal friends because one can derive various conceptions, programmes and objectives of the foreign policy from the same geopolitical location of Poland.
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IVANOV, S. Yu, and Zh V. IVANOVSKAYA. "PROSPECTS FOR COOPERATION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND GERMANY IN THE FIELD OF HYDROGEN ENERGY." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 7 (2021): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.07.02.021.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of the study is to determine the role of hydrogen as a promising energy carrier in modern conditions; to analyze the energy strategy of the Russian Federation and the place of hydrogen energy in the energy balance of the country, to forecast the development of energy cooperation between Russia and Germany in the field of hydrogen energy. The main result was the conclusion that cooperation between the two countries in the hydrogen sphere is a promising direction, since hydrogen is a more environmentally friendly energy resource than coal, oil and natural gas.
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Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120226778.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On December 8, 2021, the new coalition government of Germany began its work, an important area of the country’s foreign policy development is relations with Russia, Germany’s leading partner in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, they determine the parameters of cooperation between the European Union and the Russian Federation and its partners. The SPD, Union 90 / Greens, FDP, during difficult negotiations, agreed on common approaches to cooperation with Russia, which eventually united the value, economic, civil and political «Russian» denominators of the three party election programs. At the same time, the provisions enshrined in the coalition agreement are based on the foundation of bilateral relations built by the last two cabinets of ministers under the leadership of A. Merkel, incl. during 2021, the year that marked the end of the era of the former Chancellor. Just a week after the start of the government, bilateral relations were tested for strength in the political and economic spheres. The new year 2022 began in difficult conditions of escalating confrontation between the collective West, including Germany, and official Moscow. Under these conditions, on January 18, the German and Russian foreign ministers held talks, clarifying their mutual positions on the most important issues on the bilateral and international agenda. On February 15, Russian President V.V. Putin and Chancellor O. Scholz continued to discuss the most important topical issues of cooperation. The author sums up the political and economic results of cooperation between the two leading countries of the European continent in 2021, and also analyzes its prospects in 2022, paying special attention to the role of Germany and the Russian Federation in resolving the intra-Ukrainian conflict.
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Pshava, Veronika Viktorovna, Irina Andreyevna Babenko, Vyacheslav Vitalievich Pletnev, Aleksandr Borisovich Sokolov, and Julia Vladimirovna Sadikova. "Trends in developing the jury institution in the Russian Federation." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-C (June 21, 2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-c993p.118-124.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article considers various forms of participating in the administration of justice in criminal cases in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America. A 30-year long development of the jury institution in Russia and its active reforming since 2016 necessitate a scientific analysis of various forms of people's participation, identification of their features, positive and negative experience. Despite the expanded jurisdiction of the jury considering criminal cases, the introduction of this institution at the level of district courts and the reduction of jury members, there is an acute issue of forming jury boards (the unwillingness of citizens to participate in the administration of justice) and a large number of repealed sentences passed in this form of legal proceedings. The positive experience of other democratic federal states can serve as an example of ensuring the functioning of the jury institution in Russia.
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Buyanova, K. A. "Countering the Practice of Revolving Doors as a Corrupt Act in Russia and Foreign Countries." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)) 1, no. 11 (January 22, 2023): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2022.99.11.154-160.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the specifics of countering the practice of revolving doors as a corrupt act in Russia and foreign countries. The author reveals the essence of the practice of revolving doors, shows its ambiguous understanding in different states. Particular attention in the study of this practice is paid to domestic and foreign experience of its legal regulation. Article 19.29 of the Code of Administrative Offences of the Russian Federation devoted to unlawful engaging a state or municipal employee or former state or municipal employee in employment or performing work or services is considered in detail. Peculiarities of law enforcement practice related to the mentioned article of CAO RF are analyzed as well as legal positions of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation and Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation dedicated to this article. The basis for counteracting the practice of revolving doors in such foreign countries as Germany, the United States of America and France is described.
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Budkin, Valeriy, and Oleg Budkin. "Legal regulation of cryptocurrencies in Russia and foreign countries: problems and solutions." E3S Web of Conferences 420 (2023): 08003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202342008003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this article, using such scientific methods as the dialectical method, the comparative legal method, the historical method, the systematic method, the formal legal method, the method of special legal interpretation, the normative acts of the Russian Federation and foreign states related to the legal regulation of the circulation of cryptocurrencies, as well as with the specificity of taxation of cryptocurrencies are studied. The special attention is paid to the legal documents of Germany, France and Israel, since it is the legal acts of these states that are the most significant in the regulation of cryptocurrencies, while they use different approaches to the taxation of these assets. The authors highlight the points that require in-depth study, and highlight the common and different features of the legal regulation of cryptocurrencies in the Russian Federation and in foreign countries. The problems of the Russian legal system related to the circulation of cryptocurrencies caused by the specificity of the technological development of the Russian Federation are determined. The article proposes changes related to the inclusion of norms implementing the legal regulation of cryptocurrencies in the legislation of Russia.
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Markuntsov, Sergey, and Martin Paul Wassmer. "Characteristics of Crimes Against the Interests of Service in Commercial and Other Organisations in Russia and Germany." Russian Law Journal 8, no. 4 (November 24, 2020): 140–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2020-8-4-140-152.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The comparative study focuses on corruption in commercial organisations, which has received considerable attention in both Russia and Germany in recent years. In both countries anti-corruption law has been harmonised by several international conventions to reflect the growing importance of world trade and increasing globalisation. The authors analyse the current criminal offences and the criminological characteristics in both countries. Whereas in Russia special criminal provisions were created under Chapter 23 (Articles 201, 202, 203, 204, 204.1 and 204.2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation), in Germany the relevant corrupt conduct is covered by the traditional general criminal offence of embezzlement (§ 266 of the German Criminal Code (StGB)) and by newly created special corruption offences (§§ 299, 300 and 301 StGB). The authors show that in each of the two countries, Russia and Germany, corruption in commercial organisations is now considered a grave form of corruption, so that the international conventions are taken into account to some extent. In Germany, however, not only are the sanctions foreseen for corruption in commercial organisations considerably lower than those for corruption in the public sector, but the offences are only prosecuted on criminal complaint. In the practice of German criminal prosecution, these types of bribery offences have therefore so far had little significance. Nevertheless, a high number of undetected cases and large economic losses can be expected. Furthermore, the comparative legal study shows that there are not only considerable differences in the design of the criminal provisions as well as in the legal reality, but that there are also several common elements in Russia and Germany.
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Glebova, A. G., A. A. Gilyadova, and E. A. Martakova. "The impact of Russia’s cooperation with the G7 countries in the sphere of trade in goods on the national economy of Russia." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 10 (November 27, 2022): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2022-10-115-124.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject of the study is the foreign trade turnover between Russia and the G7 countries (USA, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Great Britain), in particular, its structure. The purpose of the work is to identify the degree of influence of Russia’s cooperation with the countries considered in the work in the field of trade in goods on the national economy of Russia. The theoretical and methodological basis and information base of the study are the works of Russian and foreign authors devoted to the issues of interaction between Russia and the G7 countries. While writing this article the authors also referred to official Russian sources, in particular, to the data provided by the Federal Customs Service of Russia, the Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat), and the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation. It is concluded that Russia’s cooperation with the G7 countries in the sphere of foreign trade is generally effective for Russia. However, it should be noted that the Russian Federation is actively implementing an export-oriented policy, the main products of which are oil products, which undoubtedly contributes to the increase in the rate of economic development, the inflow of foreign capital and the increase in gross domestic product. But due to the imposed sanctions, as well as dependence of the Russian Federation on oil and gas revenues, it is necessary to direct the vector of development to other industries, pay special attention to the development of domestic products and diversify the economy. The results obtained in this paper can be used for forecasting the economic position of the country in the global arena, analyzing the further interaction of the Russian Federation with its key trading partners, and assessing the feasibility of an effective partnership.
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Yuneman, Roman. "How Kazakhstani Multi-Vector Foreign Policy Works: Voting in UNGA Analysis." International Organisations Research Journal 18, no. 1 (March 5, 2023): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The concept of multivectorism is the basis of the foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Multivectorism is also the framework within which Kazakhstan carries out its foreign policy in international organizations and integrational institutions. However, the implementation of this aspect of its foreign policy within the UN General Assembly has not yet been studied. To examine the concept of multivectorism, the author analyzes Kazakhstan’s voting cohesion with Russia, China, the USA, Turkey, and Germany in the UNGA from 2007-2022. The author also studies Kazakhstan’s behavior in situations where it voted opposite the way these countries voted. This article analyzes, among other things, the voting cohesion of Kazakhstan and the other countries in question on particular topics, such as disarmament, decolonization, human rights, development issues, armed conflicts, etc., as well as Kazakhstan voting patterns on key resolutions relating to armed conflicts involving the Russian Federation. As a result of quantitative and qualitative analysis of more than 1300 resolutions, the author comes to the conclusion that the main “vector” of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy is China. Not Russia, despite Russia formally enjoying the status of Kazakhstan’s declared key ally. Kazakhstan shares the highest voting cohesion with China (to a lesser extent with Russia, Turkey, and Germany, and only minimally with the United States). Moreover, when China and the other countries under examination vote in opposition to one another, Kazakhstan’s votes were more often in accordance with the Chinese position. The author argues that Kazakhstan also avoids explicit support for the Russian Federation in voting on resolutions related to armed conflicts involving Russia. This is further manifested in the Republic of Kazakhstan’s voting on resolutions related to the conflict in Ukraine. However, the reasons for the high level of voting cohesion between China and Kazakhstan in the UNGA require further research.
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SEREBRENNIKOVA, ANNA, and ANDREY KUZNETSOV. "THE CONCEPTUAL MEANING OF THE CONCEPT OF "CRIMINAL MISCONDUCT" IN THE CRIMINAL LAW OF RUSSIA AND GERMANY: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Gaps in Russian Legislation 15, no. 2 (March 28, 2022): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2072-3164-2022-15-2-128-133.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of the study. The proposed article presents an analysis of the conceptual meaning of the category of criminal misconduct in Russia and Germany in order to demonstrate the "foreignness" of the offense for the Russian criminal legislation. The article points out the fundamental differences between its proposed designs by the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation and the design of a misdemeanor in the Criminal Code of Germany. Conclusions. The authors conducted a sociological survey of 62 respondents on the expediency of introducing the category in question into Russian criminal law, the result of which is a statement of awareness by persons both with and without higher legal education of its "foreignness" for Russian criminal law. The article shows that a criminal offense contradicts the material concept of a crime in the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation and other criminal law institutions and norms of Russian criminal law based on the category of public danger of crime and personality. The authors also conclude that the category of misconduct is insignificant for both the legislator and the law enforcement officer in Germany. While the consolidation of a criminal offense in the Russian criminal legislation will entail serious and at the same time scientifically unjustified changes in it.
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Grishkovets, A. A. "Reflections About the Administrative Process in Modern Russia." Siberian Law Review 18, no. 3 (October 21, 2021): 277–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19073/2658-7602-2021-18-3-277-291.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article deals with the problem of understanding the administrative process in modern Russia. Discussion about its essence has not stopped in the science of administrative law for many years. There are two main points of view. The administrative process is understood in a narrow sense as a jurisdictional activity and in a broad sense as a set of administrative procedures, administrative jurisdiction and administrative justice. The opinion is expressed that the understanding of the administrative process should be based on the understanding of the subject of administrative law. After the adoption of the Code of Administrative Proceedings of the Russian Federation in our country, a real legal basis appeared for the creation of administrative justice, which resolves disputes between a citizen and the state. The legal nature of administrative justice and administrative jurisdiction is not the same. They belong to various subbranches of administrative law. The situation should be preserved when one part of cases of administrative offenses is considered by courts, and the other - by other bodies of administrative jurisdiction. The proposal to consider cases of administrative offenses in accordance with the norms of the Code of Administrative Proceedings is critically assessed. An attempt to create administrative courts in the Russian Federation is analyzed and evaluated. The experience of creating administrative courts in France and Germany is presented. The reasons why the administrative courts were never created are indicated. Administrative cases are considered by courts of general jurisdiction. An attempt to adopt the Administrative and Administrative Procedure Codes of the Russian Federation is analyzed. The Code of Administrative Proceedings of 2015, on the basis of which administrative cases are considered, is, in fact, the Administrative Procedure Code. The proposal to develop and adopt the Federal Law “On Administrative Procedures” is critically assessed. It is concluded that the administrative process is a judicial procedure for considering cases arising from public legal relations according to the norms of the Code of Administrative Proceedings of the Russian Federation, as well as the activities of bodies of administrative jurisdiction, including the court, to consider cases of administrative offenses in the manner established by the Code of the Russian Federation on Administrative Offenses.
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Kozlova, Elena, Tatyana Taranova, Nikolay Budnetskiy, and Zemfira Kazachkova. "Main Directions and Experience in Implementing State Policy of Anti-Corruption Education in the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus and Germany (Comparative Legal Aspect)." Russian Journal of Criminology 14, no. 3 (June 30, 2020): 387–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2020.14(3).387-399.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article reviewed the experience of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus and Germany in formulating and implementing State anti-corruption education policies. The Russian Federation does not have any positive changes in terms of its world ranking on prevention and combating of corruption, the Corruption Perception Index, so the Republic of Belarus, a country of the post-Soviet area, was selected for a comparative legal study, as well as Germany, due to its consistently high ranking and similarity of its legal system with Russia. A study of national anti-corruption legislation and education in general and anti-corruption education in particular showed that it is not only in Russia that there is no systematic approach to anti-corruption education as a preventive measure against corruption offences. Although anti-corruption education has received considerable attention at the national level in each of the countries examined, the measures taken to promote it are ad hoc and not systematic. National legislation does not contain regulations governing education and there is no logical link between various actors involved in anti-corruption education. The results of the study revealed shortcomings of Russian legislation in the area of anti-corruption education and concluded that the achievements of the Republic of Belarus and Germany in combating corruption were most likely linked to other areas and measures to combat and prevent corruption but not to anti-corruption education. It has been shown that in order to increase the effectiveness of anti-corruption education measures, Russia needs to apply international acts regulating not only anti-corruption issues but also educational activities and build a system of social relations in this area with all actors involved in educational activities, on the basis of interconnectedness and interdependence.
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Meyer, Meinert A., and Anatoli Rakhkochkine. "Wolfgang Klafki’s concept of ‘Didaktik’ and its reception in Russia." European Educational Research Journal 17, no. 1 (September 12, 2017): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474904117718757.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We take the reception of Wolfgang Klafki’s didactics in Russia as our example for the difficult relations between knowledge transfer and knowledge transformation. We start with a description, analysis and evaluation of Klafki’s two didactical models, categorical didactics and critical-constructive didactics, and then describe and evaluate their reception in Russia. The paper demonstrates that while in Germany the concept of Bildung as transformation has pushed back interest in categorical and critical-constructive Bildung, interest in Klafki’s work is increasing in the Russian Federation and in other countries. Therefore we see an urgent need for didactical theory construction from an international and intercultural perspective.
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Vedernikova, Maria Igorevna. "Vision of the image of Russia by Europeans from 2000 to 2014." Мировая политика, no. 3 (March 2023): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2023.3.43445.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this study, an attempt is made to form a holistic view of the image of Russia in Europe on the example of the image of the country in the UK, France and Germany, which was formed in the period from 2000 to 2014, i.e. before the annexation of Crimea to Russia, since this event had negative consequences for the image of Russia in European countries and after it the image significantly deteriorated. The choice of the object and subject of research is dictated by the purpose of this work. The object is the image of the state as one of the most significant elements of "soft power", and the subject is the image of Russia in Europe from 2000 to 2014. The purpose of this study is to examine the image of Russia during this period in European countries (using the example of the image of Russia in the UK, France and Germany). The research methodology is based on the principles of scientific objectivity and consistency: materials are selected and considered in the context of the situation, and facts and events are analyzed comprehensively. An important role in the research was assigned to general scientific research methods – content analysis and comparative analysis. The interdisciplinary approach makes it possible to use the achievements of such sciences as political science, image studies, sociology, psychology and marketing in the work. The territorial boundaries of the study cover countries such as the United Kingdom, Germany and France. The scientific novelty of the work consists in a comprehensive analysis of the factors influencing the perception of the image of the Russian Federation in Europe during this period. It can be stated that in the 2000s, in the context of the problem of perception of the image of Russia in the UK, France and Germany, ethnocentrism and altruistic democracy were significant concepts. It is also important to note that in the 2000s, not only negative, but also some positive characteristics of Russia's image were presented in European countries.
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S. G., Kovalenko, Yanchev D. V. D. V., Shestak O. I., Boldyreva S. Y., and Boldyrev R. Y. "THE STATE POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ON THE NORTHERN AND ARCTIC TERRITORIES IN THE 1990S: STAGES, PRIORITIES, MECHANISMS, AND RESULTS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 6 (November 18, 2019): 154–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7631.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose: The purpose of the study is to determine the state policy of the Russian Federation on the Northern and Arctic territories in the 1990s.
Methodology: This is analytical-logical research that has been done through content analysis and documentary and library research.
Result: Results showed that First of all Russia abruptly changed the priorities of its policy to the Far North setting the course to leave the region in all spheres. Dozens of polar expeditions from the USA, Norway, and Germany were sent to the Russian sector of polar lands. Russia itself rapidly turned off its economic presence in the North. “The North Pole-31” (drifting polar station) was stopped for 12 years on June 25, 1991.
Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students.
Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of the state policy of the Russian Federation on the northern and arctic territories in the 1990s is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.
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Lapina, N. "The Perception of Russia in Europe in Context of Ukrainian Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-24-34.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article deals with the impact of various factors on the perception of Russia in different European countries. The focus is on the role of mass media, expert and political elites in forming of Russia's image, especially in the context of Ukrainian crisis. In this article, the reaction of different European counties to events in Ukraine, the polarization of European space is analyzed: some countries prefer to put a pressure on the Russian Federation, other – to find a way out of the critical situation and reach a compromise. Some political establishment representatives in France, Germany, Czech Republic support Russia and the reunification with Crimea, dispute sanctions against Russia. For such politicians, this support results from anti-American views and independent foreign policy aspirations. Other representatives of the European elite demand tougher approach and more pressure on Russia by any means whatsoever (including military ones). European business-communities reveal great interest in solving issues related to sanctions. Many entrepreneurs in Europe (in particular major corporations in France, UK, Germany, Italy), who profit from long and fruitful cooperation with Russia, are against anti-Russian sanctions. In view of the Ukrainian crisis, Russia has to face and solve various important issues. How can Russia implement a modernization project after burning all traditional bridges to the West and western friends and partners? What is the right way for Russian foreign policy to support and defend Russian-speaking people all over the world? Which European political forces can provide support to Russia? How can civil society affect and influence cooperation between Russia and Europe?
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Konyukhova, A. A. "Settlement of Tax Disputes in the Russian Federation and Germany." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 269–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-269-275.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article is devoted to the settlement of tax disputes in the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany. The features of the conflict settlement mechanism are both shown in the stage of administrative and judicial review. In accordance with German law, the administrative stage of dispute resolution, carried out by the tax authority, always precedes the filing of a complaint to a court. Consequently, the taxpayer submits his first application in writing to the tax authority that issued the tax act, though in some cases to a higher tax authority. This obligatory procedure was borrowed by the Russian tax system. The trial stage of tax dispute settlement in Germany is carried out by specialized courts, forming a two-level system for legal proceedings. Thus, the tax dispute submitted to the Court is settled first by the financial lands courts and then by the higher Federal Financial Court. However, the Federal Financial Court takes into consideration only certain categories of actions listed in the Act (the Regulations) of finance courts (Finanzgerichtordnung). In Russia appeals of administrative review of tax conflicts, unlike in the German system, are handled by arbitration and general jurisdiction courts. The Supreme Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation is the supreme judicial body for settling economic disputes and other cases considered by arbitration courts in implementing federal procedural judicial supervision over their activities and provides explanations regarding judicial practices. Arbitration courts established at the level of the Federation to resolve disputes involving commercial entities, e.g. enterprises and entrepreneurs, resolve the bulk of tax disputes. These courts are composed of specially created panels of judges known as bars, i.e. groups of judges who specialize in reviewing taxation cases.
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Politova, E. U. "The Code of Administrative Offences as the Legal Basis of Administrative Responsibility in Germany and Russia (Material Aspects)." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)) 1, no. 11 (January 22, 2023): 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2022.99.11.146-153.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author conducted a comparative legal analysis of the regulatory framework of administrative responsibility — the legislation on administrative offenses of the two countries that are part of the Romano-German legal family. It is noted that this legislation is codified in both countries. However, the German Code of Administrative Offences, unlike Russia, can be called a framework. The concept of an administrative offense and its signs are analyzed. It is noted that they partially coincide in Russian and German legislation. Special attention is paid to the analysis of subjects of administrative responsibility. In particular, there is an earlier age of bringing individuals to responsibility in Germany compared to Russia. It is noted that in Germany, unlike in Russia, the institution of complicity is used in administrative responsibility. Administrative offenses and administrative penalties applied for their commission in both countries are investigated. It is concluded that there are much more of them in Russian legislation and they are more diverse. In conclusion, the author makes proposals on borrowing certain provisions of the German Code of Administrative Offences in the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation.
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Trunov, P. O. "German Security and Defence Policy in the Early 2020s and the Influence of US Interests." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 2 (December 15, 2024): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673024020046.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The nature and content of the U.S. - German dialogue have been significant for shaping the distribution of influence and responsibility in Euro-Atlantic community. This article examines the extent to which the Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) security and defense policy in the early 2020s aligns with U.S. interests. Under J. Biden`s administration the USA effectively rejected the FRG`s initiative to create a format for intergovernmental consultations. This initiative could have served as institutional “insurance” against the degradation of interstate dialogue experienced during D. Trump's administration. The signing of an agreement with the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) by D. Trump, and its implementation under J. Biden, forced Germany to end its strategic presence in Afghanistan. In an attempt to compensate for these losses, Germany has sought strategic engagement in the Indo-Pacific region and significantly increased its military activity under NATO in Europe to “contain” Russia. The article explores the role of Germany in the distributing responsibility between Western democracies in their concurrent confrontations with Russia and China. Among the large NATO member states in Europe, including the U.K., Germany has held special military-practical importance for the USA. The White House was interested in the Bundeswehr as the framework nation in different forms in NATO Forward Presence Force, NATO Response Force, and New NATO Force Model. Germany in agreement with the USA, has supported the use of the EU and palliative structures (first of all, the Rammstein format) for the «discharge» of NATO on the most provocative for Russia tracks of the military assistance to Kiev.
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Lebedeva, Ekaterina. "On the Question of the Powers of the Federal Executive Authorities of Germany in the Field of Genetic Engineering." Siberian Law Review 17, no. 3 (December 2, 2020): 421–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.19073/2658-7602-2020-17-3-421-430.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the present stage of the development of genetic engineering activities in the Russian Federation the question of the expediency of distributing powers between federal executive bodies and executive bodies of constituent entities is relevant. In this regard, the experience of Germany in securing the relevant powers in the field of genetic engineering for the executive authorities is considered, in particular, the powers of the federal executive authorities of Germany are examined to release and place genetically modified organisms, to monitor the impact of artificial microorganisms on human health and the environment, as well as administrative functions for maintaining information registers of information about modified organisms. The Author analyzes the powers of the German Federal Ministry of Food and Agriculture (German: Bundesministerium für Ernährung und Landwirtschaft – BMEL), the Federal Office for Consumer Protection and Food Safety of Germany (German: Bundesamt für Verbraucherschutz und Lebensmittelsicherheit – BVL) and other bodies. In addition, the Author has investigated the powers of the federal states of the Federal Republic of Germany in the field of genetic engineering work related to the use and production of artificial microorganisms and GM products. As an example, the competence of the authorized body of the federal state of Hesse – the Department of the Government of Hesse for genetic engineering – is considered. Analysis of the powers of the executive authorities of Germany in the field of genetic engineering made it possible to formulate conclusions and recommendations for streamlining the powers of executive authorities and organizations in Russia. As a result, proposals were made to improve public administration in the field of genetic engineering activities in Russia, including the need to entrust a separate authority with the authority for comprehensive regulation in the field of genetic engineering activities, as well as the inexpediency of currently providing executive the authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, the powers to exercise public administration in the area under consideration.
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Makarushkova, A. A., and I. V. Solovyeva. "Comparative Legal Analysis of Modern Civil Law Sources in Russia, France and Germany." Actual Problems of Russian Law 1, no. 12 (January 20, 2020): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2019.109.12.149-161.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Based on a comparative legal analysis, the paper discusses modern approaches to the system of sources of civil law in Russia, France and Germany. The authors draw attention to the similarities and differences (in form, name, structure, content, significance) of the sources of civil law of these countries, due to objective and subjective factors, as well as features of their legal systems. It is noted that the range of sources of civil law in France and Germany is much wider than in Russia. Among the sources of civil law of these legal systems, civil codes and laws containing civil law form a common ground for the system. Current trends include significant expansion and complication of the Russian civil law system of sources and its convergence with the laws of France and Germany. The authors conclude that there is a need to systematize and consolidate the detailed system of sources of civil law in Art. 3 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, the adjustment of certain legal institutions of French and German civil law in order to improve Russian legislation and develop modern sources of Russian civil law and their system in the context of combining the experience of French and German law with domestic legal traditions.
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Bulakh, Andrey, Paavo Härmä, Elena Panova, and Olavi Selonen. "Rapakivi granite in the architecture of St Petersburg: a potential Global Heritage Stone from Finland and Russia." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 486, no. 1 (2020): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/sp486-2018-5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractRapakivi granites were in use during the Middle Ages in Finland. Their most spectacular use, however, was for structures built in St Petersburg between 1760 and 1917. Remarkable examples are the majestic and slender Alexander Column and the 112 columns of St Isaac's Cathedral. All Rapakivi granite was extracted from the Wiborg Rapakivi granite batholith in several quarries around the municipality of Virolahti in SE Finland (old Russia). Today, the 1640 Ma-old Wiborg batholith is the most important area for natural stone production in Finland and in the Leningrad region, Russian Federation. The main quarried stone varieties of Rapakivi granite (Baltic Brown, Baltic Green, Carmen Red, Karelia Red, Eagle Red and Balmoral Red) are regularly produced in large quantities in Finland for the global stone market due to the stone's unique qualities. Examples of applications in Rapakivi granite from Finland can be found in the USA, China, South Africa, the UK, Italy, Austria, Ireland, Spain and Germany as well as in Scandinavia and Russia. There are also quarries near Vyborg, the Russian Federation: Vozrozhdenie and Ala-Noskua.
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Шелпаков, В. А. "Topical issues of responsibility for the rehabilitation of Nazism." Вестник Московской академии Следственного комитета Российской Федерации, no. 3(37) (October 2, 2023): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54217/2588-0136.2023.37.3.023.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Автором исследуется проблема увеличения случаев реабилитации нацизма, как в международной практике по данным МИД РФ, так и в судебной практике России. Попытки переписать историю Второй мировой войны, выставить государство-освободитель агрессором наряду с фашистской Германией влияют не только на взгляд общества на исторические события, но и на политическую обстановку в мире, вызывая негативное отношение к Российской Федерации. Рассмотрены проблемные вопросы ответственности за реабилитацию нацизма в уголовном законодательстве России, а также предложены пути решения имеющихся проблем. The author examines the problem of increasing cases of rehabilitation of Nazism, both in international practice according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, and in the judicial practice of Russia. Attempts to rewrite the history of the Second World War, to expose the liberator state as an aggressor along with fascist Germany affect not only society's view on historical events, but also the political situation in the world, causing a negative attitude towards the Russian Federation. The article deals with problematic issues of responsibility for the rehabilitation of Nazism in the criminal legislation of Russia, and suggests ways to solve existing problems.