Дисертації з теми "Roberto de visiani"

Botanists need access to historical collections of dried plants (herbaria) in order to precisely clarify the identity of taxa described by authors of the past. These studies involve the formal process of typifcation, prescribed by the Code of nomenclature for algae, fungi, and plants, which requires the actual specimens originally used for the descriptions to be identified and designated as types, so to permanently atach them to their scientifc name, and serve as absolute reference. With over 600 newly described taxa and almost 1,000 newly established names, Roberto de Visiani (Šibenik 1800 - Padova 1878), was one of the most important scholars to direct the Botanical Garden of Padova, a position he held from 1837 to his death. During this time, he transformed it from a mere tool for the teaching of medicine to a modern institution open to the community. He was the author of numerous important works of taxonomy, mostly focussed on the vascular flora of his homeland, Dalmatia. After his death, he left in Padova not only a large collection of about 12,000 specimens, but also thousands of leters he received, manuscripts, and other unpublished material, which have remained almost entirely unstudied, despite his having lived, worked, and left a mark during one of the most defining times for the Garden itself, the University, and the scientific community at large. In the study of the work of 19th century botanists, scientific, historical, and geographical issues are intimately intertwined, but have rarely been considered together, with the widely cross-disciplinary, author- and collection-centric approach that we argue is the best means to solve questions of historical botany. To verify and showcase its efficacy, we set the following goals: 1) to correctly identify and formally designate type material in Visiani's collections, reconstructing the history of botanical explorations in the western Balkans, and his network of relationships and exchanges; 2) to analyse Visiani's work and to reconstruct his scientific standing at the national and international level; 3) to add value to Visiani's collections and archive by making them more accessible to the public. A large amount of diverse materials has been used. One very important source of in formation has been Visiani's Herbarium Dalmaticum, conserved in Padova and we catalogued in 2011-2013. All of Visiani's published works on foristics have been collected and studied, and are analysed in great detail, with special attention dedicated to his masterpiece Flora Dalmatica, and to the four smaller publications he co-authored with Serbian professor Josif Pančić. A more general overview is given for his contributions to other fields. All of Visiani's unpublished material available at the Ancient Library of the Botanical Garden has been digitised and organised. Over a third of the more than 2,000 letters that are conserved in his correspondence have been transcribed. We have also retrieved and transcribed the letters he sent to his best friend, famous lichenologist and palaeobotanist Abramo Massalongo, conserved at the Civic Library of Verona, and those sent to botanist Josif Pančić, conserved at the Botanical Institute of Belgrade. Beyond letters, other unpublished documents, particularly lists of plants, manuscripts for both published and unpublished works, and the rare travel diaries have been analysed. The study of these materials has led to the publication of seven scientifc papers, with forty-one type designations in total, plus detailed notes for seventeen other names. A draf treatment of the 275 names newly published in Flora Dalmatica is presented. Publication will require the input of a Croatian taxonomist. Two other papers in preparation are presented. The data from the herbarium and Visiani's published works have been integrated in a geodatabase managed through QGIS, which allows to investigate them through powerful querying. This instrument is used to produce maps to accompany the detailed chronology of the botanical exploration of Dalmatia and neighbouring regions during Visiani's lifetime that has been put together from all the different sources, as well as to check the correspondence between the herbarium and the published records. Visiani's network of relations and exchanges is clarified, with a discussion on his assistants, gardeners, colleagues, friends, co-authors, and the many plant collectors that provided him with specimens, many of whom were minor figures about whom little to nothing was known from literature. Particularly interesting are the role played by Antonio Bertoloni at the start of Visiani's career, the contribution by Muzio Tommasini to the publication of Flora Dalmatica, Visiani's troubled relationship with its editor Friedrich Hofmeister, and his the very close friendship with Massalongo. Visiani's scientific ideas are discussed in detail. Visiani had a positivistic view of science, and considered experimentation the main road to knowledge; he was not influenced by romantic ideas as many other botanists were at the time. His approach to systematic botany was typical of the first half of the 19th century: he focussed on the careful description of species and the exploration of a regional flora, and was always a strenuous defender of Linnaean practice, for which he was sometimes criticised late in his life. His methods and ideas arguably influenced the school of botany in Padova up to the mid 20th century. While we confirm Visiani's opposition to the unripe pre-Darwinian evolutionary hypotheses, we argue he was not a dogmatic fixist, and pose he may even have converted to evolutionism late in his life. His concepts, methods, and choices in taxonomy and nomenclature, whose understanding is crucial for the typifcation of his names, are clarified and described in detail. A detailed personal biography of Visiani is presented, dealing with topics such as his origins, studies, professional life, travels, character, religion, political ideas, material legacy. As for his stance towards the process of unification of Italy, his position is discovered to have been cautiously anti-Austrian. We argue this may be explained partly with his own ambiguous national identity, and partly with his prioritising the safety of his academic position. Visiani's work as director of the Botanical Garden is reconstructed largely thanks to the analysis of unpublished materials. We detail expenses, works, the growth of living and non-living collections, and his efforts to engage the public. Botanical results are being made available to the community through specialist publications. Unpublished material by Visiani is being made freely available online on the PHAIDRA platform by the University's Library Centre. Publishing of the correspondence between Visiani and Pančić, and Visiani and Massalongo is being discussed. The GIS system will be made available to the Herbarium of Padova; the collected data could be made available to the public with the development of a web application. We conclude that a cross-disciplinary, author- and collection-centric approach in questions of historical botany is highly effective.
I botanici hanno la necessità  di poter accedere a collezioni storiche di piante essiccate (erbari) allo scopo di chiarire precisamente l'identità  dei taxa descritti da autori del passato. Questo genere di studi comprende il processo formale di tipificazione, prescritto dal Codice di nomenclatura per alghe, funghi e piante, che richiede che i campioni originali utilizzati per le descrizioni siano identificati e designati come typi, così che possano essere permanentemente collegati al nome scientifico e servire da riferimenti assoluti. Con oltre 600 taxa nuovi descritti e quasi 1000 nuovi nomi istituiti, Roberto de Visiani (Sebenico 1800 - Padova 1878) fu uno dei più importanti studiosi a dirigere l'Orto Botanico di Padova, ruolo che svolse dal 1837 fino alla morte. Durante il suo incarico, Visiani trasformò l'orto da un semplice strumento per l'insegnamento della medicina in un'istituzione moderna e aperta alla comunità . Fu autore di numerosi importanti lavori di tassonomia, concentrati soprattutto sulla flora vascolare della sua terra di origine: la Dalmazia. Dopo la sua morte, lasciò a Padova non solo una vasta collezione di circa 12.000 campioni, ma anche migliaia di lettere ricevute da altri studiosi, manoscritti e altro materiale inedito, che sono rimasti quasi del tutto inesplorati, malgrado sia vissuto, lavorato e lasciato la sua impronta in uno dei periodi più fondamentali per il Giardino stesso, l'Università  e la comunità  scientifica più in generale. Una grande varietà  di materiali sono stati utilizzati. Una fonte di informazioni particolarmente importante è stato l'Herbarium Dalmaticum di Visiani, conservato a Padova e catalogato nel 2011-2013. Tutti i lavori di floristica di Visiani sono stati raccolti e studiati e sono analizzati in grande dettaglio, con particolare attenzione alla sua opera magistrale Flora Dalmatica e ai quattro più piccoli lavrori preparati in collaborazione con professore serbo Josif Pančić. Un trattamento più generale è riservato alle sue altre opere. Tutto il materiale inedito disponibile presso la Biblioteca Antica dell'Orto Botanico è stato digitalizzato ed organizzato. Oltre un terzo delle oltre 2000 lettere conservate nella sua corrispondenza sono state trascritte. Abbiamo inoltre recuperato e trascritto le lettere spedite da Visiani al suo amico più intimo, il celebre lichenologo e paleobotanico Abramo Massalongo, conservate presso la Biblioteca Civica di Verona, nonché quelle spedite al botanico Josif Pančić, conservate all'Istituto di Botanica di Belgrado. Oltre alle lettere, sono stati analizzati altri documenti inediti, soprattutto liste di piante, manoscritti di opere edite ed inedite e rari diari di viaggio. Lo studio di questi materiali ha portato alla pubblicazione di sette articoli scientifici, con quarantuno designazioni di typi in totale, più note dettagliate per altri diciassette nomi. Si presenta inoltre una bozza di trattamento nomenclaturale sui 275 nomi pubblicati in Flora Dalmatica, la cui pubblicazione richiederà  il contributo di botanici croati. Si presentano infine altri due articoli in preparazione. I dati ricavati dall'erbario e dai lavori inediti di Visiani sono stati integrati in un geodatabase gestito tramite QGIS, che consente di studiarli tramite query avanzate. Questo strumento è stato utilizzato per preparare le mappe che accompagnano la dettagliata cronologia dell'esplorazione botanica della Dalmazia e delle regioni vicine durante l'epoca di Visiani che è stato possibile ricostruire unendo dati da tutte le fonti studiate, nonché quelle utilizzate per verificare la corrispondenza tra l'erbario e le segnalazioni bibliografiche. La rete di relazioni e scambi di Visiani è chiarita, sono trattati i suoi assistenti, giardinieri, colleghi, amici e coautrori, nonché i molti semplici raccoglitori di pianti che gli fornivano i campioni, molti dei quali sono figure minori sulle quali poco o niente è reperibile in letteratura. Particolarmente interessanti si sono rivelati il ruolo giocato da Antonio Bertoloni all'inizio della carriera di Visiani, il contributo di Muzio Tommasini alla pubblicazione di Flora Dalmatica, il difficile rapporto di Visiani con il suo editore Friedrich Hofmeister e la sua stretta amicizia con Massalongo. Le opinioni scientifiche di Visiani sono discusse nel dettaglio. Visiani ebbe una visione positivistica della scienza e considerò l'esperimento la strada maestra verso la conoscenza; non fu influenzato dagli ideali romantici del tempo. Il suo approccio alla sistematica fu quello tipico della prima metà  del XIX secolo: si concentrava principalmente sull'accurata descrizione delle specie e sull'esplorazione di una flora regionale e rimase sempre uno strenuo difensore delle pratiche linneane, il che gli costò alcune critiche in tarda età. Il suo metodo e le sue idee influenzarono fortemente la scuola di botanica di Padova fino alla metà  del XX secolo. Nonostante sia confermata l'opposizione di Visiani alle acerbe ipotesi evolutive pre-Darwiniane, riteniamo che fosse un fissista dogmatico, e ipotizziamo che si possa essere convertito all'evoluzionismo nei suoi ultimi anni. I suoi concetti, metodi e scelte in tassonomia e nomenclatura, la cui comprensione è fondamentale per la tipificazione dei suoi nomi, sono chiariti e descritti in dettaglio. E' presentata una dettagliata biografia personale di Visiani, che tocca i temi delle sue origini, studi, vita professionale, viaggi, carattere, religione, idee politiche, eredità  materiale. Per quanto riguarda la sua posizione sul processo di unificazione nazionale italiano, la sua posizione si potrebbe ritenere cautamente anti-austriaca. Riteniamo che ciò si possa spiegare parte con l'ambiguità  della sua stessa identità  nazionale, parte con il suo chiaro desiderio di salvaguardare la propria posizione accademica. I risultati botanici del lavoro vengono restituiti tramite pubblicazioni specializzate. Il materiale inedito di Visiani è in fase di caricamento in formato digitale e gratuito sulla piattaforma del Centro di Anteneo per le Biblioteche, PHAIDRA. Si sta vagliando la possibilità  di pubblicare la corrispondenza tra Visiani e Pančić e tra Visiani e Massalongo. Il sistema GIS sarà reso disponibile all'Erbario di Padova; i dati raccolti potranno essere resi disponibili tramite lo sviluppo di un'apposita piattaforma in rete. Concludiamo che un approccio multidisciplinare, centrato sull'autore e la collezione, è particolarmente efficace nel risolvere problemi di botanica storica.

La mia tesi di dottorato parte dal codice Pluteo 76.79. della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze per tracciare un quadro aggiornato della tradizione manoscritta del Livre de Moralitez, traduzione francese del Moralium Dogma Philosophorum. Il primo capitolo offre un’analisi codicologica dei tre testimoni dell’opera trascritti da copisti italiani. Il secondo capitolo prende in considerazione la tradizione manoscritta del Livre de Moralitez nella sua globalità nonché il suo successo in Europa: in effetti, la versione francese è servita da modello per ulteriori traduzioni in altre lingue romanze. Particolare attenzione viene riservata al cosiddetto Libro di Costumanza, volgarizzamento trasmesso da oltre 20 manoscritti. Il capitolo finale si concentra sulla versione del Libro di Costumanza siglata delta, che rappresenta il risultato dell’interazione tra il testo latino e quello francese. Viene proposta un’edizione critica dell’opera, assieme a un glossario e a un’analisi lessicale delle voci notevoli.
My PhD dissertation, prompted by a study of the codex Pluteo 76.79 of the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana (Florence), deals with the manuscript tradition of the Livre de Moralitez, French translation of the Moralium dogma philosophorum. The first chapter offers a codicological analysis of the three witnesses of the work compiled by Italian scribes. The second chapter takes into account the manuscript tradition of the Livre de Moralitez as a whole and its international success: indeed, the French treatise served as a source for further translations into other Romance languages. A particular attention is given to the Libro di Costumanza, Italian translation of whom more than 20 witnesses survive. The final chapter focuses on the version of the Libro di Costumanza signed as delta: this redaction stands out as the result of the interaction between the French and the Latin texts. A critical edition is provided, as well as a glossary and a lexical analysis
Née comme analyse codicologique du manuscrit Pluteo 76.79 de la Bibliothèque Laurentienne de Florence, ma thèse s’est par la suite dévéloppée comme une étude de la tradition du Livre de Moralitez en Italie. Cette œuvre, traduction française du précis latin de philosophie morale connu sous le titre de Moralium Dogma Philosophorum, a remporté un vif succès au Moyen Âge, comme le montrent sa riche tradition manuscrite, mais aussi les traductions en d’autres langues (romanes et non-romanes). Le premier chapitre est consacré aux trois témoins du Livre de Moralitez copiés par des copistes italiens: le déja cité Pluteo 76.79, le Pluteo 41.42 et le codex MR 92 de la Bibliothèque Metropolitaine de Zagreb. Il faudra également ajouter à ces témoins complets les fragments récemment trouvés par Giuseppe Mascherpa dans les Archives Historiques de Lodi. Dans le deuxième chapitre, je prends en considération la tradition manuscrite du traité moral dans son ensemble, en proposant un stemma codicum. Dans le troisième chapitre, je propose une édition critique de la redaction delta du Libro di Costumanza, c’est-à-dire la traduction italienne du Livre de Moralitez. La nécéssité d’une étude détaillée du Pluteo 76.79 avait été explicitement declaré par Giuseppe Mascherpa dans un article écrit avec Maria Luisa Meneghetti et paru en 2013. D’ailleurs, la fiche du manuscrit, compilée par Mascherpa lui-même dans le cadre du projet Ma.Fra, a constitué une base solide pour mes recherches. J’ai décidé en particulier d’approfondir la question liée à l’origine géographique du manuscrit. La présence d’un certain nombre de notes pour l’enlumineur, redigées par le copiste, avait permis à Mascherpa de formuler une hypothèse sur l’aire de production, c’est à dire la Vénétie de l’Ouest ou l’Émilie. Mon travail m’a améné à penser que le copiste était en effet émilien, sans doute bolonais. En ce qui concerne les enluminures elles-mêmes, on peut effectivement réléver des éléments qui reportent à l’école bolonaise de la fin du XIIIe siècle, tout en confirmant également la datation du manuscrit avancée par Teresa de Robertis. Dans l’article déjà cité, Mascherpa affirmait aussi que les critères de compilations du recueil auraient bien mérité un supplement de recherche. En reconstruisant l’ordre original du manuscrit, perturbé par des erreurs évidentes en phase de fasciculation, on remarque que le codex s’ouvre par le Livre de Moralitez; le traité est suivi par des unica, c’est-à-dire un lapidaire et un petit poème sur l’Apocalypse; la deuxième œuvre principale du recueil est le Bestiaire d’Amour; finalement, la nouvelle intitulé Agnes et Meleus par Paul Meyer clôt le manuscrit: le Pluteo est, encore une fois, la seul témoignage de cette narration vivante. En ce qui est de la mise en recueil, je vais mettre en exergue la physionomie particulière du Pluteo: en effet, Livre de Moralitez et Bestiaire d’Amour n’ont pas été transmis ensemble que par le manuscrit laurentien et par un autre manuscrit conservé en Belgique; on trouve tout de même des épreuves de la liaison entre les deux œuvres dans le cadre de la tradition italienne: de fait, le témoin {M} du Libro di Costumanza transmet aussi la version italienne du Bestiaire d’Amours. Parmi les œuvres mineures, Agnes et Meleus constitue sans aucun doute l’item le plus intéressant. Consacré au thème de l’avarice punie, le récit confirme par ailleurs la déstination courtoise pour laquelle la compilation du manuscrit à été conçue. Cet aspect contribue à remarquer la particularité du Pluteo 76.79 par rapport aux autres témoins italiens du Livre de Moralitez. Le Pluteo 41.42 aussi bien que le codex de Zagreb répondent en effet aux attentes d’un public bien différent, celui de la bourgeoisie urbaine. La section française du Pluteo 41.42 n’avait jamais fait objet d’une étude attentive. Connu surtout grâce à la partie contenant le chansonnier trobadouresque P, le manuscrit se clôt par deux œuvres en langue d’oïl, c’est-à-dire le Blasme de fames et le Livre de Moralitez. Une analyse stratigraphique sommaire de la langue du traité moral a mis en évidence des données qui pourraient confirmer l’existence d’une axe de transmission Vénétie-Toscane pour les matériaux qui forment le recueil. On remarque aussi une cohérence substantielle entre la section française et le reste du manuscrit, notamment les coblas esparsas: certaines d’elles se montrent en particulier proches du système de valeurs de la classe bourgeoise-marchande, comme l’avait déjà souligné Stefano Resconi. Tout de même, les caractéristiques codicologiques du codex de Zagreb nous conduissent à un environnement pareil à celui du Pluteo 41.42: le petit format, la juxtaposition de ‘livrets’ de nature diverse, aussi bien que l’apparence modeste font penser à une usage privé du manuscrit, rassemblé probablement par un membre de la haute bourgeoisie vénétienne. Quant à l’hétérogénéité du contenu, on remarque que le codex contient lui-aussi une anthologie lyrique, française cette fois; il s’agit également de l’un des deux témoins du Livre d’Enanchet, peut-être produit le plus ancien de la littérature franco-italienne. Dans ce sens, la découverte des fragments de Lodi par Mascherpa nous offre une témoignage inattendue de la liaison entre Moralités et Enanchet: les deux œuvres s’y trouvent l’une à côté de l’autre, exactement comme dans le recueil de Zagreb. Comment insérer ces trois exemplaires dans la tradition manuscrite globale ? Faute d’une édition satisfaisante du traité, j’ai décidé de consulter tous les témoins, en offrant une mise à jour de la tradition. De fait, le travail de John Holmberg, editeur au même temps du Moralium Dogma Philosophorum, de la version française et de celle néerlandaise, est criticable à plusieurs égards. En ce qui concerne le Livre de Moralitez, c’est notamment la méthode utilisée pour établir les rélations parmi les témoins à susciter des perplessités. Holmberg renounce à tracer un véritable stemma codicum, en proposant plutôt des “macrogroupes” établis à partir d’affinités génériques. Par conséquent, j’ai décidé de choisir un nombre limité des loci critici, pour lesquelles j’ai pu effectuer une collation des tous les témoins. Dans le cadre d’une classification des manuscrits, il fallait aborder la question du statut à attribuer aux témoins siglés (K) et (L), dont Holmberg avait déjà remarqué la physionomie particulière. Une analyse consacrée à ces deux témoins confirme qu’il s’agit effectivement d’une version fort distante de la vulgate, sans doute élaborée en Angleterre. En suivant les principes individués par Giovanni Orlandi pour les textes transmis en plusieurs rédactions, on relève: l’absence de fautes communes au reste de la tradition, le nombre remarquable de variantes indifférentes, aussi bien que l’histoire externe particulière des manuscrits. Après cette discussion, qui met à jour ce qu’on connaît sur la tradition française, ma thèse donne un panorama des traductions du Livre de Moralitez rédigées en autres langues romanes. Si la version en langue d’oc à été publiée par Jean Ducamin au début du XXe siècle, moins d’attention a été reservée à la traduction castillane. Transmises par un seul manuscrit tardif, les Moralidades de los philosophos démeurent inédites à ce jour. L’individuation des sources manuscrites de ces deux versions a permis de corroborer la validité du stemma proposé. À cette “tradition occidentale” très pauvre s’oppose la variété des traductions effectuées sur le territoire italien. L’on compte actuellement 26 témoins du Libro di Costumanza, qui nous offrent huit rédactions différentes de l’œuvre. Pour autant, ce n’était que la rédaction α à avoir été objet d’étude par les savants. Transmise par 13 témoins, cette version représente la vulgate du Libro di Costumanza et a été publié par Roberto de Visiani en 1865. Le Trattato di virtù morali, selon le titre indûment proposé par l’editeur, constitue toutefois rien plus que le divertissement d’un italianiste “par passion” plutôt qu’une véritable édition critique. Visiani n’utilise que deux manuscrits, sans en donner les cotes: le premier a été identifié en 2008 par Sandro Bertelli et Marco Giola; le deuxième était inaccessible jusqu’à l’heure actuelle. Cependant, une recherche conduite avec Matteo Luti nous a permis de retrouver le manuscrit, dont j’ai donnée une première description. Il a fallu attendre plus d’un siècle pour avoir une édition satisfaisante du Libro di Costumanza, qui pourtant n’a jamais été publiée. Je me réfère à la thèse rédigée en 1992 par Cristina Bernardini, élève d’Alfonso D’Agostino. Travail tout à fait méritoire, car il propose non seulement une édition meilleure que celle de Visiani, mais il offre aussi une analyse soignée de la tradition manuscrite: Bernardini individue en particulier cinq rédactions indépendantes du volgarizzamento. Ma recherche poursuit et approfondit l’étude de Bernardini, en inscrivant le Libro di Costumanza dans le cadre d’une tradition européenne. Il faut remarquer qu’encore une fois le stemma codicum du Livre de Moralitez démontre sa validité. Certes, il serait impossible d’expliquer de façon, pour ainsi dire, géométrique les rélations généalogiques entre sources et traductions. L’on remarque d’évidents phénomènes de contamination non seulement parmi les différentes rédactions, mais aussi entre la rédaction α et la traduction italienne du Tresor de Brunetto Latini. Cette dernière question, qui n’avait jamais été abordée auparavant, ouvre un terrain de recherche qui peut se révéler très fécond pour de futures études consacrées aux deux œuvres. Il était aussi important d’approfondir la connaissance de la tradition septentrionale du Libro di Costumanza. Si la majorité des témoins a été compilée en Toscane, les manuscrits siglés {N}, {T} et {V} prouvent tout de même une circulation du volgarizzamento en Italie du Nord. Le chapitre finale aborde l’étude de la rédaction delta du Libro di Costumanza, dont j'offre une édition critique. Cette version de l’œuvre constitue le résultat d’une réélaboration, voire d’une adaptation, du texte italien à partir des textes français et latin: en effet, le traducteur avait à disposition un exemplaire du Moralium Dogma Philosophorum, comme le démontrent de nombreux passages absents dans le reste de la tradition romane. Par ailleurs, on relève le recours au manuscrit Pluteo 41.42, utilisé notamment pour essayer de corriger l’erreur d’archétype. En ce qui concerne la langue de cette version, le manuscrit de référence, c’est-à-dire le codex Riccardiano 1475 (mil quatrecent soixante-quinze) a été sans doute copié par une main siennoise, alors que le modèle remonte probablement à la Toscane de l’Ouest. Ce n’est qu’un premier pas vers l’étude du Libro di Costumanza, et de sa tradition variée et encore largement inexplorée.

Memoria (arquitecto)
Autorizado por el autor, pero con restricción para ser publicada a texto completo hasta el año 2013
En la actualidad un importante porcentaje de la población en Chile es atendida por el Sistema Público de Salud, cantidad que se ha acentuado a nivel Infantil. Sin embargo, la infraestructura de este sistema se ha ido deteriorando, debido a la escasa inversión en mantención y adecuación, principalmente en los Grandes Centros Hospitalarios del país. Como consecuencia muchos aspectos de la prestación de salud hoy en día se han visto desmejorados, sobre todo en comparación con el sistema privado, lo que no refleja la Evolución Económica que vive la nación. Por consiguiente, esto ha degradado la calidad de la atención, de vida, la experiencia como usuario y su dignidad. Es por ello que la idea de realizar como proyecto de título un “Edificio Complementario al Hospital Roberto del Río”, basado en sus deficiencias de infraestructura, nace de la inquietud por contribuir a la Salud Pública Pediátrica en Chile, ya que es más viable a nivel Público mejorar lo existente, que invertir en un nuevo Establecimiento de Salud. El proyecto se enfoca en atacar el trato al Usuario, niño, y sus Familias, las cuales se ven enfrentadas a un ir y venir constante al Centro de Salud. Se pretende trabajar de una forma globalizada, atendiendo a las distintas necesidades que el Hospital en estudio presenta, me refiero a la colaboración en las Zonas de Espera, Centro de Extensión y a nivel Clínico, la Normalización de la Unidad de Plástica y Quemados, área olvidada por el Establecimiento de Salud. Dentro de los hospitales de infantes, elegí el Hospital Dr. Roberto del Río, por ser Centro de Referencia Nacional, Hospital de alta complejidad y ser el segundo Establecimiento de salud de niños más concurrido en la Región Metropolitana, área donde recae la mayor parte de la Salud Pública a nivel Nacional

D’un point de vue général, la thèse propose de penser l’horreur comme une construction littéraire. À ce propos, cette recherche développe une réflexion approfondie sur les oeuvres narratives de Juan José Saer et de Roberto Bolaño. Premièrement, il s’agit de réaliser un travail théorique formulant des hypothèses sur la pertinence d’utiliser l’horreur comme catégorie critique ; deuxièmement, de signaler un champ sémantique posant des problèmes, dont la permanente allusion à l’horreur fonctionne comme source de sens de la représentation des catastrophes historico-politiques dans la littérature. L’importance donnée à la notion de forme détermine la perspective à partir de laquelle nous concevons l’horreur dans cette thèse ; en même temps, elle indique que l’horreur comme forme demeure souvent impensée dans le domaine des études littéraires, spécialement dans celles qui ont analysé les oeuvres étudiées ici. Dans ce contexte d’analyse, on signale deux grands domaines à partir desquels les oeuvres étudiées construisent leur variation, leur expansion et leur réflexion de la représentation littéraire de l’horreur. Dans cet esprit, nous avons fait ponctuellement référence à l’importance du registre visuel et aux épisodes récurrents qui présentent une intervention violente sur des corps humains. L’horreur est un effet formel qui se donne à voir comme une partie de ce procédé de dialogue et de réflexivité de l’écriture. Autrement dit, à partir du corpus sélectionné pour étudier les mouvements de l'horreur en tant que forme, on peut affirmer un souci pour l’aspect visuel et pour la disposition des corps, où les déplacements textuels font de l’horreur une forme-thème prisée par ces oeuvres
Overall, this dissertation proposes to think horror as a literary construction. To that end, the research develops an extensive reflection on the narrative works of Juan Jose Saer and Roberto Bolaño. The aim is, first, to carry out a theoretical study to formulate hypotheses about the relevance of using horror as critical notion, and secondly, to point out a problematic semantic field, whose banner is the constant allusive reference to horror as a source of meaning for the representation of historical and political disasters in literature. The importance given to the notion of form determines the perspective in which horror is conceived in this dissertation. At the same time, it indicates that horror as a form is usually presented as an unthought-of notion in the literary criticism field, particularly in the studies that have analyzed the works studied here. Within this context of analysis, two major areas on which both literatures build their variation, expansion and reflection of the literary representation of horror are identified. These refer specifically to the importance of the visual register and to the repeated episodes that narrate violent interventions on human bodies. Horror is a formal effect displayed as part of the process of dialogue and reflexivity inherent to writing. Put another way, -from the corpus selected to study the movements of horror as form- it can be asserted that it is around a concern about the visual aspect and the arrangement of bodies, that the textual trajectories confer horror the form-theme that is dear to these fictions

This study critically analyzed four selected campaign speeches by Robert Kennedy from his 1968 campaign to determine his use of the Camelot myth and his success in portraying himself as the heir apparent to the Kennedy legend. Using procedures adapted from fantasy theme analysis, the rhetorical vision of Camelot was outlined, and the fantasy themes and fantasy types within it were determined. The public persona of Robert Kennedy was also evaluated. Throughout the speeches analyzed, Robert Kennedy invoked themes identified within the rhetorical vision of Camelot. In addition to his own themes of social justice and reconciliation, Kennedy promoted his brother's legend. Chaining evidence provided proof of the public's participation in the rhetorical vision demonstrating Kennedy's success with these themes.

Writers tend to exude political views and ideas in their works. Robert A. Heinlein and his works havebeen interpreted from multiple political standpoints, yet almost no such interpretation has beenapplied to his later works. In this paper Lazarus Long, the protagonist in Heinlein’s Time Enough forLove, is interpreted through a libertarian looking glass, focusing on the novel’s societal critique andideas regarding liberty, power, government and economy. This paper is written with the goal ofshowing that the protagonist in Time Enough for Love can be said to be libertarian in perspective andattitude. This is done by using libertarian concepts divided into five categories, these categories beinginterpreted from David Boaz´s primer on libertarianism: societal criticism, governmental criticism,economic criticism, flourishing and observations. Conclusively this paper states that Robert A.Heinlein’s protagonist in the novel Time Enough for Love seems to have many influences by libertarianideals and can be said to be libertarian in perspective and attitude.

This thesis investigates the significance of the Church's experience of transcendence in the theologies of Robert W. Jenson (b. 1930) and Alexander Schmemann (1921-1983). Both theologians emphasize the indispensable role of eschatology for Christian theology, but they offer strikingly different accounts of what that means. Following an introductory chapter, the first half of the thesis (chapters 2-4) clarifies the loss of transcendence by following Jenson's and Schmemann's respective theological diagnoses of the chief problems facing the Church in the late-modern West. Jenson argues that a long hidden error in the ontology of the doctrine of God is the underlying cause of the nihilism pervading Western culture. Schmemann perceives secularism as the pervasive cultural backdrop to Christian faith in the West, identifying the betrayal of the Orthodox Church's liturgical experience of the Kingdom of God as the chief culprit. By placing their critiques in dialog with one another I further trace the mutually diagnosed problem of the Church's debilitated eschatology to underlying problems in received ontologies of transcendence. The second half of the thesis (chapters 5-7) explores Jenson's and Schmemann's theological proposals for rehabilitating eschatology. Jenson revises the ontology of God to more adequately fit the God identified by the gospel. His narratival ontology enables him to conceptualize God's transcendence in terms of triune faithfulness through time rather than in metaphysical immunity to time. Schmemann retrieves a symbolic ontology in order to affirm the sacramentality of the world by which God's transcendence can be mystically experienced in the Church's liturgical worship. I argue that Jenson's theological rejection of timelessness rests upon historicist assumptions which Schmemann's eschatological theory has resources to withstand and that, furthermore, theology should preserve apophatic humility rooted in the aseity of God rather than historicize the doctrine of God as Jenson proposes.

Nello studio delle trasformazioni architettoniche e urbane che incidono sul tessuto di Manhattan nel corso del Novecento, la Avenue offre una dimensione privilegiata per indagare il ruolo di tali processi nel riorganizzare gerarchie, ridefinire rapporti, e redistribuire valori – non solo economici - tra le maglie della griglia. Il presente lavoro di tesi si propone di ricostruire la storia e riflettere sulle dinamiche di trasformazione di un settore urbano nel cuore del Central Business District di Midtown, che comprende isolati e architetture con diretto affaccio su un'asse: la Sixth Avenue. Definita da Robert Stern come la strada più rappresentativa dell'urbanistica moderna in territorio americano, la Sesta, in particolare il tratto nord che attraversa Midtown, compreso tra 40th e 59th strada su cui si concentra la tesi, è una antologia che raccoglie immaginari e piani urbani, molti dei quali rimasti sulla carta, elaborati in continuità con un dibattito erede del New Deal e degli anni di guerra, e progetti di speculative skyscrapers, costruiti come estensione del distretto commerciale negli anni del boom. Concentrandosi sul periodo compreso tra gli anni Quaranta fino ai primi anni Sessanta, il caso studio della Sixth Avenue permette di indagare la confluenza di politiche, capitali e pianificazione urbana, tra gli anni di guerra e i primi anni della Guerra Fredda, con uno sguardo rivolto agli interessi immobiliari nell'area di Midtown e alla complessa rete di soggetti pubblici, semi-pubblici e privati che prende parte ai processi decisionali nella produzione dello spazio urbano. L'arco temporale adottato nella tesi riflette quindi una scelta di carattere interpretativo, che ha come primo obiettivo l'esplorazione di continuità e discontinuità tra gli anni successivi al New Deal e il periodo postbellico, attraverso la lettura di immaginari, piani e cantieri che intervengono nella progettazione della città alla scala urbana. Nel lavoro di tesi si pone una speciale attenzione alle resistenze e ai cambiamenti di valori e di contenuti nel dibattito intorno alla trasformazione della Avenue, abbracciando una tesi storiografica che interpreta la Seconda Guerra Mondiale non come una parentesi chiusa, ma piuttosto come un acceleratore di processi anche per la teoria e la pratica architettonica. Attraverso un incrocio e confronto tra fonti di diversa natura e consistenza il tentativo della tesi è di costruire una prima storia urbana sulla nascita della Avenue of the Americas, volta a colmare una lacuna su una sezione della città ancora poco esplorata dalla storiografia di settore. Inserendosi tra gli studi sull'architettura e l'urbanistica sulla città nordamericana del Ventesimo secolo, con riferimento al caso newyorkese, il lavoro si colloca in una dimensione intermedia tra lo studio della pianificazione e le indagini sul costruito: la tesi si sforza di connettere la produzione di immaginari, le strategie patrimoniali, la progettazione architettonica e la produzione normativa, con una specifica attenzione al rapporto tra la scala della città e quello dell’indagine sulle architetture, anche autoriali, che in quel contesto si sono costruite.

Criminal entrepreneurs are behind organised crime, yet little is known of how they developed their vision, gained the skills and connections to succeed in their criminal careers. This study provides a novel understanding of the contributing factors in the formation of these successful empires, in an effort to anticipate and prevent the rise of new criminal entrepreneurs in Australia. The study traces the evolving nature of their vision, identity, skills, operational approach and social network. The findings of this study shall enable law enforcement agencies to break down the formation process of criminal entrepreneurs and their organisations in Australia.

El propósito de nuestra investigación es analizar la imagen del París surrealista para luego ver su posterior recepción y variación por parte de Julio Cortázar en Rayuela. Los criterios analíticos de nuestra investigación constan en la importancia de la promenade y la visión en la construcción de la imagen de la ciudad a manera de espacio interior. Para comprender los orígenes e inserción en la tradición por parte de los surrealistas, fue necesario establecer los orígenes de las poéticas urbanas de la ciudad de París a finales del siglo XVIII, comprender el auge de París como tema literario a mediados del siglo XIX, analizar la importancia de la tradición noctámbula y la incidencia de Baudelaire en el París moderno para situar a los surrealistas en su manera de comprender la ciudad como un espacio psíquico e interior. Por último, comprenderemos los distintos elementos surrealistas de la construcción de París en Rayuela de Cortázar gracias a los textos escritos durante su período de interés surrealista (1947-1949) y su posterior variación en Rayuela.
The purpose of our investigation is to analyze the image of Paris forged in four Surrealist texts published between 1926-1928 in order to understand the Surrealist elements that allowed Julio Cortázar to forge his own image of the city in the novel Rayuela. Our analytical criteria are the importance of the regard and the promenade in the construction of the city as an interior and personal space. To understand the importance of the Surrealist production, it was necessary to visit the origins of Paris as a literary text in the late eitheenth century, the importance of the tradition noctámbule in the XIXth century, the incidences of Baudelaire's work regarding the modern Paris and the change of century that allowed the Surrealist movement to understand the city as an interior and psychic space. Through the establishment of certain criteria and images, we analyzed Paris in Cortázar's novel Rayuela as a Surrealist product, even if Cortázar himself never felt as as a Surrealist writer.

This thesis discovers the spiritual and aesthetic vision of poet-journalist Robert Grendon (c. 1867–1949), a man of Irish-Herero parentage. It situates him in the wider Swedenborgian discourse regarding African ‘regeneration’. While preserving the overall diachronic continuity of a literary biography, it treats his principal thematic preoccupations synchronically. The objective has been to show the imaginative ways in which he employs his rich and diverse religio-philosophical background to account for South Africa’s social problems, to pass judgement upon the principal players, and to point out an alternative path to a brighter future. Chapter 1 looks at Emanuel Swedenborg’s mystical revelations on the heightened spiritual proclivity of the ‘celestial’ African, and the consequences of New Jerusalem’s descent over the heart of Africa, which Swedenborg believed to be taking place, undetected by Europeans, around 1770. It also examines how those pronouncements were received in Europe, America, and—most particularly—in Africa. Chapter 2 examines the circumstances surrounding Grendon’s birth and childhood in what is today Namibia. It takes note of a family tradition that Joseph Grendon married a daughter of Maharero, a prominent Herero chief, and it looks at Robert Grendon’s views on ‘miscegenation’. Chapter 3 deals with Grendon’s schooling at Zonnebloem College, Cape Town. Chapter 4 describes his cultural, sporting, and political activities in Kimberley and Uitenhage in the 1890s, bringing to light his editorship of Coloured South African in 1899. It also considers his conception of ‘progress’. Chapter 5 looks at some early poems, including the domestic verse-drama, ‘Melia and Pietro’ (1897–98). It also contextualizes a single, surviving editorial from Coloured South African. Chapter 6 treats Grendon’s tour de force, the epic poem, Paul Kruger’s Dream (1902), as well as his personal involvement in the South African War, and his spiritualized account of the ‘Struggle for Supremacy’ in South Africa. Chapter 7 relates to Grendon’s fruitful Natal period, 1900–05: his headmastership of the Edendale Training Institute and of Ohlange College, and his editorship of Ilanga’s English columns during the foreign absence of the editor-in-chief, John L. Dube, from February 1904 to May 1905. Chapter 8 analyzes some of the shorter and medium-length poems written in Natal, 1901–04. Chapter 9 is a close examination of the poem, ‘Pro Aliis Damnati’, showing its Swedenborgian basis, and how it dramatizes Swedenborg’s concept of ‘scortatory’ love. Chapter 10 describes Grendon’s early years in Swaziland from 1905. Chapter 11 deals with his period as editor of Abantu-Batho in Johannesburg, 1915–16. Chapter 12 describes his last years in Swaziland, and his relationship with the Swazi royal family.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2007.

This thesis examines a cultural community in Vancouver during the 1970s, focussing on the group of artists, poets and musicians active in the formation of the Western Front. While the Front is still active today my research is focussed around the initial formation of the Front community, from its inception in 1 973. The Utopian and countercultural artistic practice which developed there during the early seventies has made a significant contribution to recent Canadian art. I examine the Western Front through the presence of French Fluxus artist Robert Filliou, as he figures prominently in the written history of that period and provides a critical point of entry into its activities. In the Vancouver scene Filliou operated as an emblem of Utopian possibility, representing art as an imaginary space in which to develop ideas about social transformation. The pivotal concept of this thesis relies on what Filliou referred to as "la Fete Permanente" or, alternately, as "the Eternal Network". I use this dual term as a means of comparing emergent cultural politics, examining the implications carried by the French usage of la fete versus the North American usage of the network. In the first section of the text Filliou's ludic artistic strategies are situated within the performative praxis of the Fluxus movement, which had become active in New York and Europe in the early sixties. I also try to show the way in which his commitment to la fete relates to the widespread counterestablishment protests which, in France, were to culminate in the Events of May, 1968. In 1973, when Filliou made his first visit to Canada, the Western Front was being promoted by its members as an important "node" on an emergent "network" of global artist connections. I examine how the idea of "network consciousness" was seized by members of the Western Front as a means of speaking within the dominant logic of media culture. The distance which separated the Front from the Fluxus generation was, so to speak, a ricochet through the "new" space of orbiting communications satellites. While my consideration of la fete versus thenetwork stresses the contrast between oppositional strategies as they were articulated in Europe and North America, the thesis also draws attention to the strong alignments between Filliou and the artists at the Western Front. I argue that the prominent position given to Filliou by its members was a signal of their collective resistance to the technological imperative which guides media culture. One sees, through Filliou, that during the early seventies the Western Front made a valiant attempt to construct a network which would align the banal sophistication and glamour of Hollywood with the intimacy of a bohemian community. These artists, including Filliou, integrated decadence and festive abandon into their artistic practice as a means of asserting their difference from the conventional middle class values being advanced through the mass media. In the final section of the thesis I use the building of the Pompidou Center in Paris as a symbol of the international shift which announced the dispersal of these counter-cultural, bohemian ideals. By the late seventies, both in Canada and in France, the visionary promise upheld by "the Eternal Network/La Fete Permanente" was compelled to assume a new and more resilient configuration.

The origins of European integration and the factors that made it possible in the post-1945 era have been examined from different perspectives and interpreted in various ways. While federalists argue that the concept of European unity had been developed over centuries by different intellectual movements, the realist approaches of Milward and Dinan stress the importance of economic, political and security motives. Referring to the factors that contributed to the implementation of the Schuman Plan, both the federalist and realist approaches highlight the chief importance of states and their representatives. Yet, the ideas that inspired Jean Monnet, who designed the Schuman Plan, have received little attention. While the state is seen in the literature as the main actor that made the outcome possible, the role of Monnet and that of some of his close associates are almost ignored. By investigating Monnet's thought, this study shows that the source of his inspiration was not the countless plans for European unity put forward by European federalist movements or the random concepts that he came across, such as the New Deal. Rather, it is argued here that he was in fact constantly exposed to a coherent and well-structured philosophy. This thinking reached him through his direct contacts and frequent encounters with Felix Frankfurter and his associates, who formed an epistemic community, as defined by Peter M. Haas. The core concepts of this thinking inherited from Louis Brandeis and developed by Frankfurter – restoring and overseeing free competition – can be identified in Monnet's 1950 plan. The evidence shows that it became a shared philosophy of Monnet's group of friends. This is a fundamental aspect since, once the Schuman Plan was made public, Monnet's friends rallied around his project and contributed not only to overcoming stalemate at critical moments of the negotiations on the future treaty, but also to convincing statesmen of the value of the project.
Graduate

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2006.
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