Статті в журналах: "Revolutionary literature – France"

1

Crossley, C. "Review: Revolutionary France: 1788-1880." French Studies 57, no. 2 (April 1, 2003): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/57.2.243.

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2

Zhao, Jialin, and Rainer Feldbacher. "Reflection of Sexual Morality in Literature and Art." Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature 1, no. 3 (August 21, 2020): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46809/jcsll.v1i3.32.

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Tocqueville, in his book “Democracy in America”, talked about the concept of sexual morality, introduced it into his newpolitical science, and reflected on the situation of social morality before and after the French Revolution with the help of hisinvestigation of American social morality. From the end of the 19th century to late 20th century, the development of sexualmorality in the US and France has undergone different changes. In France before and after the Revolution, sexual ethicsshowed a very different picture, from palace porn culture and pornography before the Revolution to revolutionary moralethics during the revolutionary period and to sexual ethics after the revolution. The US turned from the Puritans' sexualmorality in the early 18th century to the sexual liberation movement in the 19th and 20th centuries. From the historicalexperience of the US and France, we can see three basic forms of sexual morality: the state of greed, the state of politics, andthe state of holy love. The revolutions were not only initiating the construction of democracy, but also changed the definitionof its most basic figure that is the individual. This paper places sexual morality in the three dimensions of reality, politics andreligion. Taking The United States and France as examples, with the help of textual analysis and comparison, thedevelopment course, different forms and contemporary values of sexual morality will be explored.

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3

Miller, Elaine M. "Staging Revolutionary France in Contemporary Costa Rica: Linda Berrón'sOlimpia." Symposium: A Quarterly Journal in Modern Literatures 63, no. 4 (November 30, 2009): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397700903368799.

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4

Merrick, J. "Suicide and Politics in Pre-Revolutionary France." Eighteenth-Century Life 30, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-2005-002.

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5

DiVanna, Isabel. "The calendar in revolutionary France: perceptions of time in literature, culture, politics." Rethinking History 18, no. 3 (March 20, 2014): 452–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642529.2014.893616.

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6

Hunt, L. "The Calendar in Revolutionary France: Perceptions of Time in Literature, Culture, Politics." French Studies 67, no. 4 (September 27, 2013): 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knt162.

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7

Cook, Malcolm, and Robert Darnton. "The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France." Modern Language Review 92, no. 1 (January 1997): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3734730.

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8

Glinoer, Anthony. "Proletarian and Revolutionary Literature in a Transnational Perspective (1920–1940)." Journal of World Literature 6, no. 1 (November 12, 2020): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-20201004.

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Abstract Simultaneously an emblematic and ambiguous case of engaged literature, proletarian and revolutionary writings from 1920–1940 have been the focus of numerous studies: whether they be in Germany, France, the United States or Soviet Russia, the principal actors have been identified, certain works have been republished, and the ways in which these movements were first encouraged and then dismantled by the Communist International in the interest of the only accepted socialist realism have been demonstrated. However, the transnational and even global dimensions of this movement and the profound similarities among institutional processes carried out in different countries have been overlooked. Drawing on little-known critical sources from the Francophone world, this article reworks the terrain and presents the state of institutional sites of proletarian and revolutionary literature. To this end, small groups, magazines, and associations will be considered in order to shed new light on this era when, across the globe, workers turned into writers.

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9

McMahon, D. M. "THE COUNTER-ENLIGHTENMENT AND THE LOW-LIFE OF LITERATURE IN PRE-REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE." Past & Present 159, no. 1 (May 1, 1998): 77–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/159.1.77.

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10

McMahon, D. "The counter-enlightenment and the low-life of literature in pre-revolutionary France." Past & Present 1998, no. 159 (May 1, 1998): 77–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/1998.159.77.

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11

Daston, L. "Science and Polity in France: The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Years." Common Knowledge 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 144–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2006-039.

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12

Edwards, Gavin. "From Chester to Quimper via Sydney: Watkin Tench in Revolutionary France." Literature & History 11, no. 2 (November 2002): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/lh.11.2.2.

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13

Tilby, M. "Revolutionary Love in Eighteenth- and Early Nineteenth-Century France." French Studies 65, no. 1 (December 17, 2010): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knq214.

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14

Bonnie Arden Robb. "Revolutionary Love in Eighteenth- and Early Nineteenth-Century France (review)." Nineteenth-Century French Studies 38, no. 3-4 (2010): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncf.0.0158.

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15

Cove, Patricia. "“THE BLOOD OF OUR POOR PEOPLE”: 1848, INCIPIENT NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN ANTHONY TROLLOPE'SLA VENDÉE." Victorian Literature and Culture 44, no. 1 (January 28, 2016): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015031500042x.

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In the late 1840s, as revolutionswept across Europe, Anthony Trollope wrote a novel portraying the Vendean War, a French civil war fought during the revolutionary decade.La Vendée: An Historical Romance(1850) depicts the conflict between centralised, revolutionary France led by the National Convention in Paris and the insurgent, royalist population of western France from the perspective of the royalist rebels.La Vendéeis one of Trollope's least read novels; yet Trollope's turn to the history of the 1790s in the context of renewed revolutionary movements in the 1840s demonstrates that the political and cultural stakes of the revolutionary period remained present in the minds of Victorians who confronted the possibility of European revolution for the first time in their own lives. Trollope draws on the interrelated democratic and nationalist movements that produced the 1848 revolutions in order to represent the royalist Vendeans as a victimised incipient nation, akin to other minor European nations struggling for sovereignty against their more powerful neighbours. Significantly, throughout the 1840s Trollope lived in Ireland, one such minor nation, and witnessed the Famine years and the consequences of Ireland's governance from London throughout that crisis first-hand. Using the conventions of the generically related national tale – a typically Irish genre – and the historical novel, Trollope works to establish sympathy for a marginalised Vendean community while containing revolution in the past by casting the royalist Vendeans as the true patriots and insurrectionists. However, although Trollope attempted to contain revolution by re-aligning it with the conservative, Vendean position,La Vendéeis fragmented by anxieties about the possibility of revolution in the late 1840s that disrupt his efforts to establish an authoritative, distanced historical perspective.

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16

Ousselin, Edward. "The Calendar in Revolutionary France: Perceptions of Time in Literature, Culture, Politics par Sanja Perovic." French Review 88, no. 2 (2014): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tfr.2014.0057.

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17

Porter, Laurence M. "Trauma and Its Representations: The Social Life of Mimesis in Post-Revolutionary France (review)." Nineteenth Century French Studies 31, no. 3 (2003): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncf.2003.0030.

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18

Belenky, Masha. "The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789-1830 (review)." Nineteenth Century French Studies 35, no. 2 (2007): 467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncf.2007.0002.

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19

Carroy, J. "The Post-Revolutionary Self: Politics and Psyche in France, 1750 1850." French Studies 61, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 519–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knm189.

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20

Garnham, B. G. "Commemorating the Dead in Revolutionary France: Revolution and Remembrance, 1789-1799." French Studies 63, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 215–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knp031.

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21

Zook, Melinda. "“The Bloody Assizes:” Whig Martyrdom and Memory after the Glorious Revolution." Albion 27, no. 3 (1995): 373–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051734.

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Revolutionaries of modern times often imagine themselves not only as creators of a new future, but also as constructors of a new past. They seek to reinterpret events, rewrite texts, desacralize old idols and icons, and institute new heroes, heroines and martyrs for the cause newly victorious. They hope to recast popular memory to justify the new order. Historians might easily associate such attempts to reconstruct history and manipulate memory with the violent context of the French Revolution. Recent work in French cultural history has provided scholars with a fuller awareness of the functions of revolutionary propaganda, from iconography to ritual. Investigations into festival, street literature, rhetoric, reading, audience, and memory have given the revolutionary experience in France a cultural history that England's still lacks.

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22

Ryabova, Lyudmila K., and Maria I. Kosorukova. "Russian émigré life in France as covered by Soviet literary magazines of the first half of the 1920s." RUDN Journal of Russian History 18, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 605–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2019-18-3-605-618.

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The authors consider the problem in which extent did the Bolshevik authorities allow a coverage of Russian émigré life and work in France, under conditions of ideological confrontation and censorship. The present study is based on materials of Soviet literary and socio-political magazines such as Book and Revolution and Krasnaya Nov’ of the fi rst half of the 1920s. These journals off ered chronicles of events, literary reviews, information in special sections (‘In the West,’ ‘Relations with Russia,’ ‘Russian literature and art abroad,’ and particularly in the section ‘France’) that off ered a fairly complete picture of cultural events in France and activities of Russian émigrés in the country. Characteristic was the reproduction of large fragments of works authored by emigrant authors, which acquainted readers with the development of emigrant thought of that time. The article concludes that with regard to the fi rst half of the 1920s, we can speak about a kind of dialogue between the Russian intelligentsia in France and that in Soviet Russia. This communication was not always politicized and often remained in the fi eld of literature and art theory. In those years the cultural life of France in general was subject of constant attention. It is argued that most publications on French literature and art were free from ideology, thereby continuing the tradition of pre-revolutionary cultural relations between the two countries.

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23

Bellos, David. "Unacknowledged Legislators: The Poet as Lawgiver in Post-Revolutionary France by Roger Pearson." Common Knowledge 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7899748.

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24

Pach, R. "The linguistic minorities of France." Literator 7, no. 2 (May 7, 1986): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v7i2.883.

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Although France is one of the most centralized countries in Europe, its apparent unity must not conceal that it is made up of many linguistic groups, and that French has only in recent years succeeded in becoming the common language of all the French. The situation of each one of the seven non-official languages of France is at first examined. The problem is then situated in its historical context, with the emphasis falling on why and how the French state tried to destroy them. Although the monarchy did not go much further than to impose French as the language of the administration, the revolutionary period was the beginning of a deliberate attempt to substitute French for the regional languages even in informal and oral usage. This was really made possible when education became compulsory: the school system was then the means of spreading French throughout the country. Nowadays the unity of France is no longer at stake, but its very identity is being threatened by the demographic weight, on French soil, of the immigrants from the Third-World.

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25

Burnham, Michelle. "Early America and the Revolutionary Pacific." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 4 (October 2013): 953–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.4.953.

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In 1776 the russian merchant grigor ivanovich shelikhov outfitted a ship bound from the siberian peninsula of kamchatka to the Aleutian Islands, which dot the sea at the westernmost reach of the North American continent. The expedition would hunt sea otters for trade in China, where the pelts fetched a high price. The same year nearly two hundred Spanish colonists arrived at the presidio in Monterey after a six-month journey from present-day southern Arizona. The expedition, led by Juan Bautista de Anza, aimed to populate northern California as part of Spain's efforts to resist encroachment from the north by Russian merchants like Shelikhov. Meanwhile, also in 1776, the explorer James Cook left England for the South Pacific in Britain's continuing attempt to rival France's scientific discoveries and access to potential trade goods in Asia. Throughout the European Atlantic, publications and translations of Cook's final travel narrative circulated details of the profitable trans-Pacific fur trade that until this point had largely been enjoyed by the Russians. Together, the Shelikhov, Anza, and Cook expeditions illustrate inter-European competition for resources and trade in the eighteenth-century Pacific while also suggesting the extraordinary transcultural, intercontinental, and multilingual reach of those encounters—including exchanges between several European nations (such as Russia, Spain, England, France), a variety of indigenous peoples (including Aleuts, Tlingits, Haidas, Ohlones, Tahitians, Hawaiians), and the inhabitants of and visitors to Canton (among them Chinese merchants and laborers, foreign traders from many European nations, and sailors and slaves from the Philippines, India, and other regions of Asia).

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26

Wilcy, Michael. "The Frankenstein of 1790 and Other Lost Chapters from Revolutionary France. Julia V. Douthwaite." Wordsworth Circle 44, no. 4 (September 2013): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24044456.

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27

Piperno, Martina. "Giambattista Vico's ‘Constructive’ Language and its Post-Revolutionary Readers." Comparative Critical Studies 15, no. 2 (June 2018): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2018.0292.

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Reprinted in 1801, Vico's New Science (originally published 1744) had a profound impact on Bourbon Restoration culture, particularly in Italy and France, where it touched post-revolutionary readers profoundly. The reasons for Vico's revival in the early nineteenth century relate closely to the trauma of the political and social changes of that era. Vico's readership seems to have had significant peaks during periods of rapid social transformation: nineteenth-century readers reread the New Science in an attempt to find the reasons for revolutionary failure, and to relate the terror, the sense of displacement, failure and trauma to recognizable laws, promising that, after a crisis, a period of renaissance must necessarily follow. This article analyses the hermeneutic practices of some post-revolutionary readers of Vico (Carlo Cattaneo, Vincenzo Cuoco, Giuseppe Ferrari, Ugo Foscolo, Francesco Lomonaco) and suggests a comparison with the practices of readers during the Second World War (Eric Auerbach, Carlo Levi, Mario Fubini). By doing so, I propose an interpretation of Vico's New Science as a ‘posthumous’ book, acquiring special shades of significance when its readers experience the feeling that nothing will ever be like before, and meditate upon it in isolation, in fear, in exile, upon return from the front, and in prison.

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28

Dik, George V. "The Catholic Church and the colonial policy of France during the Revolutionary period of the late XVIII Century." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-2-215-224.

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The article examines the problem of the ideological and policy influence of the Church on colonial politics and the establishment of equality during the 1789 Revolution, based on the material of the Parliamentary Archives, memoirs of contemporaries and an extensive body of scientific literature. The author shows that in the first years after the Revolution neither the Church nor the State sought to provide the inhabitants of the colonies with equal rights with the population of the republic, which caused discontent that threatened the success of further revolutionary transformations. It is concluded that the colonial policy did not implement the revolutionary idea of human natural freedom, and the Catholic Church did not advocate the abolition of slavery. Only a few of its representatives, such as Abbot Gregoire, a member of the Society of Friends of Black and an active abolitionist, tried to find a way to enter the colonies and their populations into the new republic.

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29

Van Dyk, Garritt. "A Tale of Two Boycotts: Riot, Reform, and Sugar Consumption in Late Eighteenth-Century Britain and France." Eighteenth-Century Life 45, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-9272999.

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Atlantic sugar production and European sugar consumption rose dramatically in the late eighteenth century. Despite this increase, there were two separate calls to refrain from consuming sugar in both Britain and France at the end of the eighteenth century. Demands for abstinence were directed toward women to stop household consumption of sugar. In Britain, abolitionists urged women to stop buying West Indian sugar because it was a slave good, produced on plantations where enslaved Africans were subject to cruelty and where mortality rates were high. In France, the call to forego sugar came during the early years of the Revolution of 1789, in response to rising sugar prices. The women of Paris were asked to refrain from buying sugar at high prices that were assumed to be a result of market manipulation by speculators and hoarders engaging in anti-revolutionary behavior. The increase in Parisian sugar prices was not driven primarily by profiteering, but by a global shortage caused by the slave revolt in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, now Haiti. Comparing these two sugar boycotts, one in Britain, the other in France, provides an opportunity outside of national historical narratives to consider how both events employed the same technique for very different aims. The call to renounce sugar in both cases used economic pressure to create political change. An exploration of these movements for abstinence will provide a better understanding of how they critiqued consumption, and translated discourses, both abolitionist and revolutionary, into practice.

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30

Rosbottom, Ronald C. "The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France, and: The Corpus of Clandestine Literature in France 1769-1789 (review)." Eighteenth-Century Fiction 8, no. 2 (1996): 303–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecf.1996.0063.

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31

Cattaneo, Massimo. "La letteratura controrivoluzionaria italiana (1789-1799)." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078008.

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- Italian counter-revolutionary literature (1789-1799) analyzes Luciano Guerci's recent book (A spectacle never seen again in the world. The French Revolution as a unique, upside down event, for Italian counter-revolutionary writers 1789-1799, Turin, 2008). This is the first analytical study of the major texts, which display common elements. The Revolution is seen by these Italian writers as a unique historical phenomenon and interpreted as a complete overthrow of ancien régime society and Christian religion. The protagonists, whose articles appeared in the «Ecclesiastical Journal of Rome» are, among others, ex-Jesuits, still influential in the Curia, for whom the Revolution was begotten by the "heretical" culturer of the previous centuries, from the Protestant reform to jansenism, the Enlightenment and freemasonry. This original contribution adds to what has become a new field of studies on the Counter-revolution in Italy, France and elsewhere in Europe.Keywords: Counter-revolution, Italy 1796-1799, Jansenism, Jesuits.Parole chiave: Controrivoluzione, Italia 1789-1799, giansenismo, gesuiti.

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32

Andersen, Michael Høxbro. "Lykken i tilbagetrækningen." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 44, no. 121 (June 21, 2016): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v44i121.23723.

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The concept of happiness becomes of great political importance in France during the Great Revolution. But 19th century French literature will question the possibility of producing a truly modern happiness through society. Withdrawing from post-revolutionary society then becomes a topos of the novel. As I argue in my paper, this is the case in the novels of Stendhal in particular. Inspired by Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s modern concept of otium, Stendhal articulates an opposition between an attitude that is strategic and histrionic, and a withdrawal into contemplation, with only the latter procuring any happiness: a happiness of sensation.

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33

Knight, D. "Review: Trauma and its Representations: The Social Life of Mimesis in Post-Revolutionary France." French Studies 58, no. 2 (April 1, 2004): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/58.2.269.

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34

Santos Silva, Edson, and Wallas Jefferson de Lima. "Peripécias na alcova de Sade: A mulher em La philosophie dans le boudoir." e-Letras com Vida: Revista de Estudos Globais — Humanidades, Ciências e Artes 01 (2018): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.53943/elcv.0118_06.

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The article analyzes the way the female characters appear in the book A Filosofia na alcova of Marquis de Sade. It highlights the author’s recurrent themes, such as space, private life and freedom, relating them to the discussion about the role of women during the eighteenth century in France. Such a thematic-spatial option analyzes, therefore, points that were not thoroughly studied and that, for a long time, were only considered in addendums within the studies about the French post-revolutionary context. The discussion is part of the theoretical intersection between History and Literature, using as reference the works of Georges Bataille, Michele Perrot, Eliane Robert Moraes and Lynn Hunt.

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35

Price, Matthew J. "After the Revolution." Theology Today 59, no. 3 (October 2002): 428–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057360205900308.

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The post-1960s literature on the mainline Protestant clergy bears a striking resemblance to post-Revolutionary debates in France; a massive and irreversible shift in the ideological landscape has raised the question, “Where next?” Our Old Regime is the Protestant ministry of the 1950s, replete with professional aspirations and exemplified by H. Richard Niebuhr's portrayal of the Pastoral Director. Despite changed social assumptions about ministry, structural continuities in seminary training and church bureaucracies remain far more striking than changes. We are left with a ministerial calling stripped of its professional raison d'ětre by a series of theological critiques that have yet to outline or achieve corresponding structural changes.

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36

Popkin, Jeremy D. "The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-revolutionary France.Robert DarntonThe Corpus of Clandestine Literature in France, 1769-1789.Robert Darnton." Journal of Modern History 69, no. 1 (March 1997): 154–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245466.

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37

Ranieri, Filippo. "Les traductions françaises des Commentaires de William Blackstone à la fin du XVIII^e siècle." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 88, no. 1-2 (June 25, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-00880a05.

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Summary The numerous translations through which the Commentaries on the Laws of England by William Blackstone – a milestone in the history of the common law – became known in France, and thus contributed for the first time to acquaint French jurists with English law, have been largely neglected by legal historians. The first section of the present contribution introduces the French anglophile visitors to England who, during the second half of the eighteenth century, disseminated the work of William Blackstone and its first translations in France. The biography and work of these first translators require a detailed examination. A second section assesses the influence of these translations, particularly in the legal and political debates on the English trial by jury in the context of revolutionary legislation. A third section considers the later translations of Blackstone’s work during the Napoleonic period and the following years. Finally, a call for further research outlines the impact of that translation literature.

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38

Carlos, Claudia M. "The Making of an “Orateur National”: The French Reception of Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet's Oratorical Works (1750—2005)." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.9.1.0081.

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Abstract Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627–1704) is today regarded as the most important French preacher of the Ancien Régime; yet, this was not always the case. In fact, before the nineteenth century, Bossuet's reputation was no greater than that of his contemporary counterparts, especially Louis Bourdaloue (1632–1704) and Jean-Baptiste Massillon (1662–1742). What happened to cause Bossuet's rise to rhetorical preeminence in post-revolutionary France? A survey of how French literary historians of the past three centuries have received Bossuet's oratorical works suggests an answer, as well as exposes the rhetorical dimensions of appropriation itself.

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39

Smart, Ariane. "In the shadow of the guillotine: the question of collective memory in post-Revolutionary France." Journal of Romance Studies 3, no. 1 (March 2003): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.3.1.17.

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40

Kirsop, Wallace. "Cultural Networks in Pre-Revolutionary France: some Reflexions on the Case of Antoine Court de Gébelin." Australian Journal of French Studies 51, no. 2-3 (May 2014): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ajfs.2014.12.

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41

Rhoades, M. K. "The Great Nation in Decline: Sex, Modernity and Health Crises in Revolutionary France c.1750-1850." French Studies 63, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knp176.

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ALLAN, STACIE. "Myth- and Monarch-Making: Claire de Duras’s Pensées de Louis XIV (1827)." Australian Journal of French Studies: Volume 58, Issue 3 58, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ajfs.2021.20.

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Louis XIV is one of the most captivating figures in French history despite his myth sitting uneasily alongside a modern Republican France. Louis XIV’s rarely read memoirs provide unique insight into the monarch’s role, demonstrating the tension between God-given right and the day-to-day duties of being a king. Novelist Claire de Duras used the memoirs to compile Pensées de Louis XIV (1827), a collection of seventy selected quotations. This article shows how Duras attempts to reconcile past and present, maintaining the mythical aura of the monarch while also portraying Louis XIV as a figure that might appeal to a post-Revolutionary, post-Imperial society.

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Mallory, Anne. "Burke, Boredom, and the Theater of Counterrevolution." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 118, no. 2 (March 2003): 224–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081203x67631.

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A rich critical literature explores the relation between Edmund Burke's theatrical style and his counterrevolutionary argument. Redirecting this line of inquiry, the essay treats Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) as a histrionic literary performance, arguing that to appreciate its significance we must recover a neglected subtext: a preoccupation with boredom and restlessness. Burke's loyalties are divided: defending England, he counsels against extremes of torpor and excitement. He works to preserve England in a state of settled “repose,” yet his rhetoric reveals a baseline of boredom. Indulging in fantasies of reform and utopia and deploying strategies of tragic hyperbole and self-parody, he mobilizes conventional associations of boredom and revolution to negotiate a new position from which to exercise cultural authority. Textual histrionics do more than contain a revolutionary threat; they establish an alternative theater of boredom.

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LY-TIO-FANE, MADELEINE. "A reconnaissance of tropical resources during Revolutionary years: the role of the Paris Museum d'Histoire Naturelle." Archives of Natural History 18, no. 3 (October 1991): 333–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.1991.18.3.333.

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SUMMARY The recent extensive literature on exploration and the resulting scientific advances has failed to highlight the contribution of Austrian enterprise to the study of natural history. The leading role of Joseph II among the neutral powers which assumed the carrying trade of the belligerents during the American War of Independence, furthered the development of collections for the Schönbrunn Park and Gardens which had been set up on scientific principles by his parents. On the conclusion of peace, Joseph entrusted to Professor Maerter a world-encompassing mission in the course of which the Chief Gardener Franz Boos and his assistant Georg Scholl travelled to South Africa to collect plants and animals. Boos pursued the mission to Isle de France and Bourbon (Mauritius and Reunion), conveyed by the then unknown Nicolas Baudin. He worked at the Jardin du Roi, Pamplemousses, with Nicolas Cere, or at Palma with Joseph Francois Charpentier de Cossigny. The linkage of Austrian and French horticultural expertise created a situation fraught with opportunities which were to lead Baudin to the forefront of exploration and scientific research as the century closed in the upheaval of the Revolutionary Wars.

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Lamouria, Lanya. "FINANCIAL REVOLUTION: REPRESENTING BRITISH FINANCIAL CRISIS AFTER THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848." Victorian Literature and Culture 43, no. 3 (May 29, 2015): 489–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150315000042.

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Punch's Mr. Dunupis indeed in an awful position. Having fled to France to escape his English creditors, he finds himself in the midst of the French Revolution of 1848. The question that he must answer – what is worse, revolution in France or bankruptcy in England? – is one that preoccupied Victorians at midcentury, when a wave of European revolutions coincided with the domestic financial crisis of 1845–48. In classic accounts of nineteenth-century Europe, 1848 is remembered as the year when a crucial contest was waged between political revolution, identified with the Continent, and capitalism, identified with Britain. According to Eric Hobsbawm, the failure of the 1848 revolutions to effect lasting political change ushered in “[t]he sudden, vast and apparently boundless expansion of the world capitalist economy”: “Political revolution retreated, industrial revolution advanced” (2). For mid-nineteenth-century Britons, however, the triumph of capitalism was by no means assured. In what follows, I look closely at how Victorian journalists and novelists imagined the British financial crisis of the 1840s after this event was given new meaning by the 1848 French Revolution. Much of this writing envisions political revolution and the capitalist economy in the same way as thePunchsatirist does – not as competing ideologies of social progress but as equivalent forms of social disruption. As we will see, at midcentury, the ongoing financial crisis was routinely represented as a quasi-revolutionary upheaval: it was a mass disturbance that struck terror into the middle classes precisely by suddenly and violently toppling the nation's leading men and social institutions.

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Maver, Igor. "From Albion's shore: Lord Byron' poetry in Slovene translations until 1945." Acta Neophilologica 22 (December 15, 1989): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.22.0.51-59.

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The publication in 1830 of the early poems of the doyen of Slovene poetry - Dr France Prešeren in Kranjska čbelica (The Carniola Bee) - marks the beginning of Slovene Romanticism, which ends in 1848, -with the last of his poems published in the fifth volume of the same literary magazine. The period from 1830 to the »revolutionary« year of 1848 is thus committed to Romanticism as the leading movement of Slovene literature, artfully embodied in Prešeren's fine lyrical poetry that aimed at and considerably contributed to national unification and identification, as well as in the Europe-oriented literary criticism of Matija čop. Comparing the trends of the English and Slovene Romantic Revival, we can readily establish that the emergence of Romantic tenets expressed in poetry was somewhat late on Slovene ground. In England, of course, the crucial years are1789, when Lyrical Ballads were published by Wordsworth and Coleridge, and the year 1832, which marks the death of Sir Walter Scott.

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Maver, Igor. "From Albion's shore: Lord Byron' poetry in Slovene translations until 1945." Acta Neophilologica 22 (December 15, 1989): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.22.1.51-59.

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The publication in 1830 of the early poems of the doyen of Slovene poetry - Dr France Prešeren in Kranjska čbelica (The Carniola Bee) - marks the beginning of Slovene Romanticism, which ends in 1848, -with the last of his poems published in the fifth volume of the same literary magazine. The period from 1830 to the »revolutionary« year of 1848 is thus committed to Romanticism as the leading movement of Slovene literature, artfully embodied in Prešeren's fine lyrical poetry that aimed at and considerably contributed to national unification and identification, as well as in the Europe-oriented literary criticism of Matija čop. Comparing the trends of the English and Slovene Romantic Revival, we can readily establish that the emergence of Romantic tenets expressed in poetry was somewhat late on Slovene ground. In England, of course, the crucial years are1789, when Lyrical Ballads were published by Wordsworth and Coleridge, and the year 1832, which marks the death of Sir Walter Scott.

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Panov, S. I., and O. Yu Panova. "Soviet Publishers and Readers of French Literature, Late 1920s – 1930s." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 3 (2021): 738–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.311.

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Soviet images of French literature are often reduced to the Stalinist canon of the late 1930s that comprised classical literature, including “modern classics,” like Romaine Rolland or Anatole France; and Communist and leftist writers selected as ideologically and aesthetically suitable for the Soviet reading audience, such as Henri Barbusse, Paul Vaillant Couturier, and others. This stereotype being partially true suggests, however, a simplistic and flattened view of the Soviet reception of French literature. It should be noted that even in the late 1930s there existed a certain amount of diversity in the choice of French authors; for example, International Literature magazine from time to time published ideological opponents like Pierre Drieu la Rochelle or Henry de Montherlant. As for the 1920s, in the course of the New Economic Policy both state and private publishing companies offered a wide and varied range of writers and books that included classics, “proletarian” and “revolutionary” authors along with adventure fiction, love stories, and “colonial novels,” easy reading, “decadent,” conservative, and “reactionary” writers. The paper traces transformations of publishing policy during the pivotal years of late 1920s and early 1930s, the period of the “Great Turn” in Soviet society, marked by processes of centralization, total state control, and tightening of censorship. Archival documents allow us to analyze the role of Soviet intellectuals (literary critics, reviewers, editors, publishers) in the elaborating of new guidelines and implementing new practices in publishing policy and organizing readers feedback. A collection of readers’ letters of the mid-thirties, stored in the archival funds of GIKHL (State Publishing House of Fiction), documents the process of the making of the Soviet reader and shows a range of readers’ opinions and attitudes to French writers and their works at the early stage of Stalinist canon forming.

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Wellenreuther, Hermann. "Publishing and Readership in Revolutionary France and America. (Beta Phi Mu Monograph, 4: A Symposium at the Library of Congress. Carolyn Armbruster." Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 88, no. 2 (June 1994): 235–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/pbsa.88.2.24304663.

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Beaton, Roderick. "Imagining a Hellenic Republic, 1797–1824: Rigas, Korais, Byron." Comparative Critical Studies 15, no. 2 (June 2018): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2018.0287.

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The ‘New Constitution’ for a Hellenic Republic, published in Vienna by Rigas Velestinlis in 1797, was modelled closely on the French republican constitution of 1793, and envisaged what is now called a ‘civic nation’ based on inclusiveness and the ‘Rights of Man’. Rigas was arrested by the Austrian authorities, handed over to the Ottomans, and executed the following year. The turn from ‘civic’ to ‘ethnic’ nationalism among Greeks in the years leading up to the successful Revolution of 1821 is marked in the work of the influential classical scholar and national ideologue Adamantios Korais (Koraes, or Coray). Lord Byron, visiting Greek lands between 1809 and 1811, saw evidence for the enthusiasm with which Rigas was remembered and Korais was revered by the Greeks he met, and one of his early published works is a piece of revolutionary doggerel that at the time was attributed to Rigas. Byron's later determination to exchange the ‘words’ of the poet for the ‘things’ achieved by a statesman and man of action can be traced back to these early experiences in Greece – as well as to his ambivalent admiration for the more moderate among the leaders of the Revolution in France.

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