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Статті в журналах з теми "Right and left (Political science) – Canada"

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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022

Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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1

Shorrocks, Rosalind. "Cohort Change in Political Gender Gaps in Europe and Canada: The Role of Modernization." Politics & Society 46, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 135–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329217751688.

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This article finds firmer evidence than has previously been presented that men are more left-wing than women in older birth cohorts, while women are more left-wing than men in younger cohorts. Analysis of the European Values Study/World Values Survey provides the first systematic test of how processes of modernization and social change have led to this phenomenon. In older cohorts, women are more right-wing primarily because of their greater religiosity and the high salience of religiosity for left-right self-placement and vote choice in older cohorts. In younger, more secular, cohorts, women’s greater support for economic equality and state intervention and, to a lesser extent, for liberal values makes them more left-wing than men. Because the gender gap varies in this way between cohorts, research focusing on the aggregate-level gap between all men and all women underestimates gender differences in left-right self-placement and vote choice.

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2

Cochrane, Christopher. "Left/Right Ideology and Canadian Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 3 (September 2010): 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000624.

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Abstract. This article examines the influence of ideology in Canadian politics. The core theory is that political opinions are bound together into ideological clusters by underlying influences that affect simultaneously the opinions of individuals about more than one issue. The central hypothesis is that ideological disagreement between the left and the right is asymmetrical, that is, that leftists and rightists bundle in different ways their opinions about issues. The analysis draws on evidence from Benoit and Laver's survey of experts (2006) about the policy positions of political parties, the Comparative Manifesto Research Project (Budge et al., 2001; Klingemann et al., 2006), and Cross and Young's survey of Canadian political party members (2002). The results of the analysis indicate, first, that Canada's left/right ideological divide is wide by cross-national standards, and, second, that leftists and rightists organize their opinions about the world in different ways.Résumé. Cet article examine l'influence des idéologies dans l'environnement politique canadien. La théorie centrale stipule que les opinions politiques sur diverses questions sont structurées en groupes idéologiques consolidés par des influences sous-jacentes qui affectent simultanément les opinions des individus. L'hypothèse principale découlant de cette théorie est que la structure du désaccord idéologique entre la gauche et la droite est asymétrique; plus précisément, que les individus situés à la gauche et à la droite du spectre politique canadien organisent de manière différente leurs opinions politiques. L'analyse s'appuie tout d'abord sur les données d'un sondage auprès d'experts politiques réalisé par Benoit et Laver (2006) et portant sur les positions politiques des partis. Elle utilise également les données du Comparative Manifesto Research Project (Budge et al. 2001; Klingemann et al., 2006) et celles d'un sondage d'opinion de Cross et Young (2002) effectué auprès des membres de partis politiques canadiens. Les résultats de cette étude démontrent, en premier lieu, qu'il existe un clivage important entre la droite et la gauche au Canada même lorsqu'il est observé dans une perspective comparative, et en second lieu, que les individus se situant à la gauche et à la droite du spectre politique ont tendance à organiser de manière différente leurs opinions sur le monde.

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3

Silver, Daniel, and Diana Miller. "Cultural Scenes and Voting Patterns in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 3 (September 2014): 425–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914000778.

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AbstractExtending recent social science work using the concept of “scene” into politics, this paper investigates connections between cultural variation and political variation across Canadian localities. First, we introduce the notion of “scene.” Then, using a national database of local amenities (with some 1800 categories and 1.6 million data points), we show that key dimensions of cultural meaning account for significant differences in voting patterns in recent Canadian elections. In particular, electoral districts with scenes that suggest themes of self-expression are associated with support for left-leaning parties, while scenes that support locality and corporateness are associated with the right. We conclude with suggestions for pursuing hypotheses about potential mechanisms driving these associations.

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4

Nevitte, Neil, Herman Bakvis, and Roger Gibbins. "The Ideological Contours of “New Politics” in Canada: Policy, Mobilization and Partisan Support." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (September 1989): 475–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390001091x.

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AbstractEvidence from other advanced industrial societies indicates that the traditional ideological contours of old states are being reshaped by the advance of a new political agenda. Using attitudinal survey data, this article explores the ways in which “new politics” has shaped the political belief systems of a segment of the Canadian population born after 1945. Findings indicate the presence of postmaterialist orientations among the young and a structuring capacity of postmaterialism versus left/right with respect to attitudes in different policy domains. Postmaterialism is also linked to greater mobilization potential and, among left identifiers, is shown to predict New Democratic party versus Liberal party support.

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5

Anderson, Cameron D., and Laura B. Stephenson. "Environmentalism and Party Support in Canada: Recent Trends outside Quebec." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (June 2011): 341–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000138.

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Abstract.Concern about the environment has grown around the world. Important work has assessed the correlates of support for the environment and its relationship to values (for example, Inglehart, 1995). Recent comparative work on political party positioning demonstrates how the issue has increasingly taken on a left–right dimension (Dalton, 2009). Filling a void in the literature, this paper explores how and whether the environmental issue has been incorporated into the ideological space of Canadian citizens and reflected in the views of the major political parties outside of Quebec. In particular, we first consider the extent to which the environment is a left–right issue in the minds of Canadian citizens. We follow this by assessing the effect of environmental concern on citizens' views of political parties and whether this issue tends to operate as a positional or valence issue in differentiating political parties. We use the Canadian Election Studies from 2000–2006 to address these research questions empirically.Résumé.L'intérêt pour la protection de l'environnement s'est intensifié autour du monde. Des recherches ont été menées sur la corrélation entre l'idéologie et la protection de l'environnement (par exemple, Inglehart 1995). Une étude récente sur le positionnement des partis politiques en matière d'environnement démontre que la question prend de plus en plus une dimension gauche–droite (Dalton 2009). Dans le but de combler un manque dans la littérature, cet article tente d'établir dans quelle mesure l'environnement a effectivement été intégré dans l'espace idéologique des citoyens canadiens et se reflète dans l'opinion sur les principaux partis politiques à l'extérieur du Québec. Nous examinons d'abord jusqu'à quel point l'environnement est considéré par les Canadiens comme un enjeu politique de gauche ou de droite. Nous évaluons ensuite l'effet de cet intérêt pour l'environnement sur l'opinion des citoyens canadiens à l'égard des partis politiques en vue de déterminer s'il s'agit là d'un enjeu de valeur ou d'un enjeu positionnel dans les choix politiques et électoraux. Nous appuyons empiriquement notre étude sur les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne de 2000 à 2006.

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6

Brym, Robert Joseph, and M. Reza Nakhaie. "Professional, Critical, Policy, and Public Academics in Canada." Canadian Journal of Sociology 34, no. 3 (May 29, 2009): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs6305.

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This paper analyzes the results of a unique 2000 study of a representative sample of Canadian academics (n=3,318) in order to provide the first empirical assessment of Burawoy’s intellectual types: professional, critical, policy, and public intellectuals. After determining the distribution of academic types in the Canadian professoriate as a whole, the paper demonstrates that academic types fall along a left-right continuum, different fields of study contain different distributions of academic types, and public, policy, and critical academics tend to have different socio-demographic and economic characteristics than professional academics. The picture that emerges from the analysis is of a professoriate whose contours substantiate the broad outlines of Burawoy’s typology.

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7

Stevenson, H. Michael. "Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (December 1987): 813–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050423.

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AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individuals. Changes in partisanship were more likely among younger respondents, particularly lower-class and more left-wing youth. The largest bloc of unstable partisans was closest ideologically to the more left-wing stable New Democratic party partisans, and shifted only between the New Democratic and Liberal parties. A smaller bloc moved to the Progressive Conservative party and was ideologically closest to its more right-wing stable partisans.

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8

Blake, Donald E., Neil Guppy, and Peter Urmetzer. "Canadian Public Opinion and Environmental Action: Evidence from British Columbia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 3 (September 1997): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900015973.

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AbstractPublic opinion regarding environmental issues has attracted considerable scholarly attention during the 1990s. Less attention has been paid to links between environmentally friendly attitudes and “green” behaviour and the degree to which behaviour is context or value-driven, especially in Canada. Using survey data from British Columbia, this article analyzes these links, paying particular attention to differences between public perceptions of local versus global environment, and how these concerns influence behaviour. The analysis also demonstrates the importance of distinguishing between different types of behaviour. While the crucial role of postmaterial values for three kinds of environmentally friendly behaviour is confirmed, other factors, particularly left/right ideological differences and personal financial circumstances emerge as significant explanatory variables. “Green consumer behaviour” is largely determined by local context. Local concerns also drive “green political activity,” but value differences are crucial as well. Left/right differences and personal financial circumstances are especially important in explaining “green pocketbook behaviour” — willingness to incur costs, either personally or through taxes, for environmental protection and enhancement.

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9

Mujuzi, Jamil Ddamulira. "The supreme court of Canada and the offender’s right to be transferred to serve his sentence in Canada: interpreting the international transfer of offenders act in light of Canada’s national and international human rights obligations." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 102–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2013-0013.

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ABSTRACT In September 2013 in the case of Divito v Canada (Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness) the Supreme Court of Canada dealt with the issue of whether section 6(1) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the Charter, which grants Canadians the right to enter Canada was violated in a case where the Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness declined to consent to the transfer of a Canadian citizen to serve his sentence in Canada where the sentencing state had consented to the transfer. Another issue was whether sections 8(1) and 10(1)(a) and 10(2)(a) of the International Transfer of Offenders Act, which granted the Minister the discretion to consent or not to consent to the transfer, were contrary to section 6(1) of the Charter. In resolving the above issues, the Court referred to its earlier jurisprudence, academic publications and international law. Although the Court agreed with the government that the appeal was moot because the appellant had left the USA by the time it was heard, it held that it retained “a residual discretion to decide the merits of a moot appeal if the issues raised are of public importance” and that this case was one of public importance because “[t]he issues are likely to recur in the future and there is some uncertainty resulting from conflicting decisions in the Federal Court.” The purpose of this article is to highlight the interpretative tools invoked by the court and the implications of the judgement.

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10

Archer, Keith, and Alan Whitehorn. "Opinion Structure Among New Democratic Party Activists: A Comparison with Liberals and Conservatives." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900011641.

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AbstractThere is substantial disagreement over the extent to which political parties in Canada can be distinguished on ideological grounds. Research on mass publics has usually concluded that ideology plays only a modest role in structuring orientations towards parties. However, a growing body of survey data on party activists suggests a greater degree of ideological clarity and policy cohesiveness. This note extends earlier research by Blake, Johnston and Perlin on Liberal and Conservative convention delegates and compares them with delegates to the 1987 federal New Democratic party convention. Survey data on convention delegates suggest that political activists array themselves in a relatively consistent manner across a range of issues in ways that are compatible with a left/right ideological typology. Our findings also suggest that New Democrats display the greatest consensus and ideological distinctiveness of the three parties studied.

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11

Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Party Talk: Assessing the Feminist Rhetoric of Women Leadership Candidates in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2009): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090325.

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Abstract.This study examines public statements by female candidates for the leadership of major federal parties in the period 1975–2006, with reference to the conceptual literature on political representation. Was the willingness of women politicians to voice feminist rhetoric more closely related to extra-parliamentary dynamics, notably the changing fortunes of feminist and antifeminist movements, or to parliamentary factors, including the ideological as well as competitive circumstances of their parties? The empirical discussion suggests feminist content was particularly strong in the language of Rosemary Brown for the NDP in 1975, Kim Campbell for the PCs in 1993 and Martha Hall Findlay for the Liberals in 2006. Overall results point toward the utility of a two-pronged perspective that merges a parliamentary view that centre-left through centre-right parties, as well as those in an opposition or weak governing position, were more likely sites of feminist discourse than hard right and firmly competitive parties, with a movement-focused approach that explains the diminished use of representational rhetoric during this period, even in relatively hospitable parties, with reference to the declining legitimacy of organized feminism. Unlike in the US, women candidates in right parties in Canada did not use their campaigns as vehicles for voicing strong antifeminist positions.Résumé.Cette étude survole la littérature conceptuelle sur la représentation politique et examine ainsi les déclarations publiques faites par les candidates lors des courses à la direction des principaux partis politiques fédéraux pendant la période allant de 1975 à 2006. La volonté des politiciennes d'exprimer la rhétorique féministe était-elle davantage apparentée à la dynamique extra-parlementaire, notamment la force des mouvements féministes et antiféministes, ou plutôt aux facteurs parlementaires comme l'idéologie et la compétitivité de leur parti? La discussion empirique suggère que le contenu féministe était particulièrement important dans le vocabulaire utilisé par Rosemary Brown pour le NPD en 1975, par Kim Campbell pour le PPC en 1993 et par Martha Hall Findlay pour le PLC en 2006. Les résultats indiquent qu'il est utile, pour ce type d'étude, de considérer une fusion des deux approches. La première est une perspective parlementaire, qui suggère que les partis se situant sur le spectre politique entre le centre-gauche et le centre-droit, de même que ceux qui se trouvent dans une position d'opposition ou de gouvernement faible ou minoritaire, sont les plus réceptifs aux discours féministes. La deuxième approche (movement-focused) porte son attention sur les mouvements sociaux pour expliquer la diminution de l'utilisation de la rhétorique représentationnelle pendant cette période, et ce, même dans les partis relativement réceptifs au féminisme organisé. Contrairement à la situation aux États-Unis, les candidates à la direction des partis de droite au Canada n'ont pas utilisé la course à l'investiture de leur parti comme tremplin pour exprimer de fortes positions antiféministes.

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12

Hahm, S. D. "The Political Economy of Deficit Spending: A Cross Comparison of Industrialized Democracies, 1955–90." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 14, no. 2 (June 1996): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c140227.

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The postwar deficit experiences of nine industrialized democracies are analyzed. The relative importance of three of the primary influences on a country's deficit which have been suggested in the literature: (1) the state of the country's economy, (2) the ‘left – right’ ideology of the party in power, and (3) the strength of the party in power (as advanced by Roubini and Sachs) are examined. The author also introduces and tests the importance of an additional potential influence based on institutional structure in which presidential, ‘stable’ parliamentary, and ‘unstable’ parliamentary systems are seen to provide different incentives regarding the deficit for key political actors. The arguments are tested on a pooled time-series cross-sectional data set involving two presidential systems (France and the United States), four relatively stable parliamentary systems (Canada, Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom), and three relatively unstable parliamentary systems (Denmark, Italy, and the Netherlands). The findings include: (a) strong effects of the state of a nation's economy on its deficit; (b) little systematic relationship between the ideology of the party in power and its deficit; and (c) the observation that increased control of the government leads to lower deficits in unstable parliamentary systems but larger deficits in presidential systems, with stable parliamentary systems serving as an intermediate case. The findings are compared both with the author's theoretical refinement and with recent theoretical and empirical work by Roubini and Sachs.

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13

Walks, R. Alan. "The City-Suburban Cleavage in Canadian Federal Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 2 (June 2005): 383–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905030842.

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Abstract.Despite increasing speculation and attention, as of yet insufficient empirical research has been conducted on the possibility of a political cleavage based on differences between Canadian inner cities and suburbs. This article sheds light on the potential existence of such differences by analyzing federal elections at the level of the constituency from 1945 to 1997. Results show that city-suburban differences in federal party voting did not become significant until the 1980s, and increased after this point, with inner-city residents remaining to the left of the rest of Canada in their party preferences while suburbanites shifted increasingly to the right in their voting patterns. The results obtained from regression analysis suggest that such a divergence cannot be reduced solely to differences in social composition, housing tenure, or region, and thus confirm that it constitutes a ‘true’ political cleavage. It is argued that intra-urban geography needs to taken into account in future analyses of Canadian political behaviour.Résumé.Malgré un intérêt croissant pour la question, il existe encore peu de recherches empiriques sur un possible clivage politique dont les fondements seraient les différences entre les quartiers urbains centraux et les banlieues. Cet article jette un nouvel éclairage sur l'existence possible de ces différences à partir d'une analyse des résultats électoraux dans les circonscriptions fédérales entre 1945 et 1997. Les résultats obtenus indiquent que les différences entre le vote pour les partis politiques fédéraux ne sont devenues significatives que pendant les années 1980, mais qu'elles se sont exacerbées par la suite, les résidents de quartiers centraux demeurant à la gauche de l'échiquier politique tandis que les banlieues votaient de plus en plus à droite. Les résultats de l'analyse de régression suggèrent que ces différences ne sont pas seulement attribuables à la composition sociale, au taux de propriété, ou encore à la région, et constituent par le fait même un “ véritable ” clivage politique. L'auteur conclut que l'analyse géographique intra-urbaine devra être prise en compte dans les analyses futures du comportement politique Canadien.

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14

Gibbins, Roger, and Neil Nevitte. "Canadian Political Ideology: A Comparative Analysis." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 3 (September 1985): 577–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900032467.

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AbstractThis article explores contemporary political ideologies in English Canada, francophone Quebec and the United States using cross-national attitudinal survey data. Drawing central hypotheses from the qualitative Canadian-American political culture literature, the analysis focusses on three dimensions of political ideology—ideological polarization, the issue content of the respective lefts and rights, and ideological coherence. Evidence of distinctive national “lefts,” together with fundamental similarities in the English-Canadian and American ideological “rights” and important differences in the ideological structures of the three political cultures, call into question some conventional generalizations found in the nonquantitative literature.

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15

Pedersen, Mogens N., Peter Mair, and Francis G. Castles. "Left-right political scales." European Journal of Political Research 31, no. 1 (January 1997): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00310.

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16

Castles, Francis G., Peter Mair, and MOGENS N. PEDERSEN. "Left-right political scales." European Journal of Political Research 31, no. 1-2 (February 1997): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1997.tb00770.x.

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17

Aydogan, Abdullah, and Jonathan B. Slapin. "Left–right reversed." Party Politics 21, no. 4 (June 7, 2013): 615–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068813487280.

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18

Hájek, Lukáš. "Left, Right, Left, Right… Centre: Ideological Position of Andrej Babiš’s ANO." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (2017): 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2017-3-275.

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19

Huang, Haifeng. "Signal Left, Turn Right." Political Research Quarterly 66, no. 2 (May 9, 2012): 292–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912912443874.

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20

White, Jonathan. "Left and Right as political resources." Journal of Political Ideologies 16, no. 2 (June 2011): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2011.575681.

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21

Schedler, Kuno, and Treasury Board of Canada. "Canada: Getting Government Right." Public Administration Review 58, no. 1 (January 1998): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/976897.

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22

Elias, Peter Douglas. "Aboriginal rights and litigation: history and future of court decisions in Canada." Polar Record 25, no. 152 (January 1989): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224740000992x.

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AbstractRecent decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada, the Constitution Act 1982, and the establishment of the Office of Native Claims, would seem to have assured the rapid settlement of outstanding issues regarding aboriginal rights and native title to lands. More recently, the seeming abandonment by government of political and negotiated resolution of these issues has left litigation as the remaining recourse for native groups to protect their interests. The courts, however, have become increasingly demanding in terms of what must be proven in order to make a successful case at law. It is predicted that the costs and technical difficulties of providing such proofs will limit the number of rights cases before the courts, and the chances of success for those that are mounted.

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23

Ricci, Amanda. "From Left to Right: Maternalism and Women's Political Activism in Postwar Canada by Brian Thorn." Labour / Le Travail 80, no. 1 (2017): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/llt.2017.0057.

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24

Shaffer, Ryan. "Right-Wing Extremism in Canada." Terrorism and Political Violence 33, no. 5 (July 4, 2021): 1124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2021.1939526.

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25

Lignier, Wilfried, and Julie Pagis. "“Left” vs. “Right”." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 2 (February 2017): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764216689120.

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26

Vinopal, Jiří. "The Empirical Accessibility of Left-Right Political Orientations." Czech Sociological Review 42, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2006.42.1.08.

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27

Hug, Simon, and Tobias Schulz. "Left—Right Positions of Political Parties in Switzerland." Party Politics 13, no. 3 (May 2007): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807075938.

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Ravetz, Jerry. "Beyond Left and Right." Futures 36, no. 10 (December 2004): 1126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2004.03.006.

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29

Down, Ian. "Contemporary Left-Right Contestation." International Studies Review 16, no. 1 (August 26, 2013): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12042.

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Knuttila, Murray, and R. Harley McGee. "Getting It Right: Regional Development in Canada." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 20, no. 1 (1995): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3340995.

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31

Barney, Darin David, and David Laycock. "Right-Populists and Plebiscitary Politics in Canada." Party Politics 5, no. 3 (July 1999): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068899005003004.

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32

Scruton, Roger, Colin Creighton, and Martin Shaw. "Left and Right: War and Peace." British Journal of Sociology 39, no. 2 (June 1988): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590784.

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33

SAVAGE, JAMES. "Postmaterialism of the Left and Right." Comparative Political Studies 17, no. 4 (January 1985): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085017004002.

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34

Buck-Morss, Susan. "Sovereign Right and the Global Left." Rethinking Marxism 19, no. 4 (October 2007): 432–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935690701571045.

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35

Campbell, Rosie, and Sarah Childs. "‘To the left, to the right’." Party Politics 21, no. 4 (June 25, 2013): 626–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068813491536.

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36

Westlake, Daniel. "Following the Right: Left and Right Parties’ Influence over Multiculturalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (February 4, 2020): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919001021.

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Анотація:

AbstractDebates over multiculturalism are increasingly partisan. The rise of the far right is forcing centre-right parties into difficult decisions over how to hold on to nationalist voters while appealing to moderates. Left parties face similar dilemmas when balancing the pressures of pro-multicultural voters against those opposed to immigration. What do these debates mean for the future of multiculturalism? Using a new, annualized version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index, this article argues that partisan consensus is important to the development of multiculturalism. It demonstrates that support from centre-right parties plays a key role in the adoption of multiculturalism policies.

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37

Eidinger, Andrea. "From Left to Right: Maternalism and Women's Political Activism in Postwar Canada by Brian T. Thorn." University of Toronto Quarterly 87, no. 3 (August 2018): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.87.3.74.

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38

Ray, John. "Explaining the left/right divide." Society 41, no. 4 (May 2004): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02690210.

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39

Goodheart, Eugene. "Literary study left and right." Society 36, no. 2 (January 1999): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-999-1021-9.

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40

Albo, Gregory. "Canada, Left-Nationalism, and Younger Voices." Studies in Political Economy 33, no. 1 (January 1990): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1990.11675476.

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41

Bowen, James D. "The Right in “New Left” Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 3, no. 1 (April 2011): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1100300104.

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42

Lambert, Ronald D., James E. Curtis, Steven D. Brown, and Barry J. Kay. "The Left/Right Factor in Party Identification." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 13, no. 4 (1988): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3340813.

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43

Cochrane, Christopher. "Left/Right Ideology and Canadian Politics—ERRATUM." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (December 2010): 1007–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000995.

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44

Kreppel, Amie, and Simon Hix. "From "Grand Coalition" To Left-Right Confrontation." Comparative Political Studies 36, no. 1-2 (February 2003): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002239372.

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In this article, the authors address the rationalist-constructivist debate head on. They start by discussing a significant empirical phenomenon in contemporary EU politics: the changing pattern of political competition in the European Parliament (EP), from a "grand coalition" of the two main parties in the 1994-1999 EP, to a new structure of left-right competition in the 1999-2004 EP. The authors then illustrate how rational choice and constructivist assumptions offer competing explanations of this shift in the "culture of competition" in the EP, which in turn generate competing empirically testable hypotheses. These propositions are tested using a logistic analysis of more than 400 roll-call votes in a period from the 1994-1999 and the 1999-2004 parliament. The authors conclude that neither basic theoretical framework performs well and that the best explanation needs to incorporate assumptions from both frameworks.

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45

Anderson, Christopher J., and Matthew M. Singer. "The Sensitive Left and the Impervious Right." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 4-5 (April 2008): 564–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007313113.

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Recent years have seen increased attention to integrating what we know about individual citizens with what we know about macro-level contexts that vary across countries. This article discusses the growing literature on how people's interpretations, opinions, and actions are shaped by variable contextual parameters and provides a novel substantive application. Using surveys conducted in 20 European democracies, the authors examine the effect of income inequality on people's attitudes about the functioning of the political system and trust in public institutions. They find that citizens in countries with higher levels of income inequality express more negative attitudes toward public institutions. Moreover, they show that the negative effect of inequality on attitudes toward the political system is particularly powerful among individuals on the political left. In contrast, inequality's negative effect on people's faith in the system is muted among those on the right.

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46

Jensen, Nathan M., and René Lindstädt. "Leaning Right and Learning From the Left." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 3 (December 5, 2011): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011421313.

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47

DETH, JAN W., and PETER A. T. M. GEURTS. "Value orientation, left-right placement and voting." European Journal of Political Research 17, no. 1 (January 1989): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00179.x.

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48

Jahn, Detlef. "Conceptualizing Left and Right in comparative politics." Party Politics 17, no. 6 (October 11, 2010): 745–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810380091.

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Despite the importance of the Left-Right dimension in comparative politics, establishing an index that captures this dimension in both a theoretically and empirically sound manner remains an ongoing challenge for political scientists. Having reviewed existing attempts to construct measures for the Left-Right dimension, and having concluded that they are merely inductive and problematic from a methodological perspective, this article proposes a deductive approach based on Norberto Bobbio’s theory of Left and Right and suggests a combination with statistically robust measures drawn from the data provided by the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP). The fundamental features of the proposed index are: first, Left and Right are theoretical concepts which should be accounted for in the empirical analysis. Second, the Left-Right dimension is time- and country-specific. Third, different statements have different meanings on a Left-Right scale. Fourth, the importance of the Left-Right dimension itself varies over time and across countries. Finally, the data have to be analysed adequately.

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49

McMenamin, Iain. "Party Identification, the Policy Space and Business Donations to Political Parties." Political Studies 68, no. 2 (April 12, 2019): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719841243.

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Political finance scholars have paid little attention to the partisan preferences of business donors. This was because business donors were overwhelmingly concerned with the left-right dimension and enjoyed stable relationships with centre-right parties. These parties are increasingly tempted by economic nationalism. This new ideological flux provides an opportunity to measure the extent to which donors are party identifiers or react to changes in the policy space. Dramatic shifts in party policy on both the left-right and globalisation dimensions and a relatively transparent political finance regime make the United Kingdom a particularly apposite case to study this question. I analyse 19,000 donations to the Conservative Party and show that business donors reacted strongly to recent shifts on both the left-right and globalisation dimensions. Thus, centre-right parties may not be able to rely on party identification and their left-right position to maintain business funding. Economic nationalism is likely to cost centre-right parties money.

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50

Gidron, Noam, and Daniel Ziblatt. "Center-Right Political Parties in Advanced Democracies." Annual Review of Political Science 22, no. 1 (May 11, 2019): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-090717-092750.

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This review proposes a comparative research agenda on center-right parties in advanced democracies, bringing together research in American and comparative politics. Political scientists have recently closely examined the decline of the center-left and the rise of the radical right but have paid less attention to the weakening of center-right parties. Yet cohesive center-right parties have facilitated political stability and compromises, while their disintegration has empowered radical challengers. After presenting an overview of right-wing politics in Western democracies and weighing different definitions of the electoral right, we discuss two factors that shape variations in center-right cohesion: organizational robustness of center-right partisan institutions and the (un)bundling of conservative mass attitudes on different policy dimensions. Last, we argue that a full account of the rise of the radical right cannot focus solely on the strategies of the center-left but must incorporate also the choices, opportunities, and constraints of center-right parties.

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