Добірка наукової літератури з теми ""romanzo ludico""

Il contributo intende indagare il rapporto tra la nozione di eroe, la morte e la fine del racconto nella difficile transizione dal romanzo al poema eroico a metà Cinquecento, prima dell’esperienza tassiana. In particolare, vengono indagati e posti a confronto, al fine di metterne in rilievo gli elementi di continuità e discontinuità, i duelli risolutivi dell’Orlando Furioso di Ludovico Ariosto e dell’Italia liberata dai Goti di Gian Giorgio Tissino, che rappresentano due poli opposti ma interdipendenti della suddetta transizione. Nei duelli tra Ruggiero e Rodomonte, e nella disfida di Lipadusa, nel poema ariostesco, e nella parabola di Corsamonte e nello scontro finale narrati da Trissino, si concretizza, attraverso la dialettica epos/romanzo, un nuovo modello eroico, in grado di rispondere alle esigenze della modernità.

In the eighteenth century, the term ‘Romantic’ was applied to a resurgence of wild narratives similar to those of Medieval and Renaissance Europe, from Sir Thomas Malory's Le Morte d'Arthur (1485) to Edmund Spenser's Faerie Queene (1590–96). Ludovico Ariosto's Orlando furioso (1516) and Torquato Tasso's Gerusalemme Liberata (1581) were ranked as masterpieces of romance. Anne Radcliffe's Gothic Romance and Sir Walter Scott's Historical Romance contributed further to the popular permutations of the genre. Among the poets who persisted in attributing sublime grandeur to the traditional romance, Wordsworth recognized in the romance a model for exploring the subjective spaces of fantasy and dream. A ‘cavern of romance’ is one of Wordsworth's repeated metaphors for the retreat into the imagination. ‘Caverns there were within my mind which sun/ Could never penetrate’ (Prelude 3:246–249). He also delineates, however, an intruding ‘glimpse/ Of daylight’ which exposes the illusion and enables his cultivation of ‘romantic perception’.

In this paper we study the presence of elements related to Roman games in the work of the bishop Paulinus of Nola (355-431 AD). References to shows inhis work are not as abundant as they occurs among his contemporaries. Nevertheless, many of these references possess a great importance for us. Certainly, they are similar to other allusions made by his contemporaries; however they express the opinion of one of the most famous and prestigious bishops of the Late Antiquity about these popular exhibitions. In his writings we can see his criticism of the waste of wealth in the organization of the Roman games, and also the use of a metaphorical language with ludical reminiscences whose origins go back to Paul of Tarsus.

Resumo: Procurar-se-á mostrar como Ara, o primeiro romance de Ana Luísa Amaral, se vinha anunciando pela tensão dramática que caracteriza a vasta obra poética da autora desde os anos 90. Trata-se de um romance que, não descurando a tradição modernista, se mostra consentâneo com uma matriz pós-moderna e com um título capicua, Ara, que induz ab initio um universo permeável à dissonância e à comutação. Ver-se-á como o ludismo romanesco da comutação e a exploração da auto-reflexividade permitirão integrar modos discursivos diversos – lírico, ensaístico, poético, dramático e modus faciendi romanescos vários – do romance de formação ao romance de amor, passando pelo romance social e pela autobiografia, e explorando todas as virtualidades do género.Palavras-chave: comutação; dissonância; auto-reflexividade; hibridez romanesca; moderno / pós-moderno.Abstract: I will try to show how Ara, Ana Luísa Amaral’s first novel, can be seen as an announcement of the dramatic tension that characterizes the author’s vast poetic work since the 1990s. It is a novel that, while not neglecting the modernist tradition, is consistent with a postmodern matrix bearing a title that is a palindrome. This induces ab initio a universe permeable to dissonance and commutation. It will be seen how the novelistic playfulness of commutation and the exploration of self-reflexivity will allow for the integration of diverse discursive modes – lyrical, essayistic, poetic, dramatic and modus faciendi romanesque – ranging from the Bildungsroman to the novel of love, passing through the social realist novel and autobiography, and exploring all the potentialities of the genre.Keywords: commutation; dissonance; self-reflexivity; novelistic hybridity; moderm/post-modern.

This essay explores the formal means (a variant of the medieval romance technique ofentrelacement) by which Ludovico Ariosto'sOrlando Furiosorepresents and comments on contemporary events, particularly the threats posed by French and Spanish invasions and by the interventionist politics of Popes Julius II and Leo X. Ariosto's treatment of the latter figure exemplifies both the specificity of the interplay between form and history in theFurioso Innamoratoand its innovative character with respect to precursors, notably Boiardo'sOrlando Innamorato. A final section considers the changing significance of such topical material between the first edition of 1516 (when Leo was alive) and the final edition of 1532 (long after Leo's death, and under very different historical circumstances).

Romance is communicated in an unusual way in digital gaming. The systemisation of one of the most complex and nebulous social engagements, that of romantic love and relationships, often leads to stilted encounters and the prioritisation of sexual interactions. For AAA RPGs, dialogue acts as the primary arbiter of romantic relationships. But dialogue prompts often do not fully convey what will be said by the characters. To compensate for this communication shorthand, some developers have decided to include “dialogue icons”. This is any picture, symbol or image representation that occurs next to a dialogue option. These icons are supplementary tools to aid communication and imply tone where it may have been vague. Dialogue icons have become more common in the RPG genre in recent years, but how they can affect a player’s experience of a game has been critically overlooked in the scholarship. Through a close textual reading of CD Projekt Red’s 2020 game Cyberpunk 2077, I analyse the impacts of these dialogue icons. Drawing on work from Domsch (2017), Rusch (2009) and Shaw (2014), I look at how these dialogue icons serve as a tool of clarity for players, and how this drastically alters the tone and control of in-game romantic subplots. I evaluate the effectiveness and power of this ludic communication, as well as the impact on the narrative and player experience. Ultimately, I find that while dialogue icons do give players the ability to curate their experience by clarifying if an encounter will be romantic in nature, they ultimately diminish the game’s ability to represent social complexity and all but eradicate the possibility of unplanned queer in-game encounters. Communicating romance is not an altogether simple task for developers, and it is worth thinking about how these tools impact play.

Flamenca and the Joy of Play in the World of the Troubadours This article attempts to interpret a thirteenth-century Occitan chivalric romance, Le roman de Flamenca, in the context of game and play. Play is an important element of the troubadours’ sociopoetic culture, both in its social (fin’amor) and literary (trobar) aspects. Since the author considers Flamenca to be a work that summarises the history of Occitan courtly poetry, on this basis he puts forward the hypothesis that the plot of the text in question was also constructed by games. This hypothesis is proven by analysing the romance through the prism of Johan Huizinga’s and Roger Caillois’ concept of play. An additional argument testifying to the importance of games in the troubadour world is the key term for fin’amor, joi (translated as Joy), whose components are two other terms: joia (joy) and joc (game). For this reason, the author treats this phenomenon as the Joy of Play, a feeling of pleasure resulting from engagement in poetic games. Based on Caillois’ classification, the author distinguishes two types of games in the text. The first of these is agon, or the competition between Flamenca and her lover Guillaume, and her jealous husband Archambaut. The analysis of the work provides answers to questions about the model player, the set of rules of the game (referred to as lo gay saber, ‘the gay science’) and its course. Of particular note are the passages in which competition is thematised through ludic vocabulary and references to joi. This leads to the conclusion that agon is a structural principle of Le roman de Flamenca. The next section aims to interpret the plot of the novel in the context of mimicry, games based on imitation. The theatrical motifs of the work are subjected to critical reflection, particularly in connection with the joi. In this sense, illusion and imitation constitute the content of the work. In the last section, the author proposes to raise the question about other forms of games in the troubadour world. In particular, the treatment of joi as illinx, a game based on vertigo, is taken into consideration. The collected material and the research lead to the conclusion that Flamenca is a piece built around different types of games: agon is its structure, mimicry serves to guide the action, while illinx may be its possible goal.

RESUMENEl año 2021 se ha cumplido el VIII centenario del nacimiento del rey Alfonso X, acontecimiento que tuvo lugar en la ciudad de Toledo el 23 de noviembre de 1221. Nos encontramos ante la figura de uno de los reyes medievales hispanos de mayor relevancia, tanto por las ideas políticas innovadoras que intentó aplicar, aunque no lo consiguió, como, sobre todo, por la gran actividad intelectual que bajo su patronazgo se llevó entonces a cabo y que le ha merecido el apelativo de Sabio como es conocido. Son muchos los historiadores que, desde distintas ópticas (el Arte, el Derecho, la Astronomía, la Música, la Literatura, etcétera) se han acercado a su figura, lo que ha repercutido en que contemos con una bibliografía muy numerosa y de una gran variedad temática. Palabras clave: Historiografía, Imperio alemán, Partidas, Cantigas, Toledo.Topografía: Castilla y León.Periodo: siglo XIII ABSTRACTThe year 2021 has been the eighth centenary of the birth of King Alfonso X, an event that took place in the city of Toledo on November 21, 1221. We are faced with the figure of one of the most important Hispanic medieval kings both for the innovative political ideas that he tried to apply, although he did not succeed, as, above all, because of the great intellectual activity that took place under his patronage then and that has earned him the nickname of Wise as he is known. There are many historians who, from different perspectives (Art, Law, Astronomy, Music, Literature, etc.) have approached his figure, which has resulted in our having a very numerous bibliography and a great thematic variety. Keywords: Historiography, German Empire, Partidas, Cantigas, ToledoToponyms: Castilla y LeónPeriod: 13th century REFERENCIASÁlvarez Martínez, R. (1987), “Los instrumentos musicales en los códices alfonsinos: su tipología, su uso y su origen”, Revista de Musicología, 10/1, pp. 67-104.Ayala Martínez, C. de (2016), “El levantamiento de 1264: factores explicativos y desarrollo, en M. González Jiménez y R. Sánchez Saus (eds.), Arcos y el nacimiento de la frontera andaluza (1264-1330), Sevilla, Editorial UCA-Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, pp. 59-98.Ballesteros Beretta, A. (1935), El itinerario de Alfonso el Sabio, Madrid, Tipografía de Archivos Olózaga, I.— (1918), “Alfonso X, emperador electo de Alemania, Discurso de recepción de la Real Academia de la Historia, LXXII, Madrid.— (1959), La reconquista de Murcia por el infante don Alfonso de Castilla, Murcia.— (1934a), “Itinerario de Alfonso X, rey de Castilla”, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, CIV, pp. 49-88, 455-516.— (1934b), “Itinerario de Alfonso X, rey de Castilla”, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, CV, 1934, pp. 123-180.— (1963), Alfonso X el Sabio. Barcelona, Salvat Editores.— (1984), Alfonso X el Sabio, Barcelona, El Albir.Benito Ruano, E. (1989), “Alfonso X el Sabio y la ciudad de Toledo”, Alfonso X el Sabio, vida, obra y época, Madrid, Sociedad Española de Estudios Medievales, pp. 251-257.Chabás, J. y B. R. Goldstein (2008), Las tablas alfonsíes de Toledo, Toledo. Diputación Provincial.Craddock, J. R. (1974), “La nota cronológica inserta en el prólogo de las Siete Partidas”, Al-Andalus, 39, pp. 363-389.— (1981), “La cronología de las obras legislativas de Alfonso X el Sabio”, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, XLI, pp. 365-418.— (1986), “El Setenario: última e inconclusa refundición de la Primera Partida”, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, LVI, pp. 441-466.— (1990), “The Legislative Works of Alfonso el Sabio”, en R. I. Burns (ed.), Emperor of Culture: Alfonso X the Learned of Castile and His Thirteenth-Century Renaissance, Filadelfia, University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 182-197.— (1998), “El texto del Espéculo”, Initium, 3, pp. 221-274.Domínguez Rodríguez, A. (1984), Astrología y arte en el Lapidario de Alfonso X el Sabio, Madrid, Edilán.— (1997), “Retratos de Alfonso X en sus manuscritos”, en Alfonso X el Sabio impulsor del arte, la cultura y el humanismo. El arpa en la Edad Media española. Madrid, Asociación Arpista Ludovico, pp. 95-107.— (2008-2009), “Retratos de Alfonso X el Sabio en la Primera Partida (British Library, Add. ms. 20.787). Iconografía y cronología”, Alcanate. Revista de estudios alfonsíes, VI, pp. 239-251.— (2010-2011), “Retratos de Alfonso X en el Libro de los Juegos de Ajedrez, Dados y Tablas”, Alcanate. Revista de estudios alfonsíes, VII, pp. 147-162.Estepa Díaz, C. (1997), “Alfonso X en la Europa del siglo XIII”, en M. Rodríguez Llopis (coord.), Alfonso X. Aportaciones de un rey castellano a la construcción de Europa, Murcia, pp. 11-30.Farré Olivé, E. (1997), “El libro de los relojes de Alfonso X el Sabio”, Arte y Hora, 124, pp. 4-10.Fernández Fernández, L. (2013), Arte y ciencia en el scriptorium de Alfonso X el Sabio, Puerto de Santa María, Cátedra Alfonso X el Sabio y Universidad de Sevilla.— (2010), “Transmisión del Saber-Transmisión del Poder. La imagen de Alfonso X en la Estoria de España, Ms. Y-I-2 RBME”, Anales de Historia del Arte, volumen extraordinario, pp. 187-210.— (2010-2011), “El Ms. 8322 de la Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal y su relación con las tablas alfonsíes. Hipótesis de trabajo”, Alcanate. Revista de Estudios alfonsíes, 7, pp. 235-267.Fernández Fernández, L. y Ruiz Souza, J. C. (coords.) (2011), Las Cantigas de Santa María. Códice Rico, Ms. T-I-1, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo del Escorial, Madrid, Patrimonio Nacional-Testimonio, 2 vols.Fernández-Ordóñez, I, (2011), “La lengua de los documentos del rey: del latín a las lenguas vernáculas en las cancillerías regias de la Península Ibérica”, en P. Martínez Sopena y A. Rodríguez López (eds.), La construcción medieval de la memoria regia, Valencia, Publicaciones Universidad de Valencia, pp. 325-363.— (1992), Las “Estorias” de Alfonso el Sabio, Madrid, Istmo.— (1993), “Versión crítica” de la “Estoria de España”: estudio y edición desde Pelayo hasta Ordoño II, Madrid, Seminario Menéndez Pidal, Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal y Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.— (1999), “El taller historiográfico alfonsí. La Estoria de España y la General estoria en el marco de las obras promovidas por Alfonso el Sabio”, en J. Montoya Martínez y A. Domínguez Rodríguez (coords.), El Scriptorium alfonsí: de los libros de astrología a las ‘Cantigas de Santa María’, Madrid, Editorial Complutense, pp. 105-126.— (2001), “El taller de las Estorias”, en I. Fernández-Ordóñez (ed.), Alfonso X el Sabio y las Crónicas de España. Valladolid, Universidad de Valladolid. Centro para la Edición de los Clásicos Españoles, pp. 61-82.Fidalgo Francisco, E. (2012/13), “La gestación de las Cantigas de Santa María en el contexto de la escuela poética gallego-portuguesa”, Alcanate. Revista de Estudios alfonsíes, 8, pp. 17-42.— (2019), “Viejos, viejas y alcahuetas. Consideraciones acerca de la vejez en las Cantigas de Santa María”, en E. Muñoz Raya y E. Nogueras Valdivieso (eds.), Et era muy acuçioso en allegar el saber: studia philologica in honorem Juan Paredes, pp. 323-338.Forcada, M. (1990), “El Picatrix, fuente del Lapidario”, en M. Comes, H. Mielgo y J. Samsó (eds.), ‘Ochava espera’ y ‘Astrofísica’. Textos y estudios sobre las fuentes árabes de astronomía de Alfonso X. Barcelona, Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional-Instituto de Cooperación con el mundo árabe, Universidad de Barcelona, pp. 209-220.García Avilés, A. (1997), “La obra astromágica de Alfonso X y su difusión en la Europa bajomedieval”, en M. Rodríguez Llopis (coord.), Alfonso X. Aportaciones de un rey castellano a la construcción de Europa, Murcia, pp. 135-172.García-Gallo, A. (1951-1952), “El Libro de las leyes de Alfonso el Sabio. Del Espéculo a las Partidas”, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, XXI-XXII, pp. 345-528.Georges, M. (2006), “De nuevo sobre la fecha del Setenario”, e-Spania, 2. http://journals.openedition.org/e-spania/381. (Consultado: 09-10-2021)González Jiménez, M. (2004), Alfonso X el Sabio, Barcelona, Ariel.— (2006-2007), “La corte de Alfonso X”, Alcanate. Revista de Estudios Alfonsíes, V, pp. 13-30.— (2008), La repoblación del reino de Sevilla en el siglo XIII, Granada, Editorial Universidad de Granada/Publicaciones Universidad de Sevilla.— (2009), “La repoblación del ámbito gaditano en el siglo XIII”, Revista de historia de Jerez, 14/15, pp. 123-131.— (2011), “Jaime I el Conquistador y Alfonso X el Sabio: una compleja relación de encuentros y desencuentros”, Jaume I. Conmemoració del VIII centenari del naixement de Jaume. I, Vol. I, Barcelona, Institut d'Estudis Catalans, pp. 437-454.— (2012), “La repoblación de Andalucía: Inmigrantes y repoblación”, Cuadernos e Historia de España, LXXXV-LVXXXVI, Homenaje a María Estela González de Fauve, Buenos Aires, pp. 296-302.— (2013), “A fronteira entre Portugal e Castela no século XIII”, en Comendas das Ordens Miliutares: Perfil nacional e inserçao internacional, Porto, Fronteira de caos Editores, pp. 125-133.— (2014), Los repartimientos de Vejer de la Frontera (1288-1318), Vejer de la Frontera, Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País.— (2016), “La Sevilla de Alfonso X”, en A. Rodríguez Babío (coord.), Santa Ana de Triana. Aparato histórico-artístico, Sevilla, Fundación Cajasol, pp. 21-25.— (2021), “Alfonso X Emperador de España. La frustración de un proyecto irrealizable”, Andalucía en la Historia, julio, pp. 16-19.González Jiménez, M. y Carmona Ruiz, M. A. (2012), Documentación e itinerario de Alfonso X el Sabio. Sevilla, Universidad de Sevilla.González Mínguez, C. (1997), “A propósito del desarrollo urbano del País Vasco durante el reinado de Alfonso X”, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 27, pp. 289-214.Guilty, G. (ed.) (1954), Libro conplido en los iudizios de las estrellas, Real Academia Española, Madrid.Haro Cortés, M. (2016), “Semblanza iconográfica de la realeza sapiencial de Alfonso X: las miniaturas liminares de los códices regios”, Revista de poética medieval, 30, pp. 131-153.Hernández Pérez, A. (2018a), Astrolabios en al-Andalus y los reinos medievales hispanos, Madrid, La Ergástula.— (2018b), Catálogo razonado de los astrolabios de la España medieval, Madrid, La Ergástula.Herriott, J. H. (1938), “A Thirteenth-Century Manuscript of the Primera Partida”, Speculum, 13 (3), pp. 278–294.Ibáñez de Segovia, G. (1777), Memorias Históricas del Rei D. Alonso el Sabio i observaciones a su Chrónica, Madrid.Iglesia Ferreirós, A. (1986), “La labor legislativa de Alfonso X el Sabio”, en A. Pérez Martín (ed.), España y Europa, un pasado jurídico común, Murcia, Universidad de Murcia, pp. 275-599.Iturmendi Morales, J. (1972), “En torno a la idea del Imperio de Alfonso X el Sabio”, Revista de Estudios Políticos, 182, pp. 83-158.Klein, J. (1918), “Los privilegios de la Mesta de 1273 y 1276”, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, LXIV, pp. 191-207.Kleine, M. (2015), La cancillería real de Alfonso X. actores y prácticas en la producción documental, El Puerto de Santa María.Lacomba, M. (2011), “Les prologues scientifiques alphonsins et la symbolique du miroir”, en G. Founès y E. Canonica (eds.), Le Miroir du Prince. Écriture, transmission et réception en Espagne (XIIIe-XVIe siècles), Burdeos, Presses Universitaires de Bordeaux, pp. 113-129.Ladero Quesada, M. A. (1993), Fiscalidad y poder real en Castilla. 1252-1369, Madrid, Universidad Complutense.— (1997), “Las reformas fiscales y monetarias de Alfonso X como base del “Estado Moderno”, en M. Rodríguez Llopis (coord.), Alfonso X. Aportaciones de un rey castellano a la construcción de Europa, Murcia, pp.31-54.Lapesa, R, (1980), “Símbolos y palabras en el Setenario de Alfonso X”, Nueva revista de filología hispánica, 29, pp. 247-261,MacDonald, R. A. (1986), “El Espéculo atribuido a Alfonso X, su edición y problemas que plantea”, en A. Pérez Martín (ed.), España y Europa, un pasado jurídico común, Murcia, Universidad de Murcia, pp. 611-653.Mariana, J. de (1592), Historia de Rebus Hispaniae Libri XX, Toledo.Márquez Villanueva, F. (2004), El concepto cultural alfonsí. Edición revisada y aumentada, Barcelona, Ediciones Bellaterra.Martin, G. (1993-1994), “Alphonse X ou la science politique. Septénaire 1-11”, Cahiers de linguistique hispanique médiévale, 18-19, pp. 79-100.— (1995), “Alphonse X ou la science politique. Septénaire 1-11”, Cahiers de linguistique hispanique médiévale, 20, pp. 7-33.— (2000), “Alphonse X de Castille. Roi et empereur. Commentaire du premier titre de la Deuxième Partie”, Cahiers de linguistique hispanique médiévale, 23, pp. 323‒348.Martínez Díez, G. (1985), Leyes de Alfonso X, I. Espéculo. Ávila.Martínez, H. S. (2003), Alfonso X, el Sabio. Una biografía. Madrid, Polifemo.Menéndez Pidal, G. (1986), La España del siglo XIII: leída en imágenes, Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, 1986.Mingo Lorente, A. de (2021), Alfonso X el Sabio. El primer gran rey, Madrid, La Esfera de los libros.North, J. D. (1997), “The Alfonsine Tables in England”, en Y. Maeyama y W.G. Saltzer (eds.), Wiesbaden, Prismata. Festschrift für Willy Hartner, pp. 269-301.O’Callaghan, J. (1971), “The Cortes and Royal taxation during the reign of Alfonso X of Castile”, Traditio, XXVII, pp. 379-398.O’Callaghan, J. E. (1996), El rey sabio. El reinado de Alfonso X de Castilla. Sevilla, Universidad de Sevilla.O’Callaghan, J. F. (2019), Alfonso X, the Justinian of his age. Law and justice in thirteenth-century Castile, Nueva York-Londres, Ithaca, Cornell University Press.Orfali, M. (1985), “Los traductores judíos de Toledo: nexo entre oriente y occidente”, en Actas del II Congreso Internacional Encuentro de las Tres Culturas, Toledo, pp. 253-260;Panateri, D. (2015), “El prólogo de las Siete partidas. Entropía, edición y uso político”, Medievalia, 47, pp. 54-81.Panateri, D. (2015), “Las imágenes del rey y del emperador en Las Siete Partidas y la glosa de Gregorio López”, Cuadernos de Historia del Derecho, 22, pp. 215-255.Pérez Embid, F. (1969), “La Marina real castellana en el siglo XIII”, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 6, pp. 141-186.Pérez Martín, A, (1984), “El Fuero Real y Murcia”, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, 54, pp. 55-96.— (1997), “Hacia un Derecho Común Europeo: la obra jurídica de Alfonso X”, en M. Rodríguez Llopis (coord.), Alfonso X. Aportaciones de un rey castellano a la construcción de Europa, Murcia, pp. 109-134.Pingree, D. (1986), Picatrix. The Latin Version of the Ghayāt al-Ḥakīm, London, Warburg Institute.Poulle, E. (1987), “Les Tables Alphonsines sont-elles d’Alphonse X?”, en M. Comes, R. Puig y J. Samsó (eds.), De Astronomia Alphonsi Regis. Actas del Simposio sobre Astronomía Alfonsí celebrado en Berkeley, agosto 1985, Barcelona, Instituto MillásRodríguez García, J. M. (2014), La cruzada en tiempos de Alfonso X, Madrid.Rodríguez Montalvo, S. (1981), Alfonso X: Lapidario (según el manuscrito escurialense H.1.15), Madrid, Gredos.Rodríguez Velasco, J. (2010), “La urgente presencia de Las Siete Partidas”, La Corónica, 38.2, pp. 97-134. Romano, D. (1996), “Los hispanojudíos en la traducción y redacción de las obras científicas alfonsíes”, La Escuela de Traductores de Toledo, Toledo, pp. 35-50.Ruiz de la Peña Solar, J. I. (1981), Las "Polas" asturianas en la Edad Media, Oviedo, Universidad de Oviedo.Ruiz Gómez, F. (1986), “La carta puebla de Ciudad Real (1255). Comentario histórico-jurídico”, en Alfonso X y Ciudad Real, Ciudad Real, pp. 35-56.Sáenz-Badillos, A. (1996), “Participación de judíos en las traducciones de Toledo”, en La Escuela de Traductores de Toledo, Toledo, pp. 65-70.Samsó, J. (1983), “La primitiva versión árabe del Libro de las Cruces”, en J. Vernet (ed.), Nuevos Estudios sobre Astronomía Española en el siglo de Alfonso X, Madrid, CSIC, pp. 149-161.— (1987b), “Sobre el tratado de la azafea y de la lámina universal. Intervención de los colaboradores alfonsíes”, Al-Qantara, 8, pp. 29-43.— (2008-2009), “Las traducciones astronómicas alfonsíes y la aparición de una prosa científica castellana”, Alcanate. Revista de Estudios Alfonsíes, 6, pp. 39-51.Sánchez Pérez, J. A. (antes de 1936), Alfonso X el Sabio. Siglo XIII, Madrid, M. Aguilar editor.Schoen, W. F. von (1966), Alfonso X de Castilla, Madrid, Ed. Rialp.Solalinde, A. G. (1915), “Intervención de Alfonso X en la redacción de sus obras”, Revista de Filología Española, 2, pp. 283-288.Steiger, A. (1946), “Alfonso X el Sabio y la idea imperial”, Arbor, 18, pp. 391-402.Torres Fontes, J. (1960), Repartimiento de Murcia, CSIC, Madrid.— (1963), “Presencia de Alfonso X el Sabio”, Anales de la Universidad de Murcia. Filosofía y Letras, 21 núms. 3 y 4, pp. 37-45.— (1977), Repartimiento de Lorca, Academia Alfonso X el Sabio, Murcia.— (1987), La reconquista de Murcia en 1266 por Jaime I de Aragón, CSIC, Madrid.— (1988), Repartimiento de Orihuela, CSIC, Madrid.Torroja Menéndez, J. M. (1984), “La obra astronómica de Alfonso X el Sabio”, en Conmemoración del centenario de Alfonso X el Sabio en la Real Academia de Ciencias Exactas, Físicas y Naturales, Madrid, Instituto de Astronomía y Geodésica (CSIC-UCM), pp. 33-47.Urteaga Artigas, M. M. (2006), “Censo de las villas nuevas medievales en Álava, Bizkaia y Gipuzkoa”, en P. Martínez Sopena y M. M. Urteaga Artigas (coords.), Las villas nuevas medievales del suroeste europeo. De la fundación medieval al siglo XXI: análisis histórico y lectura contemporánea, Boletín Arkeolan, 14, pp. 37-98Valdeón Baruque, J. (1986), Alfonso X el Sabio, Valladolid.— (1997), “Alfonso X y las Cortes de Castilla”, en M. Rodríguez Llopis (coord.), Alfonso X. Aportaciones de un rey castellano a la construcción de Europa, Murcia, pp. 55-70.— (2004-2005) “Alfonso X y el Imperio”, Alcanate. Revista de estudios alfonsíes, IV, pp. 243-255.— (2003), Alfonso X: la forja de la España moderna, Madrid, Temas de Hoy.Varios (1984), Alfonso X, catálogo de la exposición conmemorativa del VII centenario de la muerte de Alfonso X, Toledo. Ministerio de Cultura.Varios (1997), Alfonso X. aportaciones de un rey castellano a la construcción de Europa, Murcia. Región de MurciaVarios (2009), Alfonso X el Sabio, catálogo de la exposición, Mª T. López de Guereño Sanz e I. G. Bango Torviso (coords.), Murcia.Varios (2020), Alfonso el Sabio en el VIII centenario, Madrid, Instituto de España.Vernet, J. (1985), “Alfonso X y la astronomía árabe”, en J. Mondéjar y J. Montoya (eds.), Estudios Alfonsíes. Lexicografía, lírica, estética y política de Alfonso el Sabio, Granada, Universidad de Granada, pp. 17-31.

RESUMOO artigo analisa a importância da presença do elemento lúdico na composição do emblemático romance do Modernismo brasileiro, Macunaíma o herói sem nenhum caráter (1928), de Mário de Andrade. Desenvolve o argumento segundo o qual o elemento lúdico confere coerência e verossimilhança ao texto, participando de todos os níveis da obra, desde suas origens – matéria prima reescrita e reinventada por Mário de Andrade –, passando pela organização do sintagma narrativo, até a caracterização do herói, que pertence ao campo simbólico do romance. É ainda o componente lúdico que torna possível o riso ambivalente de Macunaíma, registrando no texto a dialética do sério-cômico (Telê Porto Ancona Lopez). A perspectiva adotada apoia-se na metodologia da análise narrativa de Gérard Genette, nos ensaios de Johan Huizinga e Mikhail Bakhtin que exploram, respectivamente, a presença do lúdico no mito e na poesia e a ambivalência do cômico popular, dialogando com a fortuna crítica do romance. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Macunaíma; Mário de Andrade; Análise narrativa; Cômico popular SUMMARYThe article analyzes the importance of the ludic element in the composition of the emblematic novel of Brazilian modernism, Macunaíma the hero without a character (1928), by Mário de Andrade. It develops the argument according to which the comic element confers coherence and verisimilitude to the text, participating in all levels of the work, from its origins – raw material rewritten and reinvented by Mário de Andrade –, through the organization of the narrative syntagm, until the characterization of the hero, which belongs to the symbolic field of the novel. It is also the ludic element that makes Macunaíma's ambivalent laughter possible, registering in the text the dialectic of the serious-comic. The perspective adopted is based on the methodology of narrative analysis by Gérard Genette and on the essays by Johan Huizinga and Mikhail Bakhtin who explore, respectively, the presence of the ludic in myth and poetry and the ambivalence of popular comics, dialoguing with the critical fortune of the novel. KEYWORDS: Macunaíma; Mario de Andrade; Narrative analysis; Popular comic.

Cilj rada je da rasvetli vezu između prošlosti isadašnjosti ostvarenu u Otrantskom zamku Horasa Volpola(Horace Walpole), način na koji je ta veza uspostavljena, te udeonostalgije u stvaranju gotskog romana nazvanog novom vrstomromanse. Horas Volpol bio je engleski plemić i kolekcionarfasciniran gotskom arhitekturom, srednjovekovnim životom iprošlošću uopšte. U ovom duhu napisao je 1764. godine svojroman prvenac, Otrantski zamak, čiji žnačaj ne leži toliko unjegovoj umetničkoj vrednosti, koliko u činjenici da je u pitanjupionirski gotski roman iz kog su pisci crpli inspiraciju dugonakon njegovog objavljivanja. Elementi poput smrti, ludila,propadanja, proročanstava i natprirodnih događaja koje jeVolpol spojio u Otrantu, mogu se bez većih poteškoća uočiti unaučno-fantastičnim i delima horor žanra današnjice,prvenstveno u književnosti i kinematografiji, a zatim i upopularnoj kulturi uopšte. Imajući ovo u vidu, mišljenja smo daOtrantskom zamku valja posvetiti pažnju, čime bi se moglodoprineti potpunijem razumevanju savremenih umetničkihdostignuća nastalim po ugledu na njega, kao i obogaćivanju onihkoja će tek uslediti.

Il contributo analizza il riuso dell’Orlando furioso nella narrativa contemporanea, prendendo le mosse dall’esperienza tardo-ottocentesca di Italo Svevo, autore di una commedia incompiuta dedicata ad Ariosto governatore, e attraversando le esperienze letterarie di due grandi romanzieri italiani del secondo dopoguerra, ossia Italo Calvino e Beppe Fenoglio. Nell’ultimo capitolo viene indagata “la persistenza del Furioso tramite i contributi di Stefano Jossa, tramite l’allestimento recente di due mostre dedicate proprio alla ricezione di Ariosto nell’arte odierna e tramite una moltitudine di rielaborazioni narrative e teatrali, concentrate soprattutto sul personaggio di Angelica e su quello di Orlando. L’obiettivo è rilevare il doppio binario dell’influenza poeta ferrarese, che è diventato un modello sia sul piano tematico (grazie a una densa serie di situazioni narrative, di temi, di idee imperniate di un relativismo che torna prepotentemente in auge dopo le lacerazioni prodotte dall’epoca buia dei totalitarismi), sia sul piano stilistico e formale (in virtù dell’uso programmatico delle tecniche di sospensione, di differimento e di ripresa). Superato l’impasse della rigida interpretazione crociana, Ariosto può finalmente diventare il maestro indiscusso di una letteratura fantastica e ironica, ma mai disimpegnata o superficiale.
The present study analyzes the Orlando Furioso’s reuse in contemporary literature. It starts from the late XIX century works of Italo Svevo, author of an uncompleted comedy dedicated to Ariosto the Governor. Then, it goes through the literary experiences of two great Italian novelists of the second postwar, namely Italo Calvino and Beppe Fenoglio. The last chapter focuses on “the persistence of the Furioso” by analyzing Stefano Jossa’s studies, two recent exhibitions dedicated precisely to Ariosto’s reception in contemporary art and several narrative and theatrical reworking of Ariosto’s masterpiece, which are mainly dedicated to the characters of Angelica and Orlando. The work is aimed in detecting the double influence produced by Ludovico Ariosto, who has become a model both for the matter (due to a dense series of narrative situations, themes and ideas centered on a relativism which strongly affirms itself after the lacerations produced by the recent dark totalitarianisms) and for the style (due to a programmatic use of narrative techniques, such as suspension, deferment and resume). Overcoming the impasse of Benedetto Croce’s rigid interpretation, Ariosto can finally become the undisputed master of a fantastic and ironic literature, which has not to be considered disengaged or unconcerned.

The city of Rome and other urban communities throughout the empire were alive with spectacles of all kinds, including triumphs, funerals, executions, and religious festivals with their various games (ludi). This chapter considers the critical role that inscriptions play in our understanding of Roman spectacles. It focuses in particular on spectacles in the theatre (ludi scaenici), circus (ludi circenses), athletic stadium, and especially the amphitheatre (munera and venationes). Epigraphic discoveries of many types continue to add new details and insights that our moralizing literary sources simply ignore: tombstones of spectacle performers; statue-bases honouring local elites who sponsored spectacles; building inscriptions from theatres, amphitheatres, and circuses; senatorial decrees, imperial edicts/letters, and municipal laws regulating public spectacle; announcements of upcoming spectacles; curse tablets; and inscribed artifacts depicting gladiators, actors, and charioteers.

This chapter explores the forms that Rome's festival and pilgrimage culture took as mirrored in the literary tradition. Religious festivals fabricated new molds for civic self-awareness and common knowledge that were then filled in by new arrivals to the mid-Republican city. By the late third century, Latins, Italians, and assorted non-Romans were making their way to Rome for ludi, in a migratory pattern that anticipated the post-Punic War influx of concern to Fannius. Social interaction at the games enhanced not only their knowledge of Roman institutions and their knowledge of one another but also their aggregative understanding of the extent to which others were becoming more knowledgeable about Roman institutions. This traffic in knowledge is part of Rome's mid-Republican state formation story.

It should be noted that phrasemes are usually difficult to remember, which is why it is vital for the teacher to choose the appropriate methods. Regardless of the age group, the use of a ludic strategy should be a significant element of foreign language lessons when teaching idiomatic phrases in order to improve the learning process. The aim of this paper is to examine the knowledge that students of Roman philology have in the field of phraseology of the French language and their knowledge of the accelerated learning techniques, very often used in the ludic strategy. The introduction of memory techniques during classes contributes to a lasting memorization of a given idiomatic expression, as well as the development of student’s creativity. Play-based learning also encourages students to actively participate in lessons, which translates into didactic effects. The research investigated the knowledge of certain idiomatic phrases among the students of Roman studies as well as their individual learning techniques. The analysis of the survey shows that students do not have enough knowledge in the field of foreign language phraseology. What is more, most of them have never encountered any exercises based on memorization techniques. Apart from the didactic, the linguistic aspect is also presented to help understand the differences and similarities between the phraseological compounds.

Abstract At the ludi Octavianus presented in September 44 b.c. in honor of his great-uncle and adoptive father, Caesar, who had been assassinated several months earlier in March 44 b.c., a noteworthy celestial object served as a backdrop. This celestial object, which Octavianus called the sidus crinitum, was a bright star that was in the sky during the seven days of the ludi. Its appearance represented the belief of Octavianus and others that the soul of Caesar had risen to the Milky Way, the place Cicero had described in his De Republica as the destination of the souls of worthy Romans. At these ludi, Octavianus demonstrated his awareness of the celestial sphere as supportive of his political agenda for the first time.

This chapter takes a look at Orlando Furioso (1516, 1532), Gerusalemme Liberata (1581), and The Faerie Queene (1596), which are the recognized epic masterpieces of their eras. They draw in succession on each other and on a wide range of classical and romance texts, many of them known to the first audiences of these three poems. The chapter investigates the ways in which Ludovico Ariosto, Torquato Tasso, and Edmund Spenser used their predecessors and the different effects they achieved from a shared heritage. It examines the ways in which a series of authors used both their immediate predecessors and their sense of a long tradition of epic writing to create something new. The chapter argues that Ariosto aimed to shock and surprise his audience. Tasso reacted to Ariosto by combining a more serious and unified epic on the lines of the Iliad. Spenser's idea of devoting each book to a hero and a virtue presents a structure which is easier to comprehend than Ariosto's, yet looser and more open to surprises than Tasso's.