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1
Wright, Brian Bradley. "A review of lessons learned to inform capacity-building for sustainable nature-based tourism development in the European Union funded ʺSupport to the Wild Coast Spatial Development Initiative Pilot Programmeʺ". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003628.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This case-study establishes the influences of power-knowledge relationships on capacity-building for sustainability in the European Union Funded ‘Wild Coast Spatial Development Initiative Pilot Programme’ (EU Programme). It aims to capture the lessons learned for capacitybuilding to support nature-based tourism initiatives on the Wild Coast. The EU Programme aimed to achieve economic and social development of previously disadvantaged communities through nature-based tourism enterprises, and to develop capacity of local authorities and communities to support environmental management. The study discusses common trends in thematic categories emerging from the research data, and contextualises research findings in a broader development landscape. This study indicates that power-knowledge relations were reflected in the EU Programme’s development ideology by an exclusionary development approach, which lacked a participatory ethos. This exclusionary approach did not support an enabling environment for capacity-building. This development approach, guiding the programme conceptualization, design and implementation processes, resulted in a programme with unrealistic objectives, time-frames and resource allocations; a programme resisted by provincial and local government. The study provides a causal link between participation, programme relevance, programme ownership, commitment of stakeholders, effective management and capacity-building for sustainable programme implementation. The study argues that the underlying motivation for the exclusionary EU development ideology in the programme is driven by a risk management strategy. This approach allows the EU to hold power in the development process, whereas, an inclusionary participative development methodology would require a more in-depth negotiation with stakeholders, thereby requiring the EU to relinquish existing levels of power and control. This may increase the risk of an unexpected programme design outcome and associated exposure to financial risk. It may also have a significant financial effect on donor countries' consultancies and consultants currently driving the development industry. This study recommends an interactive-participative methodology for programme design and implementation, if an enabling environment for capacity-building is to be created. In addition, all programme stakeholders must share contractual accountability for programme outcomes. This requires a paradigm shift in the EU development ideology to an inclusionary methodology. However, this research suggests that the current EU development approach will not voluntarily change. I, therefore, argue that South Africa needs to develop a legislative framework that will guide donor-funded development programme methodology, to support an enabling environment for capacity-building.
2
Akdere, Özlem. "Analyse du surcroît de la population agricole en Pologne et en Turquie : une étude comparative." Thesis, Artois, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013ARTO0102.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La Pologne et la Turquie témoignent depuis plusieurs années d’une transition économique semblable à travers une forte croissance du PIB, une augmentation des exportations et surtout une hausse des flux internationaux de capitaux. Malgré la transformation économique, le secteur agricole demeure encore une activité importante dans leur économie respective. Comparée aux autres pays européens, le décalage important entre la contribution de l’agriculture au PIB et le nombre des personnes employées révèle une très faible productivité de la main-d’œuvre. L’agriculture représente une source principale d’emploi notamment dans la zone rurale. En dépit de la diminution constante de l’emploi agricole de ces dernières années, il existe une surpopulation dans le secteur et un problème du chômage déguisé. La Pologne, membre de l’Union européenne (UE) depuis mai 2004, a bénéficié fortement des fonds structurels afin d’améliorer et de moderniser son agriculture. Quant à la Turquie, pays candidat à l’UE depuis octobre 2005, elle tente d’adapter son agriculture à la politique agricole commune (PAC). Notre recherche est essentiellement basée sur une étude comparative des pays présentant de nombreuses similitudes mais aussi de réelles divergences quant au niveau de leur structure agraire. À travers des réformes mises en vigueur pendant et après la période d’adhésion en Pologne, on cherche à répondre à la question si les réformes appliquées en Pologne sont ou non transposables au cas de la TurquiePoland and Turkey have been demonstrating for several years now a similar economic transition through a strong growth of GDP, a boost in exports and especially an increase in the flow of international capitals. Despite the economic transformation, the agricultural sector remains an important activity in their respective economies. Compared to other European countries, the large gap between the contribution of agriculture to GDP and the number of employees shows a very low productivity of labor. Agriculture is a main source of employment especially in the rural areas. Despite the steady decline in agricultural employment in recent years, the field is overpopulated and the hidden unemployment problem is conceals. Poland, a member of the European Union (EU) since May 2004, has greatly benefited from the Structural Funds to improve and modernize its agriculture. As for Turkey, an EU candidate since October 2005, it tries to adapt its agriculture to the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Our research is mainly based on a comparative study of countries with many similarities but also real differences in the level of their agrarian structure. With the help of reforms that came into effect during and after the period of accession of Poland to the EU, we will try to find whether the reforms implemented in Poland are transferable or not to the case of Turkey
3
Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
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4
Pasiouras, Fotios. "Development of bank acquisition targets prediction models." Thesis, Coventry University, 2005. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/ecf1b00d-da92-9bd2-5b02-fa4fab8afb0c/1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis develops a range of prediction models for the purpose of predicting the acquisition of commercial banks in the European Union using publicly available data. Over the last thirty years, there have been approximately 30 studies that have attempted to identify potential acquisition targets, all of them focusing on non-bank sectors. We consider that prediction models developed specifically for the banking industry are essential due to the unusual structure of banks' financial statements, differences in the environment in which banks operate and other specific characteristics of banks that in general distinguish them from non-financial firms. We focus specifically on the EU banking sector, where M&As activity has been considerable in recent years, yet academic research relating to the EU has been rather limited compared to the case of the US. The methodology for developing prediction models involved identifying past cases of acquired banks and combining these with non-acquired banks in order to evaluate the prediction accuracy of various quantitative classification techniques. In this study, we construct a base sample of commercial banks covering 15 EU countries, and financial variables measuring capital strength, profit and cost efficiency, liquidity, growth, size and market power, with data in both raw and country-adjusted (i.e. raw variables divided by the average of the banking sector for the corresponding country) form. In order to allow for a proper comparative evaluation of classification methods, we select common subsets of the base sample and variables with high discriminatory power, dividing the sample period (1998-2002) into training sub-sample for model development (1998-2000), and holdout sub-sample for model evaluation (2001-2002). Although the results tend to support the findings of studies on non-financial firms, highlighting the difficulties in predicting acquisition targets, the prediction models we develop show classification accuracies generally higher than chance assignment based on prior probabilities. We also consider the use of equal and unequal matched holdout samples for evaluation, and find that overall classification accuracy tends to increase in the unequal matched samples, implying that equal matched samples do not necessarily overstate the prediction ability of models. The main goal of this study has been to compare and evaluate a variety of classification methods including statistical, econometric, machine learning and operational research techniques, as well as integrated techniques combining the predictions of individual classification methods. We found that some methods achieved very high accuracies in classifying non-acquired banks, but at the cost of relatively poor accuracy performance in classifying acquired banks. This suggests a trade-off in achieving high classification accuracy, although some methods (e.g. Discriminant) performed reasonably well in terms of achieving balanced overall classification accuracies of above chance predictions. Integrated prediction models offer the advantage of counterbalancing relatively poor performance of some classification methods with good performance of others, but in doing so could not out-perform all individual classification methods considered. In general, we found that the outcome of which method performed best depended largely on the group classification accuracy considered, as well as to some extent on the choice of the discriminatory variables. Concerning the use of raw or country-adjusted data, we found no clear effect on the prediction ability of the classification methods.
5
Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.
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6
Shi, Feng. "Principles of European Union water law." Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1944040.
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7
Mavura, Mike Tigere. "The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
8
Topcuoglu, Merve Mehlika. "Energy Indicators For Sustainable Development: Comparison Of Turkey And Selected European Union Countries." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613555/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of this study is to compare the sustainable development perspective of Turkey
with selected European Union countries in terms of Energy Indicators for Sustainable
Energy between 1980-2008. The study is conducted in a comparative and descriptive
way by using energy indicators. The common energy policy priorities of Turkey and
European Union are determined in the light of recent literature. An energy indicator set
is constructed according to energy priorities, namely, energy efficiency and energy
intensityenergy security and fuel mix
and environmental concerns. The analysis of relevant indicators demonstrates that Turkey does not meet the sustainability criteria in terms of energy use. In general, findings of the study indicate that Turkey does not use energy efficiently and energy intensities in the economy do not decrease except for the industry sector, for the period 1980-2008. Import dependency has increased and fuel mix of energy sources is dominantly carbon based. Expectations about increasing renewable energy share do not exhibit a significant trend thus energy security and fuel mix are still important issues for Turkey. Lastly, environmental protection in terms of decreasing GHG emissions, air pollution and deforestation could not be achieved as GHG emissions, air pollution and deforestation have increased in Turkey during 1980- 2008 period.
9
Lipska, Katarzyna. "The effects of 2004 European Union enlargement on mortality development for joining countries." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-92578.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The life expectancy development during the past 150 years has been remarkable in many parts of the world. These developments, however, have been very different across countries. In Europe, the diverse historical and political changes lead to clusters of regions that followed different mortality developments. The aim of this study was to examine how countries that entered the European Union in 2004 and 2007 differ in terms of mortality from continuous members of the EU and from Eastern European countries that have never joined the EU. Moreover, I studied a possible convergence in mortality indicators between these groups of countries. The data used to explore mortality conditions in those groups of countries was derived from two sources: The Human Mortality Database and European Health for All Database. Descriptive statistics and calculations of average yearly pace of change for groups of countries have been applied for each mortality indicator. Furthermore, regression models have been conducted to estimate the impact of belonging to a country group on mortality indicators, adjusted for some macro-level indicators of economic progress and health expenditure. The results verified previous research implying the importance of period factors which can affect mortality in the short term. For all mortality indicators, accelerated improvements between 1995 and 1999 have been found in countries who became EU members in 2004. Moreover, life expectancy convergence was observed for life expectancy at birth but not for the older ages which could imply that the positive progress affected older ages to smaller degree. My findings confirm the importance of social environment and imply that the process of joining the EU possibly could reduce social stress and affect mortality conditions positively.
10
Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.
11
Pillay, Morgenie. "The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement: a case of reference for the south?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
12
Burger, Pieter Francois Theron. "The trade and development agreement between SA and the EU : implications for SACU." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52029.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA. The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive. Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool. South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater. The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access to the EU market. The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit, processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain (Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef (Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana. The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and 1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the EU. The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.
13
Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
14
Wu, Yan Ni. "The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.
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15
Clappison, Andrew. "Endogenous rural development within the South West of England : a governance narrative of LEADER+." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/103708.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The global political system forms the backdrop to the changing function of the state and the emergence of new governing systems. This thesis develops a particular governance narrative in relation to endogenous rural development within the South West of England through the European Union’s (EU) LEADER+ rural development programme. This programme is important because it sits firmly within a wider set of discourses on the ‘new governance’. This discourse spans wider debates over emerging forms of deliberative democracy, European governance and globalisation. The LEADER programmes approach to governance is framed as a means to facilitate enhanced deliberative practice through‘partnership’ arrangements at the local level, and in turn ensure ‘local people’ and their‘communities’ develop in line with their strengths. This approach to governance, developed through the regional studies literature, is seen as a means to meet those challenges presented by the global economic epoch. There is a strong rhetoric on the potential of the LEADER approach, but this rhetoric does not result in effective deliberative processes and outputs. The LEADER programme fails to break free from its wider political contexts and the governmentalities of the state. These enable powerful actors to manipulate the political system and its objectives. This is possible through the even wider context of global governance, which helps us understand that relations of power no longer follow linear channels, that gateways once closed are now open (and vice versa), and that policy networks now stretch both horizontally and vertically beyond the traditional confines of state power.
16
Bertelsmann-Scott, Talitha. "The SA-EU trade, development and co-operation agreement : democratising South Africa's trade policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52573.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the population. The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded, South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA. In the second section the internal process in developing a South African negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise. The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus. Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to a large extent democratic in nature. However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade Organisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag neem in beleidsformulering. Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaners skep. In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok. Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne fokus. Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer is. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en ondersteuning.
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Ribeiro, José Duarte Medeiros. "Between Bacchus and Dionysus: European Union policies on rural development: the cases of Nemea and Basto wine regions." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/15886.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mestrado em Planeamento Regional e UrbanoA actividade vitivinícola possui um conjunto diverso de características presentes no solo, território e comunidade que fazem parte do património cultural de uma determinada região. Quando a tradição se traduz num conceito como terroir que é formado por características territoriais, sociais e culturais de uma região rural, o vinho apresenta uma “assinatura” que se escreve “naturalmente” no paladar regionalmente identificado. Os vinhos da Região de Nemea, na Grécia e de Basto (Região dos Vinhos Verdes) em Portugal, estão ambos sob a proteção dos regulamentos das Denominações de Origem. No entanto, apesar de ambos serem regulados por sistemas institucionais de certificação e controlo de qualidade, afigura-se a necessidade de questionar se o património cultural e a identidade territorial específica, “impressa” em ambos os terroirs, pode ser protegida num sentido mais abrangente do que apenas origem e qualidade. Em Nemea, a discussão entre os produtores diz respeito ao estabelecimento de sub-zonas, isto é incluir na regulação PDO uma diferente categorização territorial com base no terroir. Ou seja, para além de estar presente no rótulo a designação PDO, as garrafas incluirão ainda informação certificada sobre a área específica (dentro do mesmo terroir) onde o vinho foi produzido. A acontecer resultaria em diferentes status de qualidade de acordo com as diferentes aldeias de Nemea onde as vinhas estão localizadas. O que teria possíveis impactos no valor das propriedades e no uso dos solos. Para além disso, a não participação da Cooperativa de Nemea na SON (a associação local de produtores de vinho) e como tal na discussão principal sobre as mudanças e os desafios sobre o terroir de Nemea constitui um problema no sector vitivinícola de Nemea. Em primeiro lugar estabelece uma relação de não-comunicação entre os dois mais importantes agentes desse sector – as companhias vinícolas e a Cooperativa. Em segundo lugar porque constituiu uma possibilidade real, não só para os viticultores ficarem arredados dessa discussão, como também (porque não representados pela cooperativa) ficar impossibilitado um consenso sobre as mudanças discutidas. Isto poderá criar um ‘clima’ de desconfiança levando a discussão para ‘arenas’ deslocalizadas e como tal para decisões ‘desterritorializadas’ Em Basto, há vários produtores que começaram a vender a sua produção para distribuidoras localizadas externamente à sub-região de Basto, mas dentro da Região dos Vinhos Verdes, uma vez que essas companhias tem um melhor estatuto nacional e internacional e uma melhor rede de exportações. Isto está ainda relacionado com uma competição por uma melhor rede de contactos e status mais forte, tornando as discussões sobre estratégias comuns para o desenvolvimento rural e regional de Basto mais difícil de acontecer (sobre isto a palavra impossível foi constantemente usada durante as entrevistas com os produtores de vinho). A relação predominante entre produtores é caracterizada por relações individualistas. Contudo foi observado que essas posições são ainda caracterizadas por uma desconfiança no interior da rede interprofissional local: conflitos para conseguir os mesmos potenciais clientes; comprar uvas a viticultores com melhor rácio qualidade/preço; estratégias individuais para conseguir um melhor status político na relação com a Comissão dos Vinhos Verdes. Para além disso a inexistência de uma activa intermediação institucional (autoridades municipais e a Comissão de Vinho Verde), a inexistência entre os produtores de Basto de uma associação ou mesmo a inexistência de uma cooperativa local tem levado a região de Basto a uma posição de subpromoção nas estratégias de promoção do Vinho Verde em comparação com outras sub-regiões. É também evidente pelos resultados que as mudanças no sector vitivinícolas na região de Basto têm sido estimuladas de fora da região (em resposta também às necessidades dos mercados internacionais) e raramente de dentro – mais uma vez, ‘arenas’ não localizadas e como tal decisões desterritorializadas. Nesse sentido, toda essa discussão e planeamento estratégico, terão um papel vital na preservação da identidade localizada do terroir perante os riscos de descaracterização e desterritorialização. Em suma, para ambos os casos, um dos maiores desafios parece ser como preservar o terroir vitivinícola e como tal o seu carácter e identidade local, quando a rede interprofissional em ambas as regiões se caracteriza, tanto por relações não-consensuais em Nemea como pelo modus operandi de isolamento sem comunicação em Basto. Como tal há uma necessidade de envolvimento entre os diversos agentes e as autoridades locais no sentido de uma rede localizada de governança. Assim sendo, em ambas as regiões, a existência dessa rede é essencial para prevenir os efeitos negativos na identidade do produto e na sua produção. Uma estratégia de planeamento integrado para o sector será vital para preservar essa identidade, prevenindo a sua desterritorialização através de uma restruturação do conhecimento tradicional em simultâneo com a democratização do acesso ao conhecimento das técnicas modernas de produção vitivinícola.
Wine growing and producing has a diverse set of characteristics that reflects on territory and the community of a region’s cultural heritage. In countries like Portugal and Greece, where the wine history is almost so long as the country’s history itself, this cultural heritage is deep rooted on a long past constructed tradition. When this tradition is translated into a concept like terroir that is embedded by specific territorial, social and cultural characteristics of a rural region, the wine bears a “signature” present on the “natural” taste regionally identified. On the recent years there is a renewed interest on the notion of terroir, where discussions arose about the preservation/re-creation of terroirs on the ongoing process of history. One of most used protection of wine terroirs lies on geographical indications property rights instruments. On the context of European Union the commonly used is Protected Designation of Origin (PDO), strongly influenced by the French appellation d’origine côntrolée (AOC). Nemea (Greece) and Basto (Portugal) are two high quality demarcated wines regions (VQPRD) under the protection of labels of origin that in legal terms have (commonly) the format of Geographical Indications (GIs). Despite both follow institutional overseeing certification systems and quality control, recent discussions have emerged on the reconstruction of local/traditional knowledge and thus on the reconstruction of both regions terroir’s. Therefore, those discussions arose challenges to rural development of the regions between the preservation of localness (implicit on the protection by labels of origin) and the threats of de-territorialization. In Nemea, the discussion among the wine producers concerns the establishment of sub-appellations. Therefore, if formally established, there will be included on the bottles (besides the general Nemea PDO label) certified labelling of the specific rural community (inside Nemea region). We observed that may result into different status of quality accordingly to different sub-zones of Nemea wine appellation. The opposers believe that this changes will have impacts on property values and also confusion between consumers regarding Nemea wine will be brought. Besides, the non-participation of Nemea Wine Cooperative on SON (the local interprofessional association of producers) and thus on the main table of the discussion about the changes on the terroir of Nemea, constitutes a problem on the chain of Nemea network. It establishes, at first, a non-communication between the two most important stakeholders in Nemea – the private wineries and the cooperative. Second, it constitutes a real possibility for, not only the rural community (farmers and other inhabitants that have a indirect relation with the wine economy) be set apart from the discussion as a important stakeholder, but also (because not represented by the cooperative) an overall consensus over the discussed changes will be almost impossible. This can create a ‘climate’ of distrust and driven the discussion through non-localized ‘arenas’ and thus to de-territorialized decisions. In Basto there are, increasingly, closer relations between wine producers and bigger companies located elsewhere than between themselves. This is related with a conflicting competition for stronger network and status, making discussions on common strategies for Basto wine region(al) rural development very difficult to take place (regarding this the word impossible was constantly used during interviews with wine producers). The predominant relation between producers is characterised by individualistic positions. However, we observed that those positions are augmented by the distrust within the local interprofessional network: struggling for the same potential clients; to buy (grapes) from vinegrowers with better price/quality ratio; conflicts for better social and political status on the relation with the Vinho Verde Commission. Furthermore, the lack of institutional active intermediation (municipal authorities and Vinho Verde Commission), the inexistence of a Basto wine producers association or even the inexistence of a local cooperative has leading to the sub-promotion position of Basto on Vinho Verde promotion schemes in comparison with others sub-regions. It was also evident from the results that the changes on Basto’s wine sector have been stimulated from outside (in response to international markets needs) and barely from within – once more, non-localized ‘arenas’ and thus deterritorialized decisions. In sum, for both cases, the main challenge appears to be how to preserve wine terroir and therefore its localness, when the interprofessional network is being driven in a way of, either non-consensus relations (Nemea) or isolated modus operandi without discussions at all (Basto). There is indeed a needed ‘spark’ for all involved actors and local authorities to come together – a necessity of localized governance networks. Therefore, in both wine regions, the existence of localized governance is essential to prevent the negative effects on terroir’s identity and wine production localness through strategical planning involving all stakeholders and political authorities both at local and regional level. This integrated strategical planning will only play a vital role to preserve localness over de-territorialisation if able to mobilize reterritorialization under a re-shaping of traditional knowledge along with the winemaking modern techniques.
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Lunde, Amaris. "Rural development and sustainable agriculture in the European Union Mediterranean : a case study on olive oil production in Kefalonia, Greece /." Online version, 2007. http://content.wwu.edu/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/hcc&CISOPTR=2385&REC=14.
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Delechat, Aude Simonne Emilie. "Une concurrence fiscale loyale (un compte de fée?) /." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83950.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Tax competition between tax sovereignties is a fact. We focus here on the international tax competition. Taxation is one of the tools of governance that States use to direct their policies. Tax authorities try to diminish the burden of their taxpayers to improve the national economic and social welfare. To aim this objective, Governments intensify the competitiveness of the domestic trade and/or attract foreign investments. Because every States share the same goal, Governments compete with each other on the tax field. This tax competition is qualified as beneficial on the one hand, and one the other hand---ever more often---the adjective used to qualify this competition would be "harmful". At first, this thesis exposes the situation of tax competition, presenting the opposing views and the concurring ones. Then, we look at the position of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development and the position of the European Union on this issue of tax competition. Historic summaries explain the point of view of these two organizations that are the leaders in the fight against the "harmful" tax competition. Finally, we give subjective ideas to re-think tax competition in a fair way.
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Wu, Xia. "Integrated river basin management : looking into the experiences of EU and China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2586417.
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DARKO, PHIDELIA. "EU DEVELOPMENT POLICY FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES VS. THE NEW SECURITY AGENDA : A CASE STUDY ON GHANA." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23826.
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Development issues have been the centre of most international governmental organisations for quite a long time. Most developing countries tend to depend on Western foreign donors to assist them in their developmental ambitions. Ghana as a developing nation also depends on it foreign donors to finance most of it developmental projects. Even though the European Union is an international governmental organisation that is much known for assisting developing countries with their developmental projects it is anticipated that recent occurrence such as the global economic meltdown, climate change coupled with terrorist attacks on most developed nations will limit or perhaps even halt the flow of development aid to developing countries as they might be more concerned with securing their territory rather than thinking of other people somewhere else.This is because such occurrences have resulted in raising a new concern, thus the New Security Agenda or Human Security. The Human Security in respect to its economic sector is what this paper deals with. This paper takes a critical look on Ghana’s Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (GPRS), as pertaining to the aspect of these papers that received developmental aid from the European Development Fund (EDF). It is proved here that almost all aspect of Ghana’s developmental projects in one way or other received funding from the EDF. The New Security Agenda in terms of its economic sector was rather found out to be a positive influence for developing nations like Ghana as a result of the country’s stability. This is because it was found out that rather than limiting the flow of development aid to Ghana, it is during this time that the 10th EDF budget for Ghana received the highest funding. It was later found out that all these developmental projects conforms to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which is also an area of concern in the New Security Agenda. All this occurrences are much more explained along a theoretical framework (thus the notions of liberalism, critical theory and constructivism). However other academic works on the subject matter was also comprehensively acknowledged.
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Deerness-Plesner, Gina Eleanor Mary. "The Final Frontier? New Zealand engagement with the European Union in the field of research, science and technology." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2697.
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This dissertation endeavours to address an identified gap in literature concerning the relationship between New Zealand and the European Union (EU) in the field of research, science and technology (RS&T). Examination of the partnership begins with the creation of the Science and Technological Cooperation (STC) Arrangement in 1991 and comes to a close in 2008, following the Arrangement’s ‘upgrade’ to an STC Agreement on 16 July. During this time, the intensification of the EU’s activities in RS&T is evident. The Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) currently constitutes the most internationalised Programme to date. Identifying the complementary nature of New Zealand and EU research priorities thus suggests that now, more than ever, the New Zealand research community stands to gain from participation within such an inclusive venture.
Aiming to assess the current status of New Zealand-EU research collaboration, the research identifies a number of recurring themes, both positive and negative, that influence the nature of the RS&T relationship. These themes focus on problems concerning visibility within the EU, geographical isolation from this important market, an absence of targeted domestic funding for New Zealand-EU RS&T collaboration and the unwieldy bureaucratic process of the Framework Programme. The research also determines the importance of both ‘official’ and ‘informal’ mechanisms’ in combating the outlined collaborative bottlenecks. Taking these themes into account, the thesis ultimately looks to provide recommendations concerning the future of New Zealand-EU engagement in this field.
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Aina, Tosin Philip. "A critical overview of the impact of economic partnership agreement with European Union on trade and economic development in the West African Region." Thesis, UWC, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3216.
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Frisina, Lorraine. "Understanding regional development : absorption, institutions and socio-economic growth in the regions of the European Union ; a case study on Italy /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/560191960.pdf.
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Alverhed, Elin, and Frida Kåvik. "The decoupling process of CO2 emissions and economic growth : A comparative study between the European Union and middle income countries in South and East Asia." Thesis, Jönköping University, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49616.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper compares and analyzes the decoupling processes of carbon emissions to economic growth in the European Union and South and East Asian middle income countries. This is done through econometric methods, testing for a relationship between CO2 and GDP. The study is conducted by first testing for the hypothesis that there is a significant difference of the turning points between the EU and the Asian region, and thereafter if there is a significant difference in the decoupling processes. The findings show that the Asian middle income countries have a lower turning point than the EU. It is also found that the EU experienced absolute decoupling in 2014, whereas the Asian countries only experienced weak relative decoupling. The study is based on four theories; The Environmental Kuznets curve, Tapio’s Decoupling model Theory, Rostow’s Stage of Growth Theory and the Ecological Modernization Theory. The findings, together with the theories, show that improved technology, together with implementations of international policies, can have positive effects on environmental changes.
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Larsson, Lars. "När EU kom till byn : Leader II - ett sätt att styra landsbygdens utveckling /." Uppsala : Dept. of Social and Economic Geography [Kulturgeografiska institutionen], Univ, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-2955.
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Zürker, Matthias. "Promotion of regional development through inter-regional co-operation with the accession countries of the enlargement of the European Union : the example of the south west of England region /." Kaiserslautern : Techn. Univ, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/bs/toc/476518547.pdf.
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Kořínková, Johana. "Využití finančních zdrojů EU při financování projektu zemědělského družstva." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10186.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis is divided into twelve chapters, of which the first six can be seen as the theoretical part and a further six chapters in part practical. The theoretical part is to set out an overview of not only the EU Structural Funds, but also policies that take place within the EU. A little more work devoted to programs, and through which funds can be obtained in agriculture, from the perspective of both the pre-accession period to the EU and in the period after the entry into force. For the most part, is the thesis focused on agriculture, since the practical part is treated as a guide for ZOD Borovany how to develop the project and other elements required for the application for a grant in the new programming period 2007 - 2013. ZOD Borovany has rich experience in raising funds from EU funds, and always towards the realization of the use of advisory services firm, which deals with the processing of projects.
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Volz, Eckehard. "The trade, development and cooperation agreement between the Republic of South Africa and the European Union : an analysis with special regard to the negotiating process, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the Port and Sherry Agreement." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52582.
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Thesis (LLM)--University of Stellenbosch, 1999.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) between the European Union and the Republic of South Africa, which was concluded in October 1999. In particular, the agreement is analysed in the light of the negotiating process between the parties, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the compatibility of the agreement with it and the Port and Sherry Agreement. Since the EU emphasised its aim to commence economic and development cooperation with other African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries on a reciprocal basis during the negotiations for a successor of the Lomé Convention, the TDCA between the EU and South Africa had to be seen as a "pilot project" for future cooperation agreements between countries at different levels of development. The TDCA between the EU and South Africa is therefore not only very important for the two concerned parties, but could serve as an example for further negotiations between the EU and other ACP countries. Thus the purpose of this thesis is to examine the TDCA between the EU and South Africa from a wider global perspective. The thesis is divided into six Chapters: The first Chapter provides an introduction to the circumstances under which the negotiations between the EU and South Africa commenced. It deals briefly with the economic situation in South Africa during the apartheid era and presents reasons why the parties wanted to enter into bilateral negotiations. The introductory part furthermore presents an overview of the contents of the thesis. The second chapter contains a detailed description of the negotiating process that took place between the parties and shows why it took 43 months and 21 rounds of negotiations to reach a deal. South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the conclusion of separate agreements such as the Wine and Spirits Agreement, are also analysed. Chapter three presents the various components of the TOCA and illustrates what the negotiators achieved. This chapter on the TOCA concludes with an evaluation of the Agreement and shows the potential benefits to South Africa and the EU. Since the Agreement had to satisfy international rules, the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and TradelWorld Trade Organisation (GATTIWTO) were of major importance. The EC Treaty, however, does not contain any provision that indicates whether, or how, an international agreement like the GATTIWTO penetrates the Community legal order. In Chapter four, accordingly, questions are raised regarding the extent to which the bilateral agreement between South Africa and the EU was influenced by the GATTIWTO provisions and how these rules were incorporated into the agreement. Furthermore, since the parties agreed on the establishment of a free trade area, this chapter deals with the question of in how far the TOCA is in line with Article XXIV GATT. In addition to the GATT provisions, the TOCA is also affected by the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). Therefore Chapter five deals with TRIPs in connection with the TOCA. The use of the terms "Port" and "Sherry" as the major stumbling block to the conclusion of the TOCA is analysed more closely. The final part, namely Chapter six, provides a summary of the results of the investigation. Furthermore, a conclusion is provided with regard to the question of whether the TOeA can be seen as an example for further trade relations between the EU and other ACP countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is gerig op die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (TDGA) tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en die Republiek van Suid Afrika wat in Oktober 1999 gesluit is. Die ooreenkoms word veral in die lig van die onderhandelingsproses tussen die partye, die inhoud van die ooreenkoms, die toepaslikheid van Wêreldhandelsorganisasiereg en die versoenbaarheid daarvan met die ooreenkoms en die Port en Sjerrie-ooreenkoms ontleed. Aangesien die EU sy oogmerk van wederkerige ekonomiese en ontwikkelings-gerigte samewerking met ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-Eilande gedurende die onderhandelings vir 'n opvolger van die Lomé Konvensie beklemtoon het, moes die ooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika as 'n "loodsprojek" vir toekomstige samewerkingsooreenkomste tussen lande wat op verskillende vlakke van onwikkeling is, gesien word. Die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika is dus nie net baie belangrik vir die betrokke partye nie, maar dit kan ook as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere onderhandelings tussen die EU en lande van Afrika en die Karibiese- en Stille Oseaan-Eilande dien. Die doel van dié tesis is om die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewekingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika vanuit 'n meer globale perspektief te beskou. Die tesis is in ses Hoofstukke ingedeel: Die eerste hoofstuk bied 'n inleiding tot die omstandighede waaronder die onderhandelings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika begin het. Dit behandel die Suid- Afrikaanse ekonomiese situasie onder apartheid kortliks en toon hoekom die partye tweesydige onderhandelings wou aanknoop. Verder bied die inleidende deel 'n oorsig oor die inhoud van die tesis. Die tweede hoofstuk bevat 'n gedetailleerde beskrywing van die onderhandelingsproses wat tussen die partye plaasgevind het en toon aan waarom dit drie-en-veertig maande geduur het en een-en-twintig onderhandelingsrondtes gekos het om die saak te beklink. Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike toetrede tot die Lomé Konvensie en die sluit van aparte ooreenkomste soos die Port- en Sjerrieooreenkoms word ook ontleed. Die daaropvolgende hoofstuk bespreek die verskillende komponente van die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en toon wat die onderhandelaars bereik het. Hierdie hoofstuk oor die Ooreenkoms sluit af met 'n evaluering daarvan en dui die potensiële voordele van die Ooreenkoms vir Suid- Afrika en die EU aan. Aangesien die Ooreenkoms internasionale reëls moes tevrede stel, was die voorskrifte van die Algemene Ooreenkoms oor Tariewe en Handel (GATT) van uiterste belang. Die EG-verdrag bevat egter geen voorskrif wat aandui óf, of hoé, 'n internasionale ooreenkoms soos GATTNVTO die regsorde van die Europese Gemeenskap binnedring nie. Die vraag oor in hoeverre die tweesydige ooreenkoms tussen Suid-Afrika en die EU deur die GATTIWTO voorskrifte beïnvloed is, en oor hoe hierdie reëls in die ooreenkoms opgeneem is, word dus in Hoofstuk vier aangeraak. Aangesien die partye ooreengekom het om 'n vrye handeisarea tot stand te bring, behandel hierdie hoofstuk ook die vraag oor in hoeverre die TOGA met Artikel XXIV GATT strook. Tesame met die GATT-voorskrifte word die TOGA ook deur die Ooreenkoms ten opsigte van Handelsverwante Aspekte van Intellektuele Eiendomsreg (TRIPs) geraak. Hoofstuk vyf behandel daarom hierdie aspek ten opsigte van die TOGA. Die gebruik van die terme "Port" en "Sjerrie" as die vernaamste struikelblok tot die sluiting van die TOG-ooreenkoms word ook deegliker ontleed. Die laaste gedeelte, naamlik Hoofstuk ses, bied 'n opsomming van die resultate van die ondersoek. Verder word 'n gevolgtrekking voorsien ten opsigte van vraag of die TOGA as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere handelsverwantskappe tussen die EU en ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-eilande beskou kan word.
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Van, der Holst Marieke. "EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping: partnership or asymmetry?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
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Pevná, Helena. "Populační vývoj v České republice v letech 1945 - 2008 a srovnání se zeměmi Evropské unie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-19216.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Work provides an overview of the major demographic indicators, the Czech Republic and the European Union. The first part, the reader may meet with some key demographic data and looking at history in obtaining such data. The second part describes the development of the population of the Czech Republic during the years after World War II until 2008. Further the thesis focuses on the demographics of the Member States of the Union during the years 1990 to 2007. The last part deals with the cluster analysis of EU member states, which is an effort based on life expectancy in 2002 and 2007 to assess the status of the Czech Republic in the EU. The aim should be to work groups and comparing selected demographic indicators for Czech Republic and the European Union.
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Williamson, Hugh Francis. "Transylvanian Baroque : liberalism and its others in rural Romania." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289028.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is an exploration of liberalism in Romania and in anthropology. Liberalism is frequently represented in contemporary anthropology as a hegemonic technocratic practice, rationalist ideology and hypocritically exclusionary politics. I challenge this representation through an ethnography of a British-Romanian rural revitalisation and conservation programme in the Saxon villages region of southern Transylvania, Romania, and the vernacular liberalism of the cosmopolitan youth who have taken this project up. Douglas Holmes has asserted that in the European Union (EU) in the twenty-first century, communities and people are experimenting with new identity projects that fuse the liberal and illiberal in innovative ways. I trace how the rural revitalisation programme brought together romantic, "integralist" visions of the Saxon villages with the EU's liberal technologies of governance to create a set of projects the value of which could be translated between diverse sets of actors, from British tourists through European bureaucrats and Transylvanian farmers. This provided local youth with the possibility of making a life in their home region in a context of significant economic decline and massive emigration. The seemingly disparate liberal and romantic elements, initially brought together in a transnational context, were "domesticated" by Transylvanian liberals as complementary resources that could be mobilised to combat entrenched problems of Romanian society and modernity, as liberals saw it, notably the failure of the state to provide key services and the stagnation of the public sphere. The state's failures had led liberals to abandon it is a source of hope, turning instead to voluntary action, which made the dilemmas of how to mobilise engaged publics all the more crucial. Village liberals' attempts to foster such publics frequently ended up reproducing their own marginality, however. Against conventional representations of liberalism, I argue that its technocratic pretensions can be an object of hope in a milieu where expertise is perceived to be absent as much as an institutional hegemony. I further conclude that the multiple ways in which the liberal and the romantic are combined challenges dominant images of liberal ideology and practice as purely abstract and formal.
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Penwarden, Mia. "Suur druiwe? Wyn, die TDCA en Suid-Afrika." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53076.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.
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Macheru, Maryanne Wambui. "East African community-European Union economic partnership agreement, to be or not to be? Will conomic partnership agreement undermine or accelerate trade development within the East African community." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4327_1363780584.
Повний текст джерела
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Van, der Walt Elizabeth Margaretha. "A comparative legal study of the dilution of registered trade marks in selected jurisdictions to further the development of the remedy in South African law." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50239.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Trade marks are among the most valuable commodities of the modern business world. Adequate protection for trade marks to prevent the misappropriation of their incredible marketing power is therefore important. The aim of this dissertation is to make recommendations regarding the further development of existing South African law regarding the protection of registered trade marks against dilution, particularly by the courts. Current statutory protection is examined and compared with trade-mark law in the United States and the European Union. Although the concept of dilution originated in Germany, most of its development took place in the United States, starting in 1927 with an article by Frank Schechter. Dilution occurs when the awareness that a specific mark signifies a single product from a single source changes to an unmistakable awareness that the same mark signifies various things from various sources. The primary theories as to how dilution occurs are blurring and tarnishment. Although the dilution concept is widely recognised, there is still a debate amongst legal scholars on whether trade marks deserve protection against dilution. The extent of protection that the law gives to trade marks largely depends on the socioeconomic functions that a trade mark is perceived to fulfil. The original source or origin function is protected by the traditional infringement provisions. The identification or distinguishing function, quality function and advertising function subsequently gained recognition. The advertising function is statutorily recognised in various jurisdictions, which prevents trade-mark dilution. Statutory recognition of dilution in the United States first occurred in State law from 1947 onwards. Protection is generally given to distinctive or strong trade marks where a similar mark is used on dissimilar goods in the absence of confusion in such a way that there is a likelihood that the reputation of the senior mark will be injured. The parameters of the concept were developed and refined mainly through case law. Federal protection against dilution was only introduced in 1995. The new Act, although widely welcomed, also brought some unpredictability and interpretation problems. The first statutory dilution protection for trade marks in Europe is found in the Uniform Benelux Trade Marks Act. In 1989 the European Union adopted the Trademark Directive, with the aim of harmonising the legal protection afforded to trade marks. Its "dilution" provisions were incorporated into the United Kingdom's Trade Marks Act of 1994. The sometimes conflicting interpretations of these provisions by the English courts and the Court of Justice of the European Communities are discussed. The South African Act shows a substantial degree of harmony with legislation in the United Kingdom and other European countries. Aspects of the wording of the dilution provisions are however open to interpretation by the courts. Until the end of 2003 there was only one major trade-mark dilution case decided by a South African court, namely SAR v Laugh It OjJPromotions, which is discussed in detail. The dissertation concludes with recommendations to aid South African courts in the future interpretation and application of the dilution provisions. Amendments to the legislation are also proposed to promote greater clarity.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Handelsmerke is van die waardevolste kommoditeite van die moderne besigheidswêreld. Voldoende beskerming om die uitbuiting van handelsmerke se ongelooflike bemarkingskrag te verhoed, is daarom belangrik. Die oogmerk van die proefskrif is om aanbevelings te maak vir die verdure ontwikkeling van bestaande Suid-Afrikaanse reg oor die beskerming van geregistreerde handelsmerke teen verwatering, veral deur die howe. Die bestaande statutêre beskerming word ondersoek en vergelyk met die reg op handelsmerke in the Verenigde State en die Europese Unie. Alhoewel die verwateringskonsep sy oorsprong in Duitsland het, is die konsep hoofsaaklik in die Verenigde State ontwikkel, beginnende in 1927 met 'n artikel deur Frank Schechter. Verwatering vind plaas wanneer die bewustheid dat 'n spesifieke merk 'n enkele produk vanuit 'n enkele bron aandui verander na 'n onmiskenbare bewustheid dat dieselfde merk verskillende dinge vanuit verskillende bronne aandui. Die primêre verskyningsvorme van verwatering is vertroebeling en besoedeling. Alhoewel die verwateringskonsep wye erkenning geniet, is daar steeds 'n debat onder regsgeleerdes oor die verdienstelikheid van die beskerming teen verwatering. Die mate van beskerming wat die reg aan handelsmerke verleen, hang grootliks af van wat gesien word as die sosio-ekonomiese funksies van 'n handelsmerk. Die aanvanklike oorsprongsfunksie word beskerm deur die tradisionele bepalings rakende inbreukmaking. Die identifiserings- of onderskeidingsfunksie, die kwaliteitsfunksie en die reklamefunksie het later erkenning gekry. Die reklamefunksie word in verskillende jursidiksies statutêr erken, wat die verwatering van handelsmerke verhoed. In die Verenigde State het die eerste statutêre erkenning vir verwatering sedert 1947 in die wetgewing van State plaasgevind. Beskerming is normaalweg gegee aan sterk handelsmerke of handelsmerke wat kan onderskei in gevalle waar 'n soortgelyke merk gebruik is op ongelyksoortige goedere in die afwesigheid van verwarring op so 'n wyse dat die waarskynlikheid bestaan dat die reputasie van die senior merk aangetas kan word. Die maatstawwe van die konsep is hoofsaaklik ontwikkel en verfyn in hofsake. Federale beskerming teen verwatering is eers in 1995 ingestel. Alhoewel dié nuwe wetgewing wyd verwelkom is, het dit ook onvoorspelbaarheid en interpretasieproblerne voortgebring. Die "Uniform Benelux Trade Marks Act" het die eerste statutêre beskerming teen die verwatering van handelsmerke in Europa gebied. Die "Trademark Directive" is in 1989 deur die Europese Unie aanvaar met die doelom die wetlike beskerming van handelsmerke the harmonieer. Die "verwaterings"bepalings is geïnkorporeer in die Verenigde Koninkryk se "Trade Marks Act" van 1994. Soms botsende interpretasies hiervan is deur die Engelse howe en die Geregshofvan die Europese Unie gegee. Die Suid-Afrikaanse wetgewing toon 'n groot mate van ooreenstemming met wetgewing in the Verenigde Koninkryk en ander Europese lande. Aspekte van die bewoording van die verwateringsbepalings is oop vir interpretasie deur die howe. Tot en met die einde van 2003 was daar slegs een belangrike saak oor handelsmerkverwatering wat deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse hof beslis is, naamlik SAB v Laugh It Off Promotions. Dit word in detail bespreek. Aanbevelings om die Suid-Afrikaanse howe in die toekoms te help met die interpretasie en aanwending van die verwateringsbepalings, word in die finale hoofstuk gemaak. Veranderinge aan die wetgewing word ook voorgestel, om groter duidelikheid te bereik.
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Kuznia, Aleksandra. "Between altruism and self-interest: Beyond EU’s normative power. An analysis of EU’s engagement in sustainable ocean governance." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23742.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
With the majority of the oceans lying outside the borders of national jurisdiction, it is not easy to preserve them healthy and secure as the ‘shared responsibility’ is not recognized unambiguously in the global world. The recent turn to the maritime sphere is visible in the UN 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development that has been widely advocated by the EU. The latter’s commitment to sustainable ocean governance involves action beyond borders, which has a considerable impact on the global maritime sphere as well as on developing countries depending on the seas. On the one hand, the EU’s pursuit of sustainable ocean governance is informed by the norms and values that the organization possesses and tries to promote in its response to global challenges. On the other, the normative principles and the EU’s flowery rhetoric serve as a mean to rationalize Union’s pursuit of self-interest. This study analyses both dimensions of the organization’s engagement in the maritime sphere, considering oceans as a ‘placeful’ environment that has to be treated in the same way as the land is. By exploring the external dimension of EU’s action in the field, the thesis allows to see that EU’s pursuit of sustainable ocean governance has to be understood as a process in which the strategic aims are imbued with genuine moral concerns. Nevertheless, those can sometimes be undermined by the material policy outcomes visible in the West African coastal states such as Mauritania and Senegal.
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Juma, Nyabinda Richard. "An Inquiry into the Compatibility of the Demo-Conditionality with State Sovereignty in International law : With Special Focus on The European Union and the African, the Caribbean and the Pacific Countries Relations." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136109.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law. From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.
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Němcová, Markéta. "Imigrace do Evropské unie ze zemí třetího světa." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-17722.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis aimes to quantify the population of the sample of the European Union member states born in the Third World Countries. The interpretation based on those migration data unveils the main push and pull factors fostering migration between the analzyed regions. The following part discusses social, cultural and economical impacts of immigration into the European Union from the Third World Countries. The last part reviews the migration and asylum legislation framework of the European Union.
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Golab, Anna. "An investigation into the volatility and cointegration of emerging European stock markets." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/572.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation examines the interaction between European Emerging markets including cointegration, volatility, correlation and spillover effects. This study is also concerned with the process of the enlargement of the European Union and how this affects the emerging markets of newcomers. The twelve emerging markets studied are Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungry, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia, which are all progressing very rapidly in their reforms and domestic economic stability.
The majority of prior studies on stock market comovements and integration have concentrated on mature developed markets or the advanced emerging markets of the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland whilst the behaviour and interrelationship of other Central and Eastern European equity markets has been neglected. This study fills that gap.
There are two key aspects investigated in this study. Firstly the cointegration between studied emerging markets and secondly the volatility and spillover effects.
The cointegration analysis examines the short and long run behaviour of the twelve emerging stock markets and assesses the impact of the EU on stock market linkages as revealed by the time series behaviour of their stock market indices. The adopted time- series framework incorporates the Johansen procedure, Granger Causality tests, Variance Decompositions and Impulse Response analyses. The cointegration results for both pre- and post- EU periods confirm the existence of long run relationships between markets. Granger Causality relationships are indentified among the most advanced emerging markets. The Variance Decomposition analyses find evidence of regional integration amongst the markets. Furthermore, the Impulse Response function illustrates that the shocks in returns for all twelve markets persist for very short time periods.
The volatility and spillover analysis applies several univariate models of Autoregressive Conditional Heteroscedasticity, including GARCH, GJR and EGARCH. The models used in the analysis of cross market effects include CCC, diagonal BEKK, VARMA GARCH and VARMA AGARCH. Overall, the econometric analysis using these models shows stock market integration during the pre-EU period, however interdependence of the markets is established for the post-EU period. The results provide important information on the impact of the accession of new countries to the EU, with clear evidence of stability in Central and Eastern Europe markets and integration within the region.
This study has important implications for investors wishing to diversify across national markets, such as the implications of growing asset correlations, if they are displayed, and whether investors should diversify outside the Central and Eastern European countries. It could be argued that the former Eastern block economies constitute emerging markets which typically offer attractive risk adjusted returns for international investors. Moreover, stock market comovement is of considerable interest to policy makers from a perspective of the effects on the macroeconomy, the planning of monetary policy and impact of the degree of stock market comovements on the stability of international monetary policy.
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Alakbarov, Gurban. "Die Energieressourcen der kaspischen Region und ihre Auswirkungen auf die Energiesicherheit der Europäischen Union." Bochum [u. a.] : Europäischer Univ.-Verl, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/568950232.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
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Micuta, Ramūnas. "Žemės ūkio gamybos intensyvinimo transformacija Europos Sąjungoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2006. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20060522_113305-75252.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Aim of study – to identify the means of agricultural intensification, intensification level and determine tendency of variation. Tasks: 1. To analyze literature sources about treatment of agricultural intensification. 2. To estimate agricultural intensification and intensification level and its factors in EU countries. 3. To estimate agricultural intensifications influance to its surounding enviroment. 4. To substantiate agricultural intensifications and ekstensifications interaction means by link to sustainable development. Methods of the research – logical comparable analysis and synthesis of scientific literature, statistical and mathematical (even correlation analysis) and graphics methods.
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Amaro, Anabela Rodrigues. "Migrações circulares na União Europeia : gestão e cooperação com países terceiros." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14212.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação InternacionalNuma era de globalização, onde a mobilidade se torna por vezes sinónimo de circularidade, as migrações circulares têm vindo a ser constantemente referenciadas nos discursos políticos da atualidade como um conceito com potencial estratégico, tendo em conta os novos padrões das migrações internacionais. Trata-se de uma estratégia que deve beneficiar tanto os países de origem, como os países de chegada, bem como os migrantes que integram nestes fluxos, fazendo ressurgir as teorias que defendem os benefícios das migrações para o desenvolvimento. Porém, as migrações circulares não geram consenso em termos conceptuais e são estatisticamente invisíveis. Para além disso, segundo autores, são ineficazmente geridas e problematicamente transformadas numa buzzword. A União Europeia constitui um espaço geográfico no qual a circulação interna de indivíduos parece constituir um elemento de coesão, embora com alguns casos pontuais de divergência. Contudo, a circulação de indivíduos provenientes de países terceiros depara-se com o fechamento quase completo das fronteiras externas da União. A cooperação internacional com países terceiros parece falhar pela sua visão política de curto prazo, mas também pela falta de uma framework partilhada para a gestão das migrações, para a construção de parcerias para a mobilidade e para a resolução de incoerências em campos de ação concretos, como o caso das migrações circulares e das parcerias para a mobilidade circular.
In an era of globalization, where mobility seems to become synonymous of circularity, circular migrations has been constantly referenced in current political discourses as a concept with strategic potential, considering the new patterns of international migration. It is a strategy that should benefit both the countries of origin and the countries of arrival as well as the migrants who are part of these flows, bringing back the theories that advocate the benefits of migration for development. However, circular migration doesn't benefit from a consensus in conceptual terms and is statistically invisible. In addition, according to some authors, it is inefficiently managed and problematically transformed into a buzzword. The European Union summarizes a geographical space, which the internal circulation of individuals seems to be an element of cohesion, although with some occasional cases of divergence. However, movement of individuals from third countries is confronted with the blocking of external borders of the Union. International cooperation with third countries fails because of its short-term political vision but also because of the lack of a shared framework for migration management, for the building of partnerships for mobility and for the resolution of inconsistencies, in concrete fields of action, such as the case of circular migrations and partnerships for circular mobility.
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Silva, Laura da. "A PAC e os apoios públicos à renovação e expansão da área do sobreiro: o caso português : o caso português." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/13013.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos EuropeusO comércio agrícola sempre assumiu uma importância particular na União Europeia, pois é o maior importador e o segundo maior exportador mundial de produtos agrícolas por essa razão foi criada uma Política Agrícola Comum, que conhece constantes modificações de modo a fazer face a todos os problemas inerentes. Para além dos assuntos relacionados diretamente com a agricultura, o desenvolvimento sustentável e o desenvolvimento rural são assuntos que têm ganho uma importância grande, pois a ideia é prevenir a escassez dos recursos naturais, adotando políticas a nível público e privado. Em Portugal, a floresta representa grande parte do território nacional e é uma fonte de riqueza social e económica. Portugal é um dos maiores produtores mundiais de cortiça, onde em 8% do todo o território produz-se mais de 50% da cortiça ao nível mundial, daí que as políticas comunitárias e o financiamento à produção de cortiça são atualmente um dos assuntos mais debatidos.
Agricultural trade has always assumed a particular importance in the European Union, Europe is the largest importer and second largest exporter of agricultural products in the world, therefore a Common Agricultural Policy was created, which deals with constant changes in order to cope will all inherent problems. In addition to the issues directly related to agriculture, sustainable development and rural development are new topics that have gained a great importance, because the idea is to prevent the depletion of natural resources, adopting policies to public and private level. In Portugal, the forest represents 37% of the national territory and is a source of social and economic wealth. Portugal is one of the largest cork producers, where in 8% of the national territory we produce 50% of cork, therefore EU policies and financing cork production are currently one of the most debated issues.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Milan, Vujičić. "Modeli upravljanja ruralnim razvojem u Srbiji i zemljama Zapadnog Balkana u uslovima evropskih integracija." Phd thesis, Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Poljoprivredni fakultet u Novom Sadu, 2015. https://www.cris.uns.ac.rs/record.jsf?recordId=94191&source=NDLTD&language=en.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Beginning with the theoretical survey of social, economic, ecological and institutional
relevancy of rural development, the work explores vital potentials, priorities and
challenges of rural development, together with basic reasons for contrivance of the
model of rural development in the Republic of Serbia and the countries of the Western
Balkans in the conditions of Euro integrations. After the insight into the related
literature, the necessity of solving problems of rural development as integrated and
compatible with specificity of particular region in contemporary conditions is
emphasized, since no generally accepted universal model of sustainable rural
development exists, but depends on rural developmental potentials and social and
economic surroundings. Although the policy of sustainable rural development of
European Union is not perfect per se, it still provides the best and strongest support to
social and territorial cohesion of rural regions and is significant primarily as a reference
base for the outline of further strategy and policy of rural development of the Republic
of Serbia and the countries of the Western Balkans from the viewpoint of their more
effective endogenic development and EU integration. The countries of the Western
Balkans have suitable preconditions for successful application of the concept of integral
rural development; however, there are numerous limitations in the development of these
regions in the process of European integrations. These countries are faced with
significant structural changes in the economic, organizational and management
structure in terms of new EU rural policy. Therefore, all countries conduct reforms
aimed at harmonization and strengthening connections with major priorities of EU rural
development; hence a suitable model of rural development is still being shaped in
practice. The ultimate effect of these changes is related to strengthening of local
entrepreneuring and organizational activities and initiatives, the network of local
organizations of civic society and local action groups in the function of improvement of
competitive abilities of rural economy. Defining clear and realizable strategic aims and
priorities, as well as their implementation will be of decisive importance for
contrivance of the model of rural development in the Republic of Serbia and other
countries of the Western Balkans in the future. Significant unsolved issued were
identified together with the courses of regulatory reforms of development of rural
regions in these countries.
Intersectoral and interregional connection, decentralization and strengthening the role
of local factors in the creation and realization of strategies in policy, model and practice
of rural development have a strong effect on more efficient activation of localresources, increase of attractiveness for investment in rural regions and more rational
utilization of finance for the development of rural communities. Demographic
revitalization of rural regions, promotion of rural economy and entrepreneurial
stimulation of the programs of development of small and medium enterprises, as well as
environmental protection and facilitation are of vital significance
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Vanagaitė, Vita. "Paramos fondų panaudojimo kaimo regioninei plėtrai vertinimas." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2005. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2005~D_20050530_082909-14648.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Research object – economical subjects, which have used SAPARD support in Lithuania. Research aim – to evaluate the usage of the support funds for rural regional development. Objectives: 1. Based on the analysis of the scientific literature, to overview the theoretical aspects of the regional politic. 2. Identify the types of the support funds and their principles. 3. To analyse the distribution of the support between the Lithuania regions. 4. To identify the advantages and disadvantages of the support in the region of Panevėžys. Research methods: analysis, synthesis, data analysis, survey research, interview, graphic presentation. Based on the analysis of Lithuanian and foreign scientific literature sources, the review of types of European Union support funds and their principles is presented in the paper. Besides, it is presented the evaluation of the significance of support funds to the rural regional development and analysis of SAPARD funds distribution in Lithuanian regions, paying the biggest attention to the investigation of advantages and disadvantages of the above mentioned support.
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Pereira, Sandra Maria de Jesus. "A cooperação UE-ACP: a dimensão política dos acordos." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/734.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mestrado em Economia e Estudos EuropeusEste trabalho analisa uma das vertentes da cooperação estabelecida entre a União Europeia (UE) e os países de África, Caraíbas e Pacífico (ACP), mais especificamente, a dimensão política dos acordos assinados entre estes dois grupos de Estados. Os principais aspectos da cooperação UE-ACP, desde o próprio conceito de cooperação, passando pelos princípios gerais da política comunitária de cooperação para o desenvolvimento, pela inevitável globalização da economia e por um breve historial dessa mesma cooperação, servem de quadro de referência à contextualização do objecto de estudo desta dissertação. Posteriormente, a abordagem mais detalhada das Convenções de Lomé e do Acordo de Cotonou permite destacar, sobretudo, os mais importantes traços característicos da vertente política destes acordos, indicando um progressivo reforço da parceria política UE-ACP. De facto, a evolução histórica desta relação só pode ser compreendida se tivermos em consideração o contexto da descolonização (Associação dos Países e Territórios Ultramarinos e as Convenções de Yaoundé), a nova ordem económica internacional (modelo Lomé), o término da Guerra Fria (revisão de Lomé) e os efeitos da globalização (Livro Verde e o Acordo de Cotonou). Os últimos 40 anos assistiram, assim, à progressão de uma parceria principalmente económica e comercial para uma cooperação a um nível mais global no qual as questões políticas residem. Alguns dos aspectos desta dimensão política das relações UE-ACP estão relacionados com a existência de um diálogo político reforçado, de "elementos essenciais" (nomeadamente, o respeito pelos direitos humanos, pelos princípios democráticos e pelo Estado de direito), de um "elemento fundamental" (a «boa governação») e de uma parceria baseada no desempenho, visando a eficácia da ajuda internacional, a redução e eliminação da pobreza, a integração dos países ACP na economia internacional e, finalmente, o desenvolvimento económico e social sustentável.
This work analyzes one of the sides of the cooperation established between European Union (EU) and the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries, more specifically, the political dimension of the agreements signed between these two groups of States. The main aspects of the EU-ACP partnership, from the own cooperation concept, passing for the general principles of the community policy on development cooperation, by the inevitable globalization of the economy and by a historial briefing of this same cooperation, serve of reference frame to the study object of this dissertation. Subsequently, the more detailed approach concerning the Lomé Conventions and the Cotonou Agreement allows to emphasizes, especially, the most important characteristic traces from the political component of these agreements, suggesting a gradual reinforcement of the political EU-ACP partnership. In fact, the historical evolution of this relationship can be only understood if we take into account the context of decolonisation (Association of Overseas Countries and Territories and Yaounde Conventions), the new international economic order (Lomé model), the end of the Cold War (Lomé revisited) and the effects of globalization (Green Paper and Cotonou Agreement). The last forty years have thus seen a progression from a mainly economic and commercial partnership to cooperation at a more global level within which political issues are addressed. Some of the aspects of this political dimension of the EU-ACP relationship are related with the existence of a strengthened political dialogue, "essential elements" (namely the respect for the human rights, the democratic principles and the rule of law), a "fundamental element" (the «good governance») and a partnership based on the performance, aiming the effectiveness of the foreign aid, the elimination and reduction of poverty, the integration of ACP countries into the international economy and, finally, the sustainable economic and social development.
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BIANCHESSI, ANDREA. "COOPERAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE PER LO SVILUPPO: IL RUOLO DELLA SOCIETA' CIVILE NELLE POLITICHE DELLA BANCA MONDIALE E DELL'UNIONE EUROPEA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/307.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La presente tesi di dottorato valuta i rapporti tra le organizzazioni della società civile e le istituzioni internazionali nel sistema della cooperazione per lo sviluppo, attraverso l'analisi delle politiche della Banca Mondiale e dell'Unione Europea, che risultano gli attori multilaterali più rilevanti nell'allocazione e gestione dei finanziamenti dell'Aiuto Pubblico allo Sviluppo (APS).
Nel quadro di relazioni cooperative-dialettiche, si verificano le funzioni degli interlocutori della società civile nel rapporto con le due organizzazioni internazionali e i livelli di partnership. Si analizzano alcuni nodi problematici come la valutazione della performance dei progetti delle organizzazioni della società civile (OSC), per verificarne il valore aggiunto; la dicotomia tra un approccio top-down e bottom-up nella pianificazione di processi di sviluppo locale; la rappresentatività e l'efficacia del contributo delle OSC alla global governance per lo sviluppo.
Si presentano anche due casi empirici di progetti realizzati da una stessa OSC, finanziati dalle due istituzioni considerate, al fine di favorire, attraverso l'analisi “micro”, la comprensione di eventuali diversità rispetto al quadro teorico, alle procedure sul “ciclo di progetto” e ai rilevamenti quantitativi presentati. Complessivamente, emerge che la cooperazione tra OSC e le istituzioni internazionali ha maggiori benefici che costi e conduce ad una partnership win-win per entrambi.The present PhD thesis considers the relationships between the organisations of civil society and the international institutions in development cooperation's system through the analysis of the World Bank's and the European Union's policies. In the frame of cooperative and dialectic relationships will be verified the functions of the interlocutors of the civil society in relationship with the two international organisations and levels of partnership. Some problematic knots will be analysed such as the evaluation of projects' performance of the organisations of the social society (OSC) in order to verify the added value; the dichotomy between a top-down and bottom-up approach in the process planning of the local development; the representation and effectiveness of the OSC's contribution to the global governance for development. Two empirical cases of projects realised by an OCE will be showed. These are financed by the two above considered institutions in order to favour, through a “micro” analysis, the comprehension of possible differences regard to the theoretical picture, to the procedures of the project cycle and to the quantitative showed survey. Altogether it appears that the cooperation between the OSC and the international institutions has more benefits than costs and leads to a win-win partnership.
48
BIANCHESSI, ANDREA. "COOPERAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE PER LO SVILUPPO: IL RUOLO DELLA SOCIETA' CIVILE NELLE POLITICHE DELLA BANCA MONDIALE E DELL'UNIONE EUROPEA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/307.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La presente tesi di dottorato valuta i rapporti tra le organizzazioni della società civile e le istituzioni internazionali nel sistema della cooperazione per lo sviluppo, attraverso l'analisi delle politiche della Banca Mondiale e dell'Unione Europea, che risultano gli attori multilaterali più rilevanti nell'allocazione e gestione dei finanziamenti dell'Aiuto Pubblico allo Sviluppo (APS).
Nel quadro di relazioni cooperative-dialettiche, si verificano le funzioni degli interlocutori della società civile nel rapporto con le due organizzazioni internazionali e i livelli di partnership. Si analizzano alcuni nodi problematici come la valutazione della performance dei progetti delle organizzazioni della società civile (OSC), per verificarne il valore aggiunto; la dicotomia tra un approccio top-down e bottom-up nella pianificazione di processi di sviluppo locale; la rappresentatività e l'efficacia del contributo delle OSC alla global governance per lo sviluppo.
Si presentano anche due casi empirici di progetti realizzati da una stessa OSC, finanziati dalle due istituzioni considerate, al fine di favorire, attraverso l'analisi “micro”, la comprensione di eventuali diversità rispetto al quadro teorico, alle procedure sul “ciclo di progetto” e ai rilevamenti quantitativi presentati. Complessivamente, emerge che la cooperazione tra OSC e le istituzioni internazionali ha maggiori benefici che costi e conduce ad una partnership win-win per entrambi.The present PhD thesis considers the relationships between the organisations of civil society and the international institutions in development cooperation's system through the analysis of the World Bank's and the European Union's policies. In the frame of cooperative and dialectic relationships will be verified the functions of the interlocutors of the civil society in relationship with the two international organisations and levels of partnership. Some problematic knots will be analysed such as the evaluation of projects' performance of the organisations of the social society (OSC) in order to verify the added value; the dichotomy between a top-down and bottom-up approach in the process planning of the local development; the representation and effectiveness of the OSC's contribution to the global governance for development. Two empirical cases of projects realised by an OCE will be showed. These are financed by the two above considered institutions in order to favour, through a “micro” analysis, the comprehension of possible differences regard to the theoretical picture, to the procedures of the project cycle and to the quantitative showed survey. Altogether it appears that the cooperation between the OSC and the international institutions has more benefits than costs and leads to a win-win partnership.
49
Dusepulchre, Gaëlle. "Politique européenne de coopération au développement et relations extérieures: des droits de l'homme à la bonne gouvernance, impact de l'interdépendance du droit et du politique sur le choix des instruments de régulation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210587.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
L'étude a porté sur deux outils élaborés par l’Union européenne à l'appui de ses politiques d'allocation d'aide extérieure au bénéfice principalement d'Etats en développement et participant à sa stratégie de promotion du respect de droits de l’homme dans les Etats tiers. Il s'agit du mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique d’une part, et de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance d’autre part. L'une des principales critiques que la doctrine adresse à l’Union au sujet de sa politique de conditionalité est son incapacité à répondre à l’une des attentes fondamentales qui la sous-tend, à savoir :la naissance d’une politique d’aide extérieure détachée des considérations géopolitiques et visant à protéger et promouvoir efficacement les droits de l’homme. Dans la mesure où la doctrine en attribue en général la responsabilité à l’absence de clarté et de prévisibilité du mécanisme de la conditionnalité démocratique, cette critique eut dû conduire à l’élaboration d’un régime davantage juridicisé. Or, l'émergence de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance révèle que l’Union n’a pas opté pour une telle solution. C’est alors que, divisant mon étude en deux parties, la première affectée à l’étude du mécanisme conditionnel et la seconde affectée à l’étude de la doctrine de gouvernance, je me suis interrogée sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’Union avait pu choisir de recourir d’abord à un appel au droit, et ensuite à une repolitisation partielle de son mécanisme. Prenant appui sur une étude des documents officiels des institutions européennes, de la pratique de l'Union et des théories des relations internationales, l'étude tend à révéler les atouts et les limites théoriques de chacune de ces stratégies déstinées à suciter des réformes particulières dans les Etats partenaires de l’Union.Il apparaîtra que l’appel au droit opéré dans le cadre du mécanisme de conditionnalité répondait à des besoins et à une logique spécifiques lors de son institution, mais que la forme juridicisée du mécanisme conditionnel tel qu’institué se heurtait à diverses limites. La doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance, dans le même temps qu’elle acte ces limites et tend à les dépasser, amène à de nouveaux questionnements.The study related to both EU tools, affecting its external aid policies and contributing to its human rights strategy :conditionality and governance. One of the main critic that the doctrine addresses to EU conditionality, is its incapacity to lead to an external aid free of geopolitical considerations and acting to protect and promote effectively the human rights. The doctrine explains this weakness by pointing out the mechanism of conditionality’s lack of clearness and previsibility. Despite this critic is pleading for a more legalized mechanism, the governance strategy reveals that the Union did not choose such a solution.Then, dividing the study into two parts, the first assigned to conditional mechanism and the second assigned to governance, I’m asking the reason why a less legalized mecanism succeeded to conditionality. Based on cooperation agreements, strategic orientations, EU practice and the international relations theories, the study tends to reveal the assets and limits of the two strategies. It appears that the legalization process of conditionality can be explained by specific needs but it encountered various limits. At the same times, while strategy based on Governance adresses some of them, this new tool reveals new questions.
Doctorat en droit
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Moraitou, Ioulia. "The heritage as an object of the E.U policies: what are the consequences in the development process and in the quality of life in the Southeast Mediterranean space of the EU ?case studies." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210358.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Au niveau international, la conservation du patrimoine a fait l’objet de discussions philosophiques et pratiques considérables au cours des dernières années. La question du lien entre patrimoine et développement est abondamment évoquée, fait l’objet de convictions largement partagées mais les mécanismes qui entrent en action dans ce lien sont très mal identifiés. Etroitement intégrée aux questions environnementales, à l’aménagement rural et aux processus de régénération urbaine, la relation entre patrimoine et développement appartient tant à l’économique qu’au social et au politique. Notre recherche fait entrer les préoccupations patrimoniales dans le champ de la gouvernance locale et régionale elle s’intéresse à leur rôle dans les stratégies d’identité et dans la construction du capital social.Où se situe le patrimoine dans les politiques de la cohésion européenne? Quels sont les objectifs de la politique de cohésion? Quelles sont les interactions entre développement, cohésion et patrimoine? Les politiques en faveur du patrimoine, actuellement appliquées, sont elles classiques? C’est-à-dire :sont-elles focalisées sur la protection et la restauration du patrimoine ;ou bien sont-elles plus complexe, en ce sens qu’elles impliquent la valorisation et l’insertion du patrimoine parmi les ressources d’un territoire, permettant à la fois d’y greffer des politiques d’emploi, des politiques commerciales et des politiques de cohésion sociale ?Actuellement quelles sont les limites d’une mise en œuvre performante? Au final, le patrimoine a-t-il vraiment la signification et la place qu’on veut lui attribuer? Outre ce qu’ils postulent en matière de développement, les textes produits par l’UE indiquent que le patrimoine et sa valorisation sont d’habitude considérés comme éléments qui contribuent positivement à l’amélioration de la qualité de vie. Mais quelles sont les définitions qui sont actuellement disponibles? Quels sont vraiment les rapports entre toutes ses notions et leur concrétisation sur le terrain? La thèse ambitionne de contribuer à une réponse à ses questions.
Les instruments fournis dans le cadre de la politique européenne, sont extrêmement nombreux et multiformes. Une analyse est tentée afin d’évaluer l’efficacité de divers instruments disponibles de la politique de cohésion, en termes de valorisation du patrimoine et de son intégration, dans un contexte de développement local et régional. L’analyse s’effectue au travers d’études de cas. Les études de cas proposées (deux études de cas dans deux pays européens différents, la ville de Nicosie à Chypre et la ville de Xanthi en Grèce) traitent de l’espace du sud-est méditerranéen de l’U.E. La Grèce et Chypre ont été choisis en tant qu’exemples tout à fait représentatifs d’un point de vue géographique mais également d’un point de vue Européen. (Grèce:U.E 3 et Chypre: UE 12)
Le cas de Xanthi, Grèce, est le plus développé. Notre étude le présente comme un résultat globalement positif du rôle des politiques et des programmes de l’ U.E. Les mécanismes locaux d’utilisation des opportunités offertes par les financements européens sont expliqués. On montre comment l’identification, la réhabilitation, la valorisation d’un patrimoine spécifique à la région et la polarisation des politiques de développement sur ce patrimoine ont entraîné d’importants changements dans le comportement de la population vis-à-vis de son territoire. Outre un réinvestissement massif des groupes sociaux moyens et supérieurs dans le cœur urbain, on a pu constater une forte croissance de toutes les activités tertiaires et l’émergence d’une vie locale extrêmement dynamique. Tant la démographie que le nombre d’emplois montrent une courbe ascendante. Si l’on ne peut pas faire abstraction de phénomènes qui se rapprochent de la gentrification, on doit admettre que l’évolution des prix des immeubles et du foncier, n’a pas eu des conséquences identiques à celles qui sont observées en Europe occidentale. On peut semble–t-il dans ce cas (proche d’autres cas voisins dans les petites villes grecques) parler d’amélioration de la qualité de la vie.
Doctorat en Sciences
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished