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1
Beller, Steven. "Central Europe: Birthplace of the Modern World?" Austrian History Yearbook 23 (January 1992): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002897.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It is not very often that the lands of Central Europe are uppermost in the historical consciousness of Western public opinion. Chamberlainesque ignorance has been the norm. In recent years, however, this situation has been at least partially remedied by two events: the dramatic series of revolutions in Eastern Europe, and—the topic of this essay—the perception of, and fascination with, Central Europe as the place from which our modern world sprang.
2
Poe, Marshall. "The Consequences of the Military Revolution in Muscovy: A Comparative Perspective." Comparative Studies in Society and History 38, no. 4 (October 1996): 603–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500020478.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
What has been called the early modern military revolution may be described most simply as the replacement of small cavalry forces by huge gunpowder infantry armies. The revolution was a diffusionary process with a relatively well-understood chronology and geography. The innovations at its core began in northern Italy in the later fifteenth century and spread throughout central, northern, and eastern Europe in the three centuries that followed. Seen in this way, it was a unique and unitary phenomenon. Thus we speak ofthemilitary revolution, an episode in world history, instead of several different revolutions in the constituent parts of Europe. Nonetheless, the course and impact of the revolution were different in the regions it eventually affected.
3
TISMANEANU, VLADIMIR. "The Revolutions of 1989: Causes, Meanings, Consequences." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005049.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe events of 1989 had world-shattering revolutionary consequences. They brought about a new vision of the political based upon a rediscovery of democratic participation and civic activism. The upheaval in the east, and primarily in the central, European countries, represented a series of political revolutions that led to the decisive and irreversible transformation of the existing order. When explaining 1989, one needs to focus on three major themes: the deep-seated meanings of the collapse of state socialist regimes in east central Europe, the nature of revolutions at the end of the twentieth century, and the role of critical (public) intellectuals in politics. There is no single factor that explains the collapse of Leninism: economics as much as politics, and culture as much as insoluble social tensions converged in making these regimes irretrievably obsolete. The aftermath of 1989 generated a fluidity of political commitments, allegiances and affiliations that signalled a general crisis of values and authority. There is a need for ‘social glue’ and the existing political formations have failed to imagine such ingredients for the consensus needed in order to generate constitutional patriotism. A fundamental source for reinforcing democracy in east central Europe is the synthesis between the history and the memory of communism with the purpose of achieving moral justice.
4
McIntosh, Mary E., Martha Abele Mac Iver, Daniel G. Abele, and Dina Smeltz. "Publics Meet Market Democracy in Central and East Europe, 1991-1993." Slavic Review 53, no. 2 (1994): 483–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501302.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The revolutions of 1989 in central and east Europe raise crucial questions for the social sciences. Is it possible to build democracy and capitalism simultaneously in societies that have no real history of either system? Will democracy really take root and flourish in societies without an existing market economy? Or will the monumental task of creating a market economy strain these new democratic governments to the limit and ultimately lead to an authoritarian backlash? Since the transition to democracy from socialism is unprecedented, history can offer little useful data from which to derive well founded predictions.
5
KOPSTEIN, JEFFREY. "1989 as a Lens for the Communist Past and Post-communist Future." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 289–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005050.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractPolitical scientists have documented significant variation in political and economic outcomes of the 1989–91 revolutions. Countries bordering on western Europe have become relatively democratic and economically successful, with both democracy and wealth dropping off as one moves east and south. Explanations for this variation and the replication of an older pattern on the Eurasian landmass have moved farther and farther into the past. Yet in moving to the longue durée, more proximate events such as the revolutions of 1989, the demise of communism and even the communist experience itself recede into the background and are themselves accounted for by antecedent conditions. The article discusses how two more proximate factors helped to change older patterns in central and eastern Europe: the impact of communist modernisation and the prospect of European integration.
6
Zimmerman, Andrew. "Race against Revolution in Central and Eastern Europe." East Central Europe 43, no. 1-2 (September 16, 2016): 14–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04302004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Racism and racial “science” emerged in Europe as an elite response to a worldwide wave of rural insurgencies that began in the era of the French and Haitian Revolutions and continues, in its own way, to this day. In his dialectic of lord and bondsman, g.w.f. Hegel formulated political, economic, and biopolitical ideas from the uprisings occurring in his world, creating a now long-standing dialogue between dialectical theory, including Marxism, and rural insurgency. Racism was part of a biopolitical counterrevolution that sought to maintain the power of elites over insurgent populations. Here Prussia played a central role, as its struggle against the autonomy of migrant agricultural labors took the form of campaigns against the “Polonization” of Prussia. The social scientist Max Weber theorized this struggle in a series of essays on race and rural labor that produced a racism based on culture rather than biology. This cultural racism, like the insurgent discourses it opposes, persists in many forms in Central Europe and around the world.
7
Brier, Robert. "Transnational Culture and the Political Transformation of East-Central Europe." European Journal of Social Theory 12, no. 3 (August 2009): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431009337350.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In social scientific studies of Europe’s new democracies, there has emerged an analytical approach which transcends the teleology of ‘transitology’ and, focusing on the impact of culture and history, is sensitive to the contingencies and ‘eventfulness’ of social transformations. The main thrust of this article is that such a culturo-historical approach may prove useful not only in assessing the different results to which the processes of democratization lead at the national level, but also to assess the general direction of political change after 1989 towards democracy. Building on Eisenstadt’s notion of modernity as a cultural and political program, this article therefore attempts to understand the revolutions of 1989 not only as the mere sum of particular national events, but also as part of an ‘entangled history’, that is, as a common, transnational phenomenon which was based on and articulated a shared cultural understanding.
8
Lewis, Paul G. "The Repositioning of Opposition in East‐Central Europe." Government and Opposition 32, no. 4 (October 1997): 614–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00449.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
THE EVENTS OF 1989 IN EASTERN EUROPE HAVE BEEN INTERPRETED in diverse and often contradictory ways: from the end of history to its rebirth, as both negotiated revolutions and popular uprisings. In many countries a fundamental repositioning of opposition and dissident forces was observed — changing from groups of anti-system activists quite outside the political establishment into major statesmen and national leaders involving, in some cases, rapid transformation into the occupants of major or even prime ministerial roles. Similarly, the former monopolistic ruling parties often found themselves quickly relegated to the margins of political life as oppositions of dubious legitimacy and minuscule political influence. Yet these roles were also subject to rapid reversal and further repositioning in a number of countries. The major difference now was that former governments became formally constituted oppositions rather than political pariahs or enemies of the people. That was a measure of the significance of the change that had been effected.
9
Dalla Grana, Giulio. "Fight and Contemplation. The Towianists amid the European Revolutions of 1848." Polish Journal of the Arts and Culture New Series, no. 17 (1/2023) (May 2023): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24506249pj.23.002.18995.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of the article is to show the European diffusion of an esoteric doctrine that originated in Lithuania in the nineteenth century and its circulation during the European uprisings of 1848. The article focuses on a case study of heterodox Catholic thought promoted by Andrzej Towiański. Towianism was diffused in Central and Eastern Europe and consolidated its presence in Western and Southern Europe. The Towianists acted to influence politics and participated in several key historical events of the nineteenth century. Using archival sources, the article investigates the relationship between Romantic nationalism and esotericism, its transnational nature, and its contribution to a turning point in European history.
10
Fatić, Aleksandar. "The social crisis of 'central'- eastern Europe since 1989." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 69, no. 9 (1997): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv9709343f.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper deals with specific aspects of the crisis of social policy on the "central"-eastem European region, after the onset of political changes that commenced in 1989 with the so-called ..anti-communist revolutions", especially in "central" European countries. The period that began then has been characterised by fast political "transition" and restructuralisation of the economy and political institutions. It has brought with it the excitements of the "capitalisation" of the economy and society, greater individual liberties and rights. However, it has also inflicted on the region a social crisis of apocalyptic dimensions, which is truly unprecedent in this century's history of eastern Europe. The paper explores some particular elements of this social crisis, both statistically and qualitatively. These aspects of the crisis are interpreted, and in its concluding section the paper purports to suggest that any institutional and political change tends to have its more or less devastating social price, which in the case of most countries of "central"-eastern Europe could be have been lower if the reform had progressed at a more moderate and better planned pace.
11
Ogilvie, Sheilagh. "Consumption, Social Capital, and the “Industrious Revolution” in Early Modern Germany." Journal of Economic History 70, no. 2 (June 2010): 287–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205071000029x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study uses evidence from central Europe to address open questions about the Consumer and Industrious Revolutions. Did they happen outside the North Atlantic economies? Were they shaped by the “social capital” of traditional institutions? How were they affected by social constraints on women? It finds that people in central Europe did desire to increase market work and consumption. But elites used the social capital of traditional institutions to oppose new work and consumption practices, especially by women, migrants, and the poor. Although they seldom blocked new practices wholly, they delayed them, limited them socially, and increased their costs.
12
CORDEIRO, Janaína Martins. "De volta à Europa: Rememorar as revoluções de 1989 trinta anos depois, Praga e Budapeste." Varia Historia 38, no. 76 (April 2022): 261–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-87752022000100009.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Resumo Este artigo propõe analisar as comemorações, em 2019, dos 30 anos das revoluções de 1989 na Europa Central, responsáveis pela queda dos regimes comunistas na região. Para tanto, tomarei como objeto e fonte duas exposições em cartaz naquele ano: a exposição fotográfica 1989 - Pád železné opony (1989 - The Fall of the Iron Curtain), organizada em Praga, na República Tcheca; e a mostra de pôsteres ‘89 ‘90 - 30 Éve Szabadon (‘89 ‘90 - 30 Years of Freedom), em Budapeste, Hungria. A partir do estudo comparado das duas exposições, bem como da análise dos processos políticos que marcaram a transição democrática na República Tcheca e na Hungria nos últimos trinta anos, pretende-se compreender como as narrativas em torno das revoluções de 1989 vêm-se estruturando na região em um momento de crise democrática e ascensão das direitas conservadoras. Ao mesmo tempo, o artigo considera a memória em torno das revoluções de 1989 a partir do ponto de vista do chamado “retorno à Europa” dos países do antigo bloco comunista.
13
Kopeček, Michal. "Was there a socialist Rechtsstaat in late communist East Central Europe? The Czechoslovak case in a regional context." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 3 (June 7, 2020): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420924960.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In contrast to most existing literature, the author claims that there were palpable ‘rudiments’ of authoritarian socialist Rechtsstaat in some communist countries of East Central Europe in the late 1980s. The first part of the article examines the existing terminology with regard to the functioning of law in communist dictatorships and authoritarian regimes in general. By using the example of communist countries such as Poland and in particular Czechoslovakia, the author strives to show not only how rule by law was an increasingly important ruling instrument in state socialism but also how that gradually changed the nature of the dictatorial regimes. He argues that the late communist leaderships in these countries haphazardly set out towards an authoritarian socialist Rechtsstaat in an effort to safe their grip on power by strengthening the socialist normative state. They never arrived at the envisioned optimal stage in this respect, yet they opened a fateful path inside the dictatorships towards the legalist and negotiated revolutions of 1989.
14
Mugge, Miqueias Henrique. "Building an empire in the Age of Revolutions: Independence and immigration in the Brazilian borderlands." Topoi (Rio de Janeiro) 23, no. 51 (September 2022): 870–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2237-101x02305110.
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ABSTRACT Throughout Brazil’s Independence process, its central elites and the Crown planned what was to become of their new nation. Arguments over political systems and the continuation of slavery were at the heart of the debate, which drew in rich, poor, and the enslaved alike. As the empires of the Old World were rent at the seams by wars and conflicts, Brazil was rethinking its role in the world. In this article, inspired by the dialogue between micro-history and global history, and by the trans-imperial trajectory of the Bavarian doctor Georg von Schaeffer, I examine the political ideas that informed the consolidation of the Brazilian Empire as a de facto empire. I also situate the ideas and proposals put forth by Schaeffer, a representative of the Brazilian government in Europe, within the crisis of legitimacy sparked by the Napoleonic invasions, the subsequent independence of Portuguese America, and the array of political projects that were able to emerge as a result. Through an analysis of the diplomatic documentation produced by the Brazilian Empire’s main posts in Europe, I reveal a complex web from which the Brazilian government drew information, and the channels that carried news of alliances, clashes, and political repertoires that would go into the making of a tropical empire.
15
Kumar, Krishan. "Book Review: A Carnival of Revolution: Central Europe 1989." European History Quarterly 35, no. 2 (April 2005): 364–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140503500216.
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16
Bodó, Béla. "Favorites or Pariahs? The Fate of the Right-Wing Militia Men in Interwar Hungary." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 327–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000216.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The dissolution of theAustro-HungarianEmpirein the fall of 1918 inaugurated a period of rapid change in East Central Europe. Independent Hungary, which emerged as one of the “successor states” to the Dual Monarchy, experienced two revolutions in ten months. However, neither the democratic regime, born in the October Revolution of 1918, nor the more radical Council Republic, founded in March 1919, was able to solve the country's pressing economic and social problems and defend its sovereignty. The collapse of the Council Republic and the occupation of Budapest and the eastern half of the country by the Romanian Army in early August 1919 provoked a right-wing reaction. The next seven months experienced a rapid rise in paramilitary and mob violence. The militias targeted the supporters of the Left, poor workers, and peasants, as well as apolitical and middle-class Jews. Political violence in the second half of 1919 and the early 1920s took the lives of between fifteen hundred and five thousand people in Hungary. The rise of paramilitary and mob violence was part of a larger European phenomenon. From Germany to Turkey, and from Hungary to Poland and the Baltic states, paramilitary groups played a major role in establishing borders and shaping the postwar social and political order domestically.
17
Pula, Besnik. "Socialism Betrayed? Economists, Neoliberalism, and History in the Undoing of Market Socialism." Historical Materialism 23, no. 4 (November 27, 2015): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341426.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Through an historical analysis of the transnational practices of economists during the Cold War, Johanna Bockman rejects the narrative that the revolutions of 1989 represented the victory of ‘Western economics’, and especially neoliberalism, over ‘East-European socialism’. Rather, Bockman shows that the space of exchange, as well as policy experimentation in socialist states such as Yugoslavia and Hungary, led to the articulation of alternative, decentralised, ‘market socialisms’ from the 1950s up until the 1980s. Instead of operating within separate and incommensurable paradigms of ‘capitalist’ and ‘socialist’ economics, Bockman shows how neoclassical theory and its long tradition of comparing distinct economic systems became the centralepistemeallowing for the transnational exchange of ideas between economists of both the East and the West. This review-essay evaluates the book’s central claims but argues that the book stands on weaker ground when arguing that a reformed socialism was a viable option in Eastern Europe after 1989.
18
Pittaway, M. "Resistance, Rebellion and Revolution in Hungary and Central Europe: Commemorating 1956." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 506 (February 1, 2009): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen399.
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19
Wiederkehr, Stefan. "«Conservative Revolution» à la russe? An Interpretation of Classic Eurasianismin a European Context." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 1 (February 2017): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-1-72.
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«Conservative Revolutiony» à la russe? An Interpretation of Classic Eurasianism in a European Context This article explores classic Eurasianism as part of right-wing European intellectual history. Between the two world wars, the Eurasianists shared many ideas with other European right-wing ideologists and in particular with the authors of the German «Conservative Revolution»: anti-liberalism, a hostile attitude towards parliamentarian democracy, anti-capitalism and the anti-individualist idea of an organic whole against the atomisation of society. However, unlike French or British rightwing intellectuals, Eurasianists did not hope to unite Europe on an illiberal basis; what they instead had in mind was overcoming «European» values and institutions in Eurasia, of which they conceived as a separate continent between Europe and Asia. This idea has been revitalised by the Russian Neo-Eurasianist circles around Aleksandr Dugin that have become a central part in European networks of the new Right of the twenty-first century.
20
Ost, David. "Reviews of Books:A Carnival of Revolution: Central Europe 1989 Padraic Kenney." American Historical Review 108, no. 3 (June 2003): 941–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/529760.
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21
Romanenko, Sergei. "THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE: THE REGION OF MYSTERY AND MYSTERIES OF THE REGION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 22–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.02.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Based on the study of various types of sources and analysis of Russian and foreign literature, the author conceptually substantiates an approach to the study of the Balkan region / South-Eastern Europe. One of the main problems considered in the article is the change in the course of the history of the 19 th-21 st centuries the ratio of the concepts of «Balkans/South-Eastern Europe», «Eastern Europe», «Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe», «Western Balkans», «Western Balkan countries» and «European Western Balkans». The author characterizes various historical stages of the development of the region in the context of world wars and revolutions of the 20 th century, shows the specifics of political and ethnic processes, the internal political situation in each country and relations between the states of the region, the correlation between the processes of regionalization and globalization. With the disappearance of Eastern Europe in the form in which it existed in 1949-1991, after the anti-communist social and national revolutions in the former socialist countries of Europe in 1989-1992, an integral part of the process of national self-determination was the change in the regional self-identification of each people, society and state. If in the 2000 s, positive dynamics prevailed both in terms of internal political development, intraregional and global international relations, then in the 2010 s, the forward movement has stalled in terms of both the internal economic, social and political development of the states of the region, and the settlement of interethnic and interstate conflicts in the region against the background of a general aggravation of international relations. The article examines the role of regional identification and self-identification as elements of national self-awareness. The author also characterizes the challenges facing the countries of the region in the short, medium and long terms and indicates that the choice of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe, despite the specificity caused by their historical fate, and all the difficulties of development and conflicts, has already been made: the Balkans (like Russia as well) is an integral part of Europe.
22
Deets, Stephen. "Constitutionalism and Identity in Eastern Europe: Uncovering Philosophical Fragments." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 489–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500353956.
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Despite the euphoria surrounding the 1989 revolutions, over the past 15 years voices have warned that resurgent nationalism may bring “democracy in dark times” (Isaacs, 1998; Tismaneanu, 1998; Ramet, 1997). Reflecting this fear, a stream of articles has asserted that nationalism in the East is different from the more civic nationalism of the West (Vujacic, 1996; Bunce, 2001; Schöpflin, 2003). If true, these sentiments should be reflected in the constitutions, documents that define the polity and the foundational values of the state in addition to creating the basic institutional order. Debates over religious references in the European Union constitution and the focus on constitutional change by Albanian forces in Macedonia in 2000 serve as reminders of the centrality of constitutions in contention over identity. However, as all constitutions in East Central Europe and the Balkans set out a democratic structure informed by a tangle of national and liberal ideas, they cannot be neatly divided between those which are nationalist and those which are civic, between those which respect minority rights and those which do not. In fact, what is striking about the constitutions is how they combine ideas of liberal individualism, strong democracy, and pluralism.
23
Luft, David S. "Austria as a Region of German Culture: 1900–1938." Austrian History Yearbook 23 (January 1992): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002939.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This Essay Attempts to contribute to our understanding of the intellectual and cultural history of Central Europe by making explicit a variety of themes that haunt discourse about Austrian culture and by making some suggestions about periodizing the relationship between Austria and German culture. I originally developed these thoughts on Austria as a region of German culture for a conference in 1983 at the Center for Austrian Studies on regions and regionalism in Austria. Although the political institutions of Central Europe have undergone a revolution since then, the question of Austria's relationship to German culture still holds its importance for the historian-and for contemporary Austrians as well. The German culture I have in mind here is not thekleindeutschnational culture of Bismarck's Reich, but rather the realm that was once constituted by the German-speaking lands of the Holy Roman Empire. This geographical space in Central Europe suggests a more ideal realm of the spirit, for which language is our best point of reference and which corresponds to no merely temporal state.
24
Pamuk, Şevket. "Economic History, Institutions, and Institutional Change." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 3 (July 26, 2012): 532–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000475.
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Until recently the discipline of economic history was concerned mostly with the Industrial Revolution and the period since. A large majority of the research and writing focused on Great Britain, western Europe, and the United States. There has been a striking change in the last three decades. Economic historians today are much more interested in the earlier periods: the early modern and medieval eras and even the ancient economies of the Old World. They have been gathering empirical materials and employing various theories to make sense of the evolution of these economies. Equally important, there has been a resurgence in the studies of developing regions of the world. Global economic history, focusing on all regions of the world and their interconnectedness since ancient times, is on its way to becoming a major field of study. Even the Industrial Revolution, the most central event of economic history, is being studied and reinterpreted today not as a British or even western European event but as a breakthrough resulting from many centuries of interaction between Europe and the rest of the world.
25
Zalega, Dariusz. "Wokół książki Jeana-Numy Ducange’a La République ensanglantée. Berlin, Vienne: aux sources du nazism." zaranie Śląskie. Seria druga 9 (2023): 208–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/zaranieslaskie.9.9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Reviewing Jean-Numa Ducange’s book, the author describes the situation of Central Europe, particularly the German-speaking countries, at the turn of the 20th century. Ducange writes about the development of social democracy and the subsequent emergence of the communist wing as a result of the revolutions of 1918–1919, concluding with the suppression of this episode during Hitler’s rise to power. In this context, the author recalls two themes raised by Ducange, but downplayed in the Silesian history: the role of the workers’ councils and the development of the communist movement in Silesia. The workers’ council movement (Ratebewegung) in industrial Silesia led to political activation of thousands of workers. In turn, it was on the basis of the radical members of these councils that the Communist Party of Upper Silesia – the Spartacus Union – was founded in Bytom on 20 December 1918.
26
Cryle, Peter, and Elizabeth Stephens. "Normality: A collection of essays." History of the Human Sciences 34, no. 2 (January 20, 2021): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695120984074.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article introduces a collection of articles written in response to a recently published intellectual and cultural history of normality by Peter Cryle and Elizabeth Stephens. It points to the fact that this special issue considerably extends and enriches the topical range of the book. The articles that follow discuss, in order, schooling in France at the time of the Revolution, phrenology in Europe and the US from 1840 to 1940, relations between commercial practice and scientific craniometry in 19th-century Britain and France, psychology in late 19th-century France, case studies in sexology and psychoanalysis in Central Europe, and biotypology in Southern Europe and Latin America.
27
Shishelina, Lyubov. "Behind the Curtains of the Czech-Russian Diplomatic Conflict." Köz-gazdaság 16, no. 3 (September 14, 2021): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2021.03.05.
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As a result of the Czech-Russian political conflict that began on April 17-18, 2021, there appeared trends in the relations between Russia and Central European countries that are capable of rolling them back to the period of "velvet revolutions”. The conflict started with diplomatic withdrawals on the Czech side and then on the Russian, gradually had been enriched by the new and new accusations thus transforming it into a general political conflict, the unprecedented escalation of tension between Moscow and Central Europe since transformational revolutions here. At the same time, it revealed the intentions of the sides to seek recognition of their rightness at any cost. The history of this largest confrontation between Prague and Moscow since 19G8 is based on the unsettled nature of many issues of post-Soviet coexistence, such as the parity of diplomatic representation, as a result of which the Russian embassy in Prague turned into the second largest after London. In addition, there was a lack of political reform of in the Czech-Russian relations, taking into account the Czech Republic's membership in the new Euro-Atlantic structures against the background of clearly progressing economic cooperation. Meanwhile, as the author of the article states,the issues that have appeared on the surface of these relations require an immediate solution, which will be difficult – especially for Moscow in the light of the recently progressive confrontational nature of relations between Russia and both some individual states and Euro-Atlantic structures as a whole.
28
Boyer, John W. "Religion and Political Development in Central Europe around 1900: A View from Vienna." Austrian History Yearbook 25 (January 1994): 13–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800006305.
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To view the church-state problem from Vienna in 1900 is to view it from the capital of an ancient Catholic state in a multiethnic cultural arena, a world in which Catholicism strove, at least officially, to be supranational, and in which, although there was no Catholic nation, there was a preeminent and distinguished Catholic dynasty. This was a world in which large numbers of Austrians—many of them in rural areas—continued to affirm popular religious affections and loyalties throughout the century—values and practices that if not always consonant with official Catholic doctrine, at least afforded the hierarchical church and sympathetic aristocratic and bourgeois elites the ready opportunity to claim Catholicism as not only a historic and true but also a public and mass religion. At the same time, the long-term heritage of Josephinist state control of the church had powerful negative effects on active religiosity and religious identity, especially among the emergent Bürgertum and urban inhabitants of the monarchy. The Concordat of 1855—coming after the failed revolution of 1848–49 and on the heels of the imposition of neoabsolutist rule—was an imprudent decision precisely because it alienated both the Josephinist state and incipient bürgerlich society.
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Nikonova, O. Yu. "Celebrating the First Post-War Anniversary of the October Revolution in Central and Eastern Europe." Modern History of Russia 9, no. 3 (2019): 743–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2019.313.
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Muller, P. "Love, Death, and Revolution in Central Europe. Ludwig Feuerbach, Moses Hess, Louise Dittmar, Richard Wagner." German History 29, no. 1 (September 2, 2010): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq086.
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Reisch, Alfred A. "Hungarian Foreign Policy and the Magyar Minorities: New Foreign Policy Priorities." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408459.
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In the wake of the 1989 revolutions in East Central Europe, two parallel developments took place in rapid succession. On the one hand, strong national sentiments accompanied by a desire to set up independent nation states emerged in the countries neighboring Hungary. At the same time, the ethnic Magyar minorities, long excluded from participation in the political life of those countries, gained the ability to establish their political movements, to enter candidates in local and national elections, and to elect their own deputies in the national parliaments and local governments. On the other hand, the fate of the Magyar minorities and the guaranteeing of their rights became one of the central elements of Hungary's foreign policy in bilateral relations with its neighbors. Budapest also embarked on a major effort to make the minority problem an international issue and to achieve some form of international legal codification for minority rights. These simultaneous and, in part, contradictory developments and goals placed several dilemmas before Hungarian policy-makers that, three years later, have yet to be resolved.
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Salvatore, Ricardo D. "Market-oriented Reforms and the Language of Popular Protest: Latin America from Charles III to the IMF." Social Science History 17, no. 4 (1993): 485–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016898.
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The market imperative—that is, the need to institute market mechanisms as solutions for a variety of social problems—seems to dominate current political debate in Latin America. Administrations as diverse as those of Collor de Mello, Fujimori, Menen, and Salinas de Gortari have been implementing economic reforms based on neoconservative principles. Privatization of public enterprises, national economies opened to foreign competition, the freeing of financial markets, and the compliance with International Monetary Fund (IMF) guidelines are now accepted goals among parties and leaders that, just a decade ago, contributed to building interventionist, redistributionist, and developmentalist coalitions. Broad segments of the political class now believe that only the wholesome implementation of free-market principles can lift Latin America from its decade-old crisis. Among the left, this apparent hegemony of market ideology has engendered confusion and pessimism. The heritage of authoritarian regimes, the protracted regional economic crisis, and, more recently, the revolutions of Eastern and Central Europe seem to have defeated the viability of alternative discourses about the crisis and its solutions.
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GREEN, TOBY. "AFRICA AND THE PRICE REVOLUTION: CURRENCY IMPORTS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CHANGE IN WEST AND WEST-CENTRAL AFRICA DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 57, no. 1 (February 12, 2016): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000754.
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AbstractThe past decade has seen much ink spilled on global interconnections in the early modern economy, especially those linking European and Asian economies. But this Eurasian concentration has excluded Africa from the discussion. This article addresses this absence by showing that West and West-Central Africa were integral to the global price revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Considering evidence from West and West-Central Africa reveals how the price revolution was a genuinely global phenomenon, with increasing imports of locally-used currencies that created inflation in line with the inflation of gold and silver in Europe and Asia. The article argues that the coexistence of exchangeable value and other social uses of currencies also contributed to a relative depreciation in Africa's global economic strength. Also related to this phenomenon were the rise of an export slave trade and changes in the production and distribution of West and West-Central African cloth industries.
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Wedl, Alexandra. "Green Volunteers in Czechoslovakia: The Youth Magazine Mladý svět and its Environmental Campaign, 1970s-1980s." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 397–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.17.
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Concern with environmental degradation was one factor contributing to the discontent preceding the revolutions of 1989 in East-Central Europe. This article identifies the trajectories of environmental activism in Czechoslovakia, one of the most industrialized countries of the post-1945 socialist bloc. Analysing the media representation of environmental volunteers during late socialism, the examination focuses on the youth magazine Mladý svět, which prominently discussed environmental issues and became home to the Brontosaurus youth movement. During the so-called ‘normalization’ era of the 1970s and 1980s, which is often characterized as a time of stagnation, this movement for environmental volunteering provided young people with opportunities for self-realization and alternative lifestyles. While the movement shared several features of the New Social Movements of the 1970s, Czechoslovak green volunteerism took an ambivalent position within formal socialist youth structures, shedding light on the complex relationship between what is considered ‘alternative’ or ‘oppositional’ in late socialism.
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Green, A. "Nobles and Nation in Central Europe: Free Imperial Knights in the Age of Revolution, 1750-1850." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 499 (December 21, 2007): 1428–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem386.
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Beneš, Jakub. "The Colour of Hope: The Legacy of the ‘Green Cadres’ and the Problem of Rural Unrest in the First Czechoslovak Republic." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (December 27, 2018): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000589.
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This article addresses the divided memory and contested meaning of the Great War in interwar Czechoslovakia. Focusing on the legacy of a loose and short-lived movement of army deserters called ‘Green Cadres’ that appeared in 1918, it suggests that the Czechoslovak nation building project faced challenges not only from sizable ethnic minorities within the fledgling state, but also from the restive Czech peasantry. As elsewhere in East Central Europe, many peasants regarded the Green Cadres as liberators and representatives of a more radical, rural oriented national revolution. These unfulfilled hopes resonated through the interwar period. This article thus sheds light on an important social and cultural fault line that has been neglected in histories of the world wars in Europe.
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Zielonka, Jan, and Jacques Rupnik. "From Revolution to ‘Counter-Revolution’: Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe 30 Years On." Europe-Asia Studies 72, no. 6 (July 2, 2020): 1073–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1784394.
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Górny, Maciej. "Not All Past is Legacy: Echoes of 1917–1923 in Contemporary East Central Europe." TalTech Journal of European Studies 11, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2021-0004.
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Abstract The article discusses parallelisms between the social and political realities of East Central Europe around 1917–1923 and the current state of affairs. It starts with an analysis of the dynamic social relations in the final year of the Great War to follow with the question of their impact on politics and a short outline of the region’s history after 1918. While in terms of political and social reality there is little to invite comparison between these two periods under scrutiny, the language of politics and popular sentiments do. Most importantly, and similarly to East Central Europe in the interwar period, fear of a radical change (be it Bolshevism as in 1917–1923 or the cultural revolution) is the main tool of conservative mobilization which represents the sole actual danger to the existing social and political order.
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van Ommen, Eline. "The Nicaraguan Revolution's Challenge to the Monroe Doctrine: Sandinistas and Western Europe, 1979–1990." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 639–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.3.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the revolutionary diplomacy of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) through the prism of Nicaraguan and Western European relations during the final decade of the Cold War. It contends that —despite the FSLN's ideological affiliation with Third World national liberation movements, Cuba, and the socialist bloc—the campaign to influence Western European foreign policies was central to the Sandinista government's international strategy. By pushing Western European governments to play a prominent role in Central America's violent Cold War conflicts, the Sandinistas sought to undermine US power in the isthmus and alter the inter-American dynamics that shaped their region's history up to the late 1970s. Furthermore, by building financial ties with Western European countries, the FSLN could avoid complete financial dependency on the Soviet bloc and strengthen Nicaragua's image as a nonaligned state. The Sandinistas’ campaign to challenge US hegemony in Central America through a pragmatic outreach to Western Europe was largely successful, but it came at the cost of implementing domestic reforms that ran counter to their own ambitions. Ultimately, this prompted the FSLN to hold elections in 1990, which resulted in their removal from power.
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Andrade, Tonio. "The Arquebus Volley Technique in China, c. 1560: Evidence from the Writings of Qi Jiguang." Journal of Chinese Military History 4, no. 2 (November 12, 2015): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341284.
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Military historians have argued that the emergence in Europe of the musketry volley fire technique and the concurrent development of systematic infantry drill was of epochal importance for world history, a key part of the famous “military revolution” that underlay Europeans’ purported military advantage over other peoples. This article shows that the arquebus volley technique was described in the writings of the famous Chinese military thinker Qi Jiguang by 1560, well before the most commonly accepted date for the technique’s introduction in Europe. Qi Jiguang’s drilling techniques were part of a long and unbroken military tradition stretching back to China’s Tang dynasty and beyond, in which drill—and the volley technique itself—played a central role. The implications for our understanding of global military history are profound. As we learn more about Asian military history we will increasingly question standard narratives of our global military past.
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Khalid, Adeeb. "Printing, Publishing, and Reform in Tsarist Central Asia." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (May 1994): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060207.
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Scholars have long noted, often with disapproval, the tardiness of the introduction of printing to the Muslim world, but the consequences of that introduction on the production, reproduction, and transmission of knowledge in Muslim societies are only now beginning to be understood. For instance, the numerous movements for modernist reform that arose in the Muslim world in the 19th century were all propagated through the medium of print, yet the connection between those movements and the availability of printing seldom has been investigated. This neglect is all the more surprising in view of the fact that historians of early modern Europe have long emphasized the signal role played by printing in Europe's transition to modernity. In her influential work, Elizabeth Eisenstein has written of a “printing revolution” unleashed by the invention and rapid dissemination of the technology in 15th-century Europe. There is, for Eisenstein, something inherent in the very nature of printing that revolutionizes the intellectual outlook of individuals and cultures with which it comes in contact. In a different vein, Benedict Anderson has pointed to the importance of “print capitalism” in creating a sense of shared community in the 19th century that made possible the rise of national ism in many parts of the world.
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Sperber, Jonathan. "Echoes of the French Revolution in the Rhineland, 1830–1849." Central European History 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 200–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890001150x.
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Of all the regions of Central Europe, the Rhineland was the one most affected by the French Revolution. The area on the left bank of the Rhine belonged for almost two full decades to the First French Republic and the Napoleonic Empire; parts of the right bank were, for a shorter period, under the rule of the Napoleonic satellite state, the Grand Duchy of Berg. In studying these unusual circumstances, historians have sometimes focused on short-term political implications, asking how the Rhenish population of the 1790s responded to the Jacobin regime. They have also studied the long-term social and economic effects of the revolutionary legislation and the secularization of church lands.
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Krakovský, Roman. "Padraic Kenney Carnival of Revolution. Central Europe 1989 Princeton-Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2003, 342 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 60, no. 6 (December 2005): 1444–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900021466.
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Connelly, John. "Padraic Kenney. A Carnival of Revolution: Central Europe 1989. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002. Pp. 341, illus., maps, tables." Austrian History Yearbook 35 (January 2004): 305–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021299.
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GUMIENNA, MAŁGORZATA, MAŁGORZATA LASIK-KURDYŚ, and BARBARA GÓRNA. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CRAFT BEER MARKET, MICROORGANISMS, UNCONVENTIONAL ADDITIVES AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE FINAL PRODUCT." Zywnosc Nauka Technologia Jakosc/Food Science Technology Quality 31, no. 2 (2024): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15193/zntj/2024/139/494.
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Background. The modern brewing industry is currently undergoing enormous and rapid changes in many countries around the world. The growing number of craft breweries and microbreweries is a challenge for large beer companies due to the emergence of new beer styles and interesting additions that give the consumer a much wider choice than classic light lager. The aim of this publication is to present changes taking place in craft brewing in Central and Eastern Europe and further prospects for the development of this sector. Results and conclusions. This review presents a literature study of key insights influencing the development of craft beer and the transformation of the brewing industry. The history of the global beer revolution and its significance for the development of the craft brewery market in Central and Eastern Europe were briefly presented. This paper also discussed the role of microorganisms and innovative additives used in the production of craft beer , influencing not only its taste, but also the increase in nutritional value and, consequently, greater market interest in this type of beer. Opportunities and prospects for further development of this type of beer, both in Poland and in Central and Eastern Europe, are promising. Craft breweries have made a real revolution on the beer market, influencing consumer preferences, contributing to the improvement of quality and the diversification of the offer on the beer market. When purchasing such a product, the consumer is more aware of the sustainable use of local raw materials in its production.
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HAFFER, J. "The origin of modern ornithology in Europe." Archives of Natural History 35, no. 1 (April 2008): 76–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0260954108000077.
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During the nineteenth century and into the early twentieth century, ornithology was deeply subdivided into systematic ornithology and field ornithology (natural history of birds). In the early 1920s, Erwin Stresemann (1889–1972) in Berlin, Germany, initiated the integration of both branches into a unified New Avian Biology through a change of the editorial policy of Journal für Ornithologie and through the publication of his large volume Aves (1927–1934) in Handbuch der Zoologie which became the founding document of modern ornithology in central Europe (“Stresemann revolution”). It was quickly recognized that birds are well suited for studies into the problems of functional morphology, physiology, ecology, behaviour, and orientation of animals. The “Stresemann revolution” went unnoticed in Great Britain, where the established editorial policy of the leading ornithological journal, The Ibis, from the 1920s to the mid-1940s was to publish articles based on a traditional definition of science, fact-gathering rather than answering open questions. Several authors who had published biological studies since 1900 remained on the fringes of British ornithology. One of these was David Lack (1910–1973) who, during the mid-1940s, was able to introduce the New Avian Biology to the United Kingdom against the resistance of the majority of conservatively minded older British ornithologists. As his own contributions to the New Avian Biology, Lack added the broad fields of evolutionary ecology and population biology of birds which, under his leadership, became the major research topics of the Edward Grey Institute of Field Ornithology at the University of Oxford.
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Stankowska, Agata. "Pośmiertne życie rewolucji. O Dzienniku węgierskim Wiktora Woroszylskiego z perspektywy „nieustającej w swym ruchu historii”." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka, no. 29 (March 1, 2017): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsl.2016.29.12.
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The article is devoted to the Hungarian revolution in 1956, witnessed and described by Wiktor Woroszylski in his Hungarian diary . His report from the fighting Budapest is as important as the comments added in 1976, 1981, 1986, and 1989, the milestones of the Polish way to freedom, described by one of its participants. In the comments, Woroszylski creates a vision of “history incessant in its movement”, marked by hope and disappointment. The author points out to similarities and relationships between freedom uprisings in various Soviet-dominated countries of Central Europe.
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Smith, Briana J. "Grassroots Glasnost: Experimental Art, Participation, and Civic Life in 1980s East Berlin." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 623–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab201.
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Abstract This article examines how experimental art staged in East Berlin galleries and city streets from the mid-1970s through the 1980s was used to rethink the relationship between art, social life, and citizenship under socialism. Experimental artists took advantage of the gaps in party control in order to access a second public sphere in which open communication, imagination, and critique were possible—and encouraged. The article situates East Berlin’s experimental practitioners as part of a broader pattern in East-Central Europe in which unconventional art incited a localized grassroots glasnost parallel to top-down reforms emanating from the USSR. These conceptual installations, performances, and actions challenged viewers’ traditional forms of perceiving reality and, thus, the status quo. Moreover, general audiences were often invited to participate in the process of artistic production as a form of collective action. These practices contributed to a spirit of political ferment across East-Central Europe in which more expansive and participatory forms of socialist citizenship were tested, and later contributed to the possibility for revolution. They retained their relevance in the aftermath of revolutionary change and during the postsocialist transformation as artists continued to insist on art fulfilling a social, critical, and public purpose.
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Sammartino, Annemarie. "Jan Rybak. Everyday Zionism in East Central Europe: Nation-Building in War and Revolution, 1914–1920." American Historical Review 129, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 335–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhad512.
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Ghodsee, Kristen, Hülya Adak, Elsa Stéphan, Chiara Bonfiglioli, Ivan Stankov, Rumiana Stoilova, Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild, et al. "Book Reviews." Aspasia 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2021): 165–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2021.150111.
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Anna Artwinska and Agnieszka Mrozik, eds., Gender, Generations, and Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and Beyond, New York: Routledge, 2020, 352 pp., £120.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-36742-323-0.Clio: Femmes, Genre, Histoire, 48, no. 2 (2018)Lisa Greenwald, Daughters of 1968: Redefining French Feminism and the Women’s Liberation MovementGal Kirn, The Partisan Counter-Archive: Retracing the Ruptures of Art and Memory in the Yugoslav People’s Liberation StruggleMilena Kirova, Performing Masculinity in the Hebrew BibleAndrea Krizsan and Conny Roggeband, eds., Gendering Democratic Backsliding in Central and Eastern Europe: A Comparative AgendaLudmila Miklashevskaya, Gender and Survival in Soviet Russia: A Life in the Shadow of Stalin’s TerrorBarbara Molony and Jennifer Nelson, eds., Women’s Activism and “Second Wave” Feminism: Transnational HistoriesN. K. Petrova, Zhenskie sud’by voiny (Women’s war fates)Feryal Saygılıgil and Nacide Berber, eds. Feminizm: Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce, Cilt 10 (Feminism: Thought in modern Turkey, vol. 10)Marsha Siefert, ed., Labor in State-Socialist Europe, 1945–1989: Contributions to a History of WorkZilka Šiljak Spahić, Sociologija roda: Feministička kritika (Sociology of gender: Feminist critique)Věra Sokolová and Ľubica Kobová, eds., Odvaha nesouhlasit: Feministické myšlení Hany Havelkové a jeho reflexe (The courage to disagree: Hana Havelková’s feminist thought and its reflections)Katarzyna Stańczak-Wiślicz, Piotr Perkowski, Małgorzata Fidelis, Barbara Klich-Kluczewska, Kobiety w Polsce, 1945–1989: Nowoczesność – równouprawnienie – komunizmp (Women in Poland, 1945–1989: Modernity, equality, communism)Vassiliki Theodorou and Despina Karakatsani, Strengthening Young Bodies, Building the Nation: A Social History of Children’s Health and Welfare in Greece (1890–1940) Maria Todorova, The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s–1920s Jessica Zychowicz, Superfluous Women: Art, Feminism and Revolution in Twenty-First-Century Ukraine