Дисертації: ""responsabilità politica""

1

TUNESI, STEFANIA. "Dalla responsabilità individuale del medico alla responsabilità della struttura sanitaria. Un'indagine di politica criminale." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Pavia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11571/1203368.

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2

MAMOLI, MASSIMO. "Comunicare una politica di responsabilità sociale attraverso l'utilizzo di iniziative di cause marketing." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Bergamo, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10446/26707.

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3

Locatello, Davide Maria <1992&gt. "La responsabilità per attività (d'impresa) pericolosa: nuovi rischi di danno e scelte di politica legislativa nell'ambito dell'U.E." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2022. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/10089/1/Davide%20Maria%20Locatello_Tesi%20di%20dottorato.pdf.

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La tesi analizza il criterio di responsabilità civile fondato sull'esercizio di attività pericolose (art. 2050 c.c.), proponendone un inquadramento all'interno del campo della responsabilità oggettiva. Viene dunque approfondito, in quest'ottica, il problema del contenuto della prova liberatoria. Anche alla luce del confronto con altri ordinamenti giuridici, poi, l'elaborato si sofferma sulla indefinita nozione di pericolosità e sulle possibili strade per circoscriverla. Nell'ultima parte della tesi, ci si intrattiene sulle interferenze tra responsabilità civile disciplinata a livello comunitario (in particolare quella per danni cagionati da prodotti difettosi) e criterio di imputazione fondato sul pericolo. Tale ampia disamina consente infine di affrontare il problema della regolazione dei rischi di danno implicati dallo sviluppo delle tecniche di Intelligenza artificiale. Lo scopo è quello di contribuire al dibattito che è in corso presso la dottrina e presso le Istituzioni dell'Unione europea, dal punto di osservazione del modello nazionale delle "attività pericolose".
The thesis analyses the civil liability criterion based on the conduct of dangerous activities (Article 2050 of the Italian Civil Code), and proposes a classification of it within the field of strict liability. From this point of view, the problem of the defence available to the defendant is examined in depth. Then, also in the light of some comparative remarks with other legal systems, the paper dwells on the undefined notion of dangerousness and on the possible ways to precise it. In the last part of the thesis, the interference between civil liability regulated at european level (especially the one concerning damages caused by defective products) and the criterion of liability based on danger is discussed. Finally, the above wide-ranging examination brings to the issue of regulating the risks of harm arising from the development of artificial Intelligence techniques. The aim is to contribute to the debate that is taking place in the academic community and at the European Union institutional level, from the standpoint of the national model of "dangerous activities".

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4

Fanelli, Domenico <1981&gt. "Three essays on ethical consumption and social responsibility." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/1034.

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Una recente letteratura sulla Responsabilità Sociale d’Impresa – che presentiamo nel Capitolo 1 – evidenzia come solo una quota di consumatori che si dichiara “socialmente responsabile” acquisti i prodotti delle imprese etiche . Questa divergenza non sembra dipendere interamente da eventuali differenze nei prezzi dei beni. A partire da queste considerazioni, sviluppiamo il lavoro contenuto nel Capitolo 2 e nel Capitolo 3. Nel Capitolo 2 presentiamo un modello di equilibrio parziale dove le imprese decidono se essere etiche (aderendo ad una Responsabilita’ Sociale d’Impresa) o standard. Il gruppo di consumatori etici desidera un mercato dove operino le imprese etiche, ma considera i beni prodotti dalle due imprese come perfetti sostituti. Studiamo come la dimensione del gruppo dei consumatori etici influenzi la decisione delle imprese di investire o meno nella produzione etica. Nel Capitolo 3 presentiamo un modello di equilibrio economico generale dove i consumatori etici, oltre un certo livello di reddito, preferiscono acquistare i beni etici anzichè acquistare una quantità maggiore di beni standard. Assumiamo che solo un gruppo di lavoratori riceva, oltre al proprio salario, i profitti realizzati dalle due diverse imprese e troviamo le condizioni affinchè vi sia un circolo virtuoso tra l’espansione del settore etico e la riduzione della diseguaglianza di reddito.
A recent literature on Corporate Social Responsibility in economics – reviewed in Chapter 1 – shows that not all the consumers who declare to be socially concerned purchase ethical products. Such divergence does not seem to be fully explained by potential price differences. Starting from this consideration, we develop Chapters 2 and Chapter 3. In Chapter 2 we present a partial equilibrium model in which firms choose either to be ethical (i.e. to commit to Corporate Social Responsibility) or standard. The group of socially concerned consumers desire to have a market where ethical firms operate, but they consider the goods produced by the two types of firms as entirely homogeneous. We investigate how the size of the group of socially concerned consumers affects firms' decisions to commit to ethical production. In Chapter 3, we present a general equilibrium model in which an increase in income may induce socially concerned consumers to switch from standard to ethical products, rather than consuming more standard goods. The economy is divided into two sectors -- the standard and the ethical -- and only a group of workers receive a share of profits in addition to their wages. We study the conditions under which there exists a virtuous circle which ties together increases in the size of the ethical sector to reductions in income inequality.

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5

TAVERRITI, SARA BIANCA. "L'AUTOCONTROLLO PENALE. RESPONSABILITÀ PENALE E MODELLI DI AUTONORMAZIONE DEI DESTINATARI DEL PRECETTO." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/619498.

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La ricerca prende l’abbrivio dalla constatazione della crescente importanza acquisita, nel panorama delle fonti penalistiche, dal fenomeno dell’autonormazione: prodotto del diritto penale post-moderno consistente nell’autoimposizione, da parte dei destinatari stessi della norma, di precetti comportamentali in chiave criminal-preventiva. Oltre al ruolo ambivalente del principio di legalità penale (effetto e causa, al contempo, del fenomeno qui preso in considerazione), l’interesse del penalista per l’approfondimento scientifico del fenomeno è sollecitato dal potenziale che quest’ultimo rivela come alternativa (sostitutiva o integrata) rispetto al diritto penale. Il primo capitolo è dedicato alla ricostruzione delle cause che hanno dato origine al fenomeno, all’uopo ripartite in due macro-categorie: (i) le cause di ordine generale, per l’enucleazione delle quali è stata condotta una ricerca che spazia nelle materie sociologiche, economiche e giusfilosofiche; (ii) le cause di natura giuridica, che sono state investigate considerando sia le manifestazioni comuni all’intero ordinamento giuridico, sia quelle specifiche della penalistica, in cui la crisi del principio della riserva di legge e il declino del diritto penale classico assumono un’importanza cruciale. Nel secondo capitolo, il focus dell’analisi si concentra sulla dimensione strutturale del paradigma autonormativo per come emerso nelle sue principali manifestazioni e nelle concettualizzazioni teoriche maturate soprattutto grazie all’approfondimento riservato al fenomeno della Self-Regulation dagli studiosi di area anglosassone. La paradigmatica dell’autonormazione viene scrutinata tanto nelle sue singole componenti costitutive statiche, quanto nei suoi moti dinamici come strategia regolatoria all’interno dell’ordinamento. La ricerca si sposta nel terzo capitolo dalla struttura alla funzione, con l’obiettivo di ricavare i criteri di politica-criminale strumentali all’impiego dell’autonormazione nel sistema penale. A tal fine, sono state esplorate le possibili relazioni interordinamentali di raccordo tra sistemi autonormativi e ordinamento statale, applicando una metodologia mutuata dall’impostazione di Santi Romano ma ambientata sul terreno del diritto penale e delle sue alternative. Nel quarto capitolo l’indagine si rivolge verso i più eminenti esempi di autonormazione manifestatisi nell’ordinamento italiano: i modelli organizzativi ex D. Lgs. 231 del 2001; i piani per la prevenzione della corruzione nella P.A.; le linee guida medico-chirurgiche per lo svolgimento delle attività sanitaria. Oltre a una disamina ricognitiva della disciplina di questi sub-sistemi normativi, i tre banchi di prova vengono scandagliati in chiave struttural-funzionalistica alla luce dei criteri di analisi illustrati nel secondo capitolo e ricavati nel terzo. Il capitolo 5 chiude il lavoro proiettando i risultati delle ricerche sul piano della teoria del reato, per verificare quale impatto abbia/possa avere l’autonormazione sulla dogmatica. Dopo aver passato in rassegna le possibili ricadute sulle diverse categorie penalistiche, la chiosa finale valorizza il potenziale del diritto riflessivo come candidato ideale per la concretizzazione della clausola di extrema ratio in materia penale. L’uso dell’autonormazione come strumento alternativo rispetto al diritto penale viene ritenuto, infatti, il profilo applicativo più promettente e degno di essere ulteriormente esplorato.
One of the crucial challenges of Criminal Law in the new millennium is to deal with the complexity of contemporary society. The traditional approach based on the State monopoly on criminal matters keeps abreast no longer with the scientific-technological sophistication and the rate of changes in criminal behavior in the era of globalization. In this scenario, we witness the rise of Self-Regulation as an auxiliary tool of crime prevention, whose main goal is to fill the vacuum and to compensate for the rapid obsolescence of state legislation. Compliance Programs, Anti-Bribery Plans, Clinical Guidelines are some of the elements of a diverse constellation of cases in which preventive measures, behavioral rules, surveillance, and sanctions are issued and enforced by a legislator who coincides with the recipient, and which is often a private actor. Nevertheless, the ambivalence of Self-Regulation lies in the fact that – in the face of some positive externalities promised – this paradigm could jeopardize some of the fundamental principles of Criminal Law. The aim of this work is to provide a critical analysis of such phenomenon in order to verify the compatibility of Self-Regulation with the Rule of Law and to assess its efficacy in deterring and detecting misconducts.

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Nardelli, Jacopo. "Governo della moneta e Costituzione." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3424762.

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The thesis is entitled “Monetary policy and the Constitution” and is organized in four areas corresponding to the four chapters the document is divided into. The first introductory chapter aims at providing the definition of monetary policy: the candidate, in particular, while determining the fundamental lines of such definition highlights how monetary flows management, although having an undeniable technical component, is, as a matter of fact, a political activity. At the same time the candidate analyzes some issues that are traditionally disregarded in other juridical studies on the matter, such as the transmission mechanism in monetary policy. The examination of such subject enables to fully understand the importance and the effects of all monetary policy decisions, whose influence on real economy needs a certain amount of time to be acknowledged and which, being potentially affected by many variables, suffer for undeniable uncertainties. At the same time, the candidate analyzes issues connected with central bank independence dedicating a remarkable attention to the institution’s accountability. In almost all judicial systems central banks are entrusted with monetary policy governance; to that end, a comparative examination of different institutions appears quite crucial: in particular, the candidate deepens the architecture of the European Central Bank, the Federal Reserve, the Bank of England and the Bank of Japan. The second chapter, entitled “Monetary policy in the Constitution”, first of all contains a deep and thoughtful investigation concerning the Constitution’s preparatory minutes and puts a particular accent on those by the De Maria Commission. Such analysis is also accompained by an examination of the work of public law’s experts and of the Constitutional Court’s case law which, during the years dealt with monetary stability and with its position within constitutional values’ hierarchy. Such study concludes that in the original canvas of the Constitution the monetary metre’s defense, although representing a value enjoying a certain protection, was not considered an objective to be absolutely obtained but, on the opposite, appeared as a value to be balanced with others. The third chapter begins with a deep examination of the work of those authors who dealt with Bank of Italy’s independence as it was before the enforcement of all reforms implemented so that Italy could join the European monetary and economical union. The same chapter deepens the new features brought by Maastricht Treaty in the field of currency governance, such as monetary stability becoming the sole and absolute end of Eurozone’s monetary policy and the consequences of such an innovation: its recognition determined the clear overturning of the drawers of the Constitution idea, deleting the previously widely recognized opinion according to which monetary policy was to be considered ancillary to economic policy. In the last chapter the candidate meditates on the European System of Central Banks’ architecture and modus operandi, together with its compatibility with the so called counter-limit of the democratic principle: if, on one hand, the European Central Bank – as all of us are aware of – is entrusted with powers having a strong impact on all citizen of the old continent, on the other the institution seems to lack any mechanism fostering its accountability. On the contrary, the European Central Bank remains jealously attached to a certain secrecy which has been abandoned by other central banks by now. Such an issue appears, on the other hand, sharpened by two other elements: first of all, the broad interpretation the Eurotower gives to its mandate, which brought German Constitutional Court to raise the notorious reference for preliminary ruling before the European Court of Justice. Secondly, the impossibility to enforce such counter-limit within Italian judicial system, in which no mechanism of individual access to constitutional ruling is granted, unlike in German and Spanish experience.
La ricerca ha per titolo “Governo della moneta e Costituzione” ed è articolata in quattro aree tematiche, ciascuna delle quali viene trattata, rispettivamente, nei quattro capitoli in cui è strutturato l’elaborato finale. Il primo capitolo ha carattere introduttivo e prende le mosse dalla nozione di governo della moneta: nello specifico, il dottorando, nel tracciare i confini del concetto in parola, pone in risalto come la regolazione dei flussi monetari, nonostante la sua innegabile componente tecnica, rappresenti un’attività invincibilmente politica. Nel medesimo contesto, egli indaga, altresì, temi che sono abitualmente trascurati negli studi giuridici sulla materia de qua, come, ad esempio, il meccanismo di trasmissione della politica monetaria: l’analisi di un simile argomento permette di comprendere appieno la portata e gli effetti delle decisioni attinenti del governo della moneta, le quali necessitano di un significativo lasso di tempo per incidere sull’economia reale e, risultando influenzate da numerose variabili, scontano margini di incertezza. Allo stesso tempo, il candidato affronta i problemi attinenti all’indipendenza della banca centrale, dedicando molta attenzione all’accountability dell’istituzione alla quale, nella quasi totalità degli ordinamenti, è affidata la conduzione della politica monetaria: a tal fine, assume centrale importanza l’analisi di carattere comparatistico, che coinvolge la Banca Centrale Europea, la Federal Reserve, la Banca d’Inghilterra e la Banca del Giappone. Il secondo capitolo, intitolato “Governo della moneta e politica monetaria nella Costituzione”, contiene, anzitutto, una meditata lettura dei lavori preparatori della Costituzione ed, in particolare, di quelli condotti dalla Commissione presieduta da G. De Maria, alla quale si affianca lo studio della dottrina pubblicistica e della giurisprudenza costituzionale che, nel corso degli anni, hanno affrontato le questioni che attengono alla stabilità monetaria e, nello specifico, alla sua collocazione nella gerarchia dei valori costituzionali: una simile ricostruzione pone in luce come, nel disegno originario della Carta fondamentale, la difesa del metro monetario, pur rappresentando un bene di rango costituzionale, non possa essere reputata una finalità da perseguire in via assoluta e sottratta, quindi, ad ogni possibile bilanciamento. Il terzo capitolo, poi, inizia con un ampio esame della letteratura che ha avuto modo di esprimersi sui margini di autonomia riconosciuti alla Banca d’Italia prima dell’attuazione delle riforme funzionali all’adesione del nostro paese all’Unione economica e monetaria. Lo stesso, inoltre, indaga una delle principali novità introdotte dal Trattato di Maastricht nell’ambito del governo della moneta, ovverosia l’elevazione della stabilità dei prezzi a fine unico ed assoluto della politica monetaria dell’Eurozona, nonché le conseguenze di una simile innovazione: l’isolamento dell’obiettivo de quo, infatti, ha determinato un netto rovesciamento dell’opzione fatta propria Costituenti, eliminando tra l’altro l’idea, precedentemente consolidata, della subordinazione della politica monetaria alla politica economica. Il capitolo conclusivo ospita le riflessioni del dottorando in merito alla struttura ed al modus operandi del Sistema Europeo delle Banche Centrali, nonché alla compatibilità dei medesimi con il c.d. controlimite costituito dal principio democratico: infatti, se, da un lato, la Banca Centrale Europea – come ognuno ormai sa – dispone di poteri di notevole impatto sulla vita di ogni cittadino del Vecchio continente, dall’altro, sembra mancare qualunque momento di vera responsabilizzazione dell’istituzione in parola, la quale, anzi, rimane gelosamente affezionata a pratiche di segretezza ormai abbandonate da tutte le altre banche centrali. La criticità appena evidenziata appare, peraltro, acuita da due ulteriori fattori: in primis, dall’interpretazione estensiva che la l’Eurotower dà al proprio mandato, la quale ha indotto il Tribunale costituzionale tedesco al sollevare il ben noto rinvio pregiudiziale alla Corte di giustizia dell’Unione Europea; in secondo luogo, dalla impossibilità di far valere il suddetto controlimite nell’ambito dell’ordinamento italiano, che non conosce meccanismi di accesso individuale al sindacato di legittimità costituzionale, paragonabili a quelli che contraddistinguono l’esperienza tedesca e quella spagnola.

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7

LI, YUAN. "RESPONSABILITA' DI GOVERNO." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1649.

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Come funziona la struttura interna istituzionale una performance di governo? In questo lavoro, ci si concentra sulla Cina moderna, cercando di spiegare i meccanismi che possono indurre un governo autocratico di adottare politiche coerenti.
How does the internal institutional structure affect government performances in autocracies? In this paper, we focus on modern China, trying to explain what the mechanisms are that might induce an autocratic government to adopt congruent policies. Although there is no party or electoral competition, the leader worries deposition by coup d état by the selectorate and revolutionary threats from the citizens. We build a three players political-agency model, with the leader being the agency, the selectorate and the citizens being the principles. The effectiveness of the selectorate and the existence of revolutionary threats are two factors determining the outcomes. As the size of the selectorate and the willingness to revolt vary dramatically across countries, different types of autocracies arise, with some being kleptocraitc and some being accountable.

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8

LI, YUAN. "RESPONSABILITA' DI GOVERNO." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1649.

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Come funziona la struttura interna istituzionale una performance di governo? In questo lavoro, ci si concentra sulla Cina moderna, cercando di spiegare i meccanismi che possono indurre un governo autocratico di adottare politiche coerenti.
How does the internal institutional structure affect government performances in autocracies? In this paper, we focus on modern China, trying to explain what the mechanisms are that might induce an autocratic government to adopt congruent policies. Although there is no party or electoral competition, the leader worries deposition by coup d état by the selectorate and revolutionary threats from the citizens. We build a three players political-agency model, with the leader being the agency, the selectorate and the citizens being the principles. The effectiveness of the selectorate and the existence of revolutionary threats are two factors determining the outcomes. As the size of the selectorate and the willingness to revolt vary dramatically across countries, different types of autocracies arise, with some being kleptocraitc and some being accountable.

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9

Noschese, Giovanna <1994&gt. "Responsabilità sociale d'impresa. Le politiche di governance." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16485.

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La mia tesi magistrale ha come obiettivo quello di discutere la tematica della responsabilità sociale d’impresa (RSI) o anche definita come corporate social responsibility (CSR). L’elaborato è diviso in tre capitoli, i quali trattano aree differenti. Il primo capitolo verte sulla presentazione dell’argomento passando dalle prime letterature fino ad arrivare all’esistenza di nuove forme d’impresa che abbiano come core business la RSI. Facendo il caso del vincitore del Premio Nobel per la Pace ed inventore del Microcredito “Muhammad Yunus”. Il secondo capitolo darà un taglio all’elaborato sulle politiche di governance e aspetto normativo andando a fare un lavoro dapprima a livello mondiale poi spostando il focus a livello europeo, nazionale e regionale, dando maggiore attenzione alle politiche a livello regionale in particolar modo la Regione Veneto. Il terzo capitolo invece è un lavoro sperimentale che darà alla mia tesi magistrale un valore aggiuntivo, in quanto verranno analizzati i dati del progetto “Responsabilmente”.

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CARLES, Roberto Manuel. "La responsabilità penale delle gerarchie politiche e militari nei crimini contro l'umanità." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2389414.

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The reopening of judgements of crimes against humanity committed by the last dictatorship in Argentina, poses again the question of the criminal liability of who, occupying hierarchical positions in the State, did not have direct contact with the attributed facts. Of course, criminal liability is not in discussion, but the way in which the superiors take part in the crime with their subordinates. From the times of Military Juntas Judgement, Argentine justice has followed the theory of domination of the act because of the domination of the will by means of an organization, in order to support the indirect perpetration of the superiors. This theory poses several problems, among which is crucial, the range of the control of the subordinateʼs will by the superior. Nevertheless, this theory, which is not majority, has been adopted by the Bundesgerichtshof and the International Criminal Court. The complexity of this theoretical construction, the effects of its applications on economical crimes, its dependence on empirical factors and, fundamentally, the possibility of reaching reasonable solutions by other ways, lead us to question its utility and applications in tackling the problem of criminal liability of political and military hierarchies of the State in crimes against humanity.

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FELICIANI, NICOLE. "ESSAYS ON SOCIAL BANKING." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/18683.

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Nel primo capitolo si propone una rassegna della letteratura di ambito economico e manageriale in tema di Responsabilità Sociale d’Impresa (RSI). Successivamente, si identificano le peculiarità degli attori operanti nel settore bancario etico. Infine, si comparano i risultati degli studi sul comportamento delle banche etiche con quelli disponibili sulle banche tradizionali. Il secondo capitolo confronta le condizioni di rifinanziamento delle banche sociali con quelle delle banche standard, quando le prime dispongono di informazioni private sulla qualità dei clienti. Ciò comporta il noto problema dell’hold-up, che tuttavia può essere attenuato dai costi delle peculiari attività di selezione e monitoraggio delle banche etiche. Ne risulta che, indipendentemente dalla qualità del cliente, le banche standard potrebbero offrire condizioni di prestito più vantaggiose di quelle delle banche etiche. Il terzo capitolo usa un modello spaziale per descrivere come le banche sociali e standard definiscono i loro tassi di interesse quando competono nel mercato dei depositi e dei prestiti. Come suggerisce l’evidenza empirica, i risparmiatori delle banche sociali sono disposti ad accettare tassi più bassi di quelli del mercato. Pertanto, si determinano le condizioni per cui ciò si verifica e si studia quando questo è compatibile con tassi più bassi anche sui prestiti.
In the first chapter, we begin with a survey on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in economics, management and business literatures. Then we identify the peculiarities of the agents operating in the social banking sector. Thereafter, we compare and contrast the contributions focused on the behavior of social banks with those available on traditional lenders. The second chapter compares the refinancing behavior of social banks with that of standard lenders when the former have inside information on the quality of the borrowers. This entails the renowned hold-up problem which, however, can be mitigated by the costs of the ethical screening and monitoring activities of social banks. As a result, standard banks may offer better loan contracts and attract high quality borrowers. The third chapter proposes a spatial competition model to investigate how standard and social banks set their interest rates when they compete in the deposit and loan markets. As the empirical evidence suggests, social depositors are willing to accept returns lower than the market level. Therefore we determine under which conditions social banks pay deposit rates lower than those of standard banks and when this is compatible with lower rates also on loans.

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12

FELICIANI, NICOLE. "ESSAYS ON SOCIAL BANKING." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/18683.

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Nel primo capitolo si propone una rassegna della letteratura di ambito economico e manageriale in tema di Responsabilità Sociale d’Impresa (RSI). Successivamente, si identificano le peculiarità degli attori operanti nel settore bancario etico. Infine, si comparano i risultati degli studi sul comportamento delle banche etiche con quelli disponibili sulle banche tradizionali. Il secondo capitolo confronta le condizioni di rifinanziamento delle banche sociali con quelle delle banche standard, quando le prime dispongono di informazioni private sulla qualità dei clienti. Ciò comporta il noto problema dell’hold-up, che tuttavia può essere attenuato dai costi delle peculiari attività di selezione e monitoraggio delle banche etiche. Ne risulta che, indipendentemente dalla qualità del cliente, le banche standard potrebbero offrire condizioni di prestito più vantaggiose di quelle delle banche etiche. Il terzo capitolo usa un modello spaziale per descrivere come le banche sociali e standard definiscono i loro tassi di interesse quando competono nel mercato dei depositi e dei prestiti. Come suggerisce l’evidenza empirica, i risparmiatori delle banche sociali sono disposti ad accettare tassi più bassi di quelli del mercato. Pertanto, si determinano le condizioni per cui ciò si verifica e si studia quando questo è compatibile con tassi più bassi anche sui prestiti.
In the first chapter, we begin with a survey on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in economics, management and business literatures. Then we identify the peculiarities of the agents operating in the social banking sector. Thereafter, we compare and contrast the contributions focused on the behavior of social banks with those available on traditional lenders. The second chapter compares the refinancing behavior of social banks with that of standard lenders when the former have inside information on the quality of the borrowers. This entails the renowned hold-up problem which, however, can be mitigated by the costs of the ethical screening and monitoring activities of social banks. As a result, standard banks may offer better loan contracts and attract high quality borrowers. The third chapter proposes a spatial competition model to investigate how standard and social banks set their interest rates when they compete in the deposit and loan markets. As the empirical evidence suggests, social depositors are willing to accept returns lower than the market level. Therefore we determine under which conditions social banks pay deposit rates lower than those of standard banks and when this is compatible with lower rates also on loans.

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13

Álvarez, Sánchez José. "Repenser la responsabilité lors de la mondialisation : vers une conception de la méta-responsabilité." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCB201/document.

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Les domaines de la philosophie et de la théorie politique ont connu un certain nombre de changements au cours des quarante dernières années. L'un attire notre attention tout particulièrement ; le basculement d'un point de vue national, cristallisé par le contrat social rawlsien, vers un point de vue non-national. En effet, plusieurs penseurs abordent un ensemble de phénomènes considérés comme nouveaux, tels que les traités de libre commerce et l'économie globale, les entreprises et les institutions supra et transnationales, l'immigration et les contrôles frontaliers etc. Ces changements sont intéressants puisqu'ils obéissent, principalement, à une évolution majeure du terrain politique et social que l'on appelle mondialisation. Les théoriciens travaillant dans le domaine de la justice globale semblent s'adresser à deux questions différentes mais reliées. La première concerne la justice globale : dans quelle mesure et pourquoi l'ordre mondial est-il juste ou injuste ? Qu'est-ce qu'un ordre global juste ? La deuxième est dans un sens corollaire à la première, et concerne la responsabilité : qui devrait être blâmé ou digne d'éloge pour l'ordre mondial ? Est-ce que les citoyens sont responsables de l'ordre mondial ? Qui devrait redresser ses éventuelles conséquences injustes ? Face à l'économie mondialisée et aux institutions politiques et économiques internationales et trans-nationales, cette interrogation devient légitime et nécessaire : suis-je responsable à l'égard des travailleurs des sweat shop lorsque j'achète des habits à Auchan ou bien à l'égard des caféiculteurs très mal payés lorsque je prends un capuccino dans un café Starbucks ? Est-ce que les citoyens sont responsables des traités de libre commerce que leurs gouvernements signent ? Ces questions sur la responsabilité des individus dans le contexte de la mondialisation seront l'enjeu de ce travail de recherche. Nous interrogerons plus exactement la responsabilité d'un agent lorsqu'il fait partie d'un chaîne causale complexe, lorsqu'il participe d'une injustice structurelle. Ainsi, il ne s'agit pas seulement d'une chaîne causale, mais de connexions qui sont l'issue d'un changement des modes de productions, de consommation et de la concurrence dans un marché mondialisé. Plus important encore, il ne s'agit pas simplement de la responsabilité individuelle mais plutôt de la responsabilité individuelle en tant que citoyen, et donc d'une responsabilité politique. Elle peut certes être individuelle, mais nous devons tenir compte du fait qu'elle doit être pensée en tant que responsabilité politique, et pas uniquement morale, puisque l'individu et ses actions sont déterminés par des communautés politiques dans lesquelles il participe, ou dans lesquelles il est représenté. Ainsi, la mondialisation nous invite à repenser la responsabilité individuelle pour pouvoir rendre compte des intuitions morales et politiques qui guident une bonne partie du champ de la justice globale. Pour cela, nous verrons dans un premier temps la manière dont les théories de la justice globale essaient de répondre à ce défit. Grâce à cela nous dégagerons l'hypothèse qui nous guidera, l'idée que dans la mondialisation, un agent peut être responsable, avec d'autres, des raisons pour lesquelles il n'est pas considéré comme responsable. C'est-à-dire qu'il sera méta-responsable. Dans un second temps, nous essaierons de déterminer un model de responsabilité individuelle, et de comprendre comment la responsabilité est attribuée. Ensuite, nous essaierons de formuler une manière de concevoir la responsabilité politique. Grâce à ces deux éléments, la responsabilité individuelle et la responsabilité politique, nous pourrons parvenir à formuler une conception de la méta-responsabilité comme forme de penser l'agentivité traversée par la mondialisation
The fields of philosophy and political theory have met major changes in the past 40 years. On of them is quite interesting; there has been a change of the national point of view, which paradigm could be the rawlsian model, to a non-national one. Many thinkers have thought about a set of phenomenons considered as new such as free trade agreements and global economy, supra and transnational institutions and corporations, immigration and border control etc. The thinkers working on global justice seem to adresse two sets of different but related questions. The first ones concern global justice: why and to which extend is global order just or unjust? What is a just global order? The second set is, in a sense a corollary of the first and concerns responsibility: who is to be blamed or praised for the global order? Are citizens responsible for the global order? Who should address its possible unjust consequences? Facing globalization and international and transnational political and economical institutions those questions become legitimate and necessary: am I responsible for the sweat shop workers that produced the clothes I bought at Auchan or for badly payed coffee-grower when I buy a capuccino at Starbucks? Are citizens responsible for the free-trade agreements that are signed by there governments? These questions concerning the individual responsibility in the age of globalization will be the object of these research. We will question the responsibility of an agent when he is part of a complex causal chain, when contributes to structural injustice. Thus, it is not only about a causal chain but about connexions that are the result of changes in the modes of production and consumption, or the competition on a global market. Moreover, individual responsibility, in this context, cannot be thought solely as individual but the responsibility of individuals qua citizen, this is political responsibility. It is certainly individual but since agents and their actions are also determined by the political communities to which they belong or that represent them, this responsibility must be thought as political and not only as moral. Thus, globalization invite us to rethink individual responsibility in order to make sense of the the moral and political intuitions the guide the field of global justice. In order to do so, we will see, first, the way in which some theories of global justice try to tackle this challenge. Thanks to this we will determine thy hypothesis that will guide us; the idea that in the context of globalization an agent can be responsible, with others, for the reasons that make him non-responsible, that is, meta-responsible. On a second moment we will try to formulate a model of individual responsibility and to understand its conditions of attributability. Subsequently we will try to formulate a way to conceive political responsibility. Thanks to this two elements, individual responsibility and political responsibility we will be finally able to formulate a conception of meta-responsibility as a way to think agency when it is entwined by globalization

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14

Le, Doare Simon. "La responsabilité politique de l'artiste : de l'entre et du dissensus pour une résistance émancipatrice." Thesis, Lille 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL30047/document.

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Cette thèse part d’une question simple : les œuvres d’art ont-elles une influence pouvant modifier notre perception du monde, et par là, nos jugements politiques ? Poser cette question revient à se demander ce qu’est la culture, l’art, la ou le politique pour interroger les fonctionnements des humains, ce qui influe sur leurs comportements et leur capacité à désirer, à produire de l’alternative, et à nourrir leur esprit critique et leur faculté de juger. Ces fonctionnements (systèmes nerveux, affects) et milieux indiquent tout à la fois l’espoir et la difficulté de la résistance dans notre contexte culturel postmoderne où nous sommes plutôt modifiés dans le sens de la servitude volontaire que de l’émancipation. L’état esthétique du monde à l’époque du capitalisme tardif, dans ses productions et dans ses pratiques de “consommation” des produits culturels, n’augure rien en faveur de la démocratie, la vraie : celle de l’autonomos, de l’entre, du dissensus, issue de l’individuation, de l’émancipation et de la résistance des individus, celle qui permettrait le large déploiement de la responsabilité politique de l’artiste
This PhD starts from a simple question: do the artwork influence may change our perception of the world and thus, our political judgments ? Asking this question comes down to ask what culture, art, or politics to question humans ways of working, which affects their behavior and their ability to desire, to produce alternative, and grow a critical mind and their ability to judge. These operations (nervous system, affects) and milieu indicate at once the hope and the difficulty to resist in our postmodern cultural context where we are rather modified in the sense of voluntary servitude than emancipation. The aesthetic state of the world in the era of late capitalism, in its productions and its practices of "consumption" of cultural products, does not omen in favor of democracy, the real one : the one with autonomos, with 'between’, dissensus, from individuation, emancipation and resistance of individuals, which would enable the widespread deployment of the artist's political responsibility

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15

Mangueleze, Maria de Lurdes. "À l'ombre du parti-état : démocratie et responsabilité en contexte de paternalisme autoritaire." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0071/document.

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Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment permettent-elles de comprendre la nature et les modalités de négociation du pouvoir de l’État au Mozambique ? Ce questionnement s’insère dans les débats des trente dernières années sur les phénomènes d’institutionnalisation démocratique au cours de la troisième vague de démocratisation. Dans ce débat, la responsabilité politique est vue comme l’instrument capable et nécessaire pour changer les régimes autoritaires, c’est-à-dire capable d’en finir avec les « résidus » autoritaires dans les nouvelles démocraties. À partir du dialogue avec la littérature, cette recherche appréhende la mise en place de la responsabilité politique comme un processus qui met en relief la dynamique transformative, comme espace de rencontres et de négociations entre plusieurs arènes et autorités qui composent la maille des régimes politiques. L’idée démocratique au Mozambique a permis et permet de mettre en articulation diverses expériences qui ont été capables de reformuler ou d’accélérer le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique. Ces expériences doivent être analysées dans leur historicité mais incorporent des éléments de la modernité motivés par la compétition politique entre le pouvoir du Frelimo, la Renamo et aujourd’hui le MDM. La contribution de cette thèse est de penser l’institutionnalisation démocratique comme un processus transformatif et la responsabilité politique comme intrinsèquement soudée aux rapports de pouvoir dominants. Il s’agit de partir des expériences des acteurs dans le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique au travers des rapports qu’ils établissent entre eux. En d’autres termes, il s’agit de ne pas en rester à une analyse macro-politique, mais de conjuguer tous les niveaux de pouvoir, en les regardant principalement à partir du bas. Cette recherche est fondée sur un travail de terrain dans deux districts, celui de Chibuto (sud) où le Frelimo est largement soutenu et celui de Gondola (centre) dans lequel la Renamo a l’ascendant politique
What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian “residue” from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support

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16

Boiron, Hélène. "Vers un systeme européen de responsabilité des entreprises en matière de dommage à l'environnement." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27443.

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The objective of this thesis is to contribute to the debate triggered by the Green Paper on Remedying Environmental Damage published by the Commission of the European Communities in March 1993. This Green Paper discussed the relevance and shortcomings of a recourse to the strict liability regime and to a joint compensation fund mechanism as means of remedying environmental damage which take place in the European Union.

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17

Dodlova, Marina. "Political Accountability and Organization of Government." Thesis, Paris 10, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA100149.

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La bureaucratie joue un rôle-clé dans l'arène politique. Le pouvoir de l'administration publique a néanmoins souvent été sous-estimé, tandis que sa structure comme sa croissance constante restent mal compris. Cette thèse est consacrée à l'étude approfondie des principales caractéristiques de l'administration publique et plus particulièrement à son avantage informationnel dans la prise de décisions politiques. Dans une perspective normative, la thèse explore les questions de délégation dans une hiérarchie à trois niveaux, et de répartition de rente informationnelle en 'common agency' avec plusieurs mandataires politiques. Ceci me permet d'entrevoir ce que renferme la boîte noire de la structure organisationnelle composite du gouvernement. D'un point de vue positif, l'approche comparative me permet d'analyser et d'expliquer la croissance des administrations publiques dans les démocraties sur le plan de l'emploi de fonctionnaires d'État
Bureaucracy is a key player in political game. However, its power has been often underestimated as well as the questions of its structure and constant growth remain not properly understood. This thesis represents a detailed study of the major features of the government bureaucracy by focusing on its information leverage in policy making. Normatively, the thesis explores the issues of delegation in a three-tier hierarchy and information rent distribution in common agency with several political principals, and thus contributes to opening a black box of the composite organizational structure of government. Positively, the comparative approach helps to explain the growth of government bureaucracies in democracies in terms of government administration employment

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18

Barducci, Lucia <1984&gt. "Responsabilita' sociale d'impresa e abitudini alimentari: contributo di Coop nella creazione di valore per i cittadini, per il territorio e i prodotti tipici di qualità." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2015. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/7204/1/Barducci_Lucia_tesi.pdf.

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I cambiamenti e le innovazioni sociali, che hanno caratterizzato il secolo scorso, hanno generato mutamenti significativi nella struttura dei consumi, legati in particolare a una maggiore consapevolezza dei consumatori e allo scoppio della crisi economica. Assume sempre maggiore importanza, all’interno delle politiche di brand management, il ruolo della Responsabilità Sociale d’Impresa, che spinge la Grande Distribuzione Organizzata a proporre prodotti con più alti standard qualitativi e di sicurezza. Il caso analizzato è quello della linea biologica ViviVerde Coop, la cui offerta di prodotti biologici a private label ha avuto un impatto molto positivo sul mercato. L’analisi dell’elasticità della curva di domanda di alcuni di questi prodotti nel periodo gennaio 2010-maggio 2012 rivela diversi valori positivi e maggiori di 1, indice del fatto che il prezzo non abbia avuto effetti negativi sulle vendite dei prodotti considerati. Tale evidenza risulta rilevante proprio in un periodo di profonda crisi economica che ha interessato, in modo significativo, anche i consumi alimentari.
Social changing and innovations that characterized the last century, mainly caused by the globalization processes, led to important changes in the consumption paths, the most of them driven by the increased awareness of the consumers. This is why the role of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is getting more important for the brand management policies of the Large Scale Retail (LSR). LSR is nowadays encouraged to provide products that achieve higher safety and quality standards, in order to meet the new forms of demand. In this paper we analyze the case of the biological line ViviVerde by Coop, a private label line which reached good market shares since its introduction. The analysis of elasticity of the demand curve of some ViviVerde food products, for the period from January 2010 to May 2012, shows the presence of several positive and greater than values: this means that the price does not prevent the sales of those products. Those results are relevant especially in this period of deep economic crisis, which has affected even food consumption. The changes and social innovations that have characterized the last century have generated significant changes in the structure of consumption, in particular related to aincreased consumer's behaviour.It's becoming more important,within the policies of brand management, the role of Corporate Social Responsability,which pushes the mass retailers to offer products with the highest quality standards and safety. The case analyzed is that of the organic line ViviVerde Coop, whose offer of organic products to private label has had much impact positive on the market. The analysis of the elasticity of the demand curve of some of these products in the period January 2010-May 2012 reveals values positive and greater than 1. This means that price has had a negative impacts on sales of the product

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19

Barducci, Lucia <1984&gt. "Responsabilita' sociale d'impresa e abitudini alimentari: contributo di Coop nella creazione di valore per i cittadini, per il territorio e i prodotti tipici di qualità." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2015. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/7204/.

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Анотація:

I cambiamenti e le innovazioni sociali, che hanno caratterizzato il secolo scorso, hanno generato mutamenti significativi nella struttura dei consumi, legati in particolare a una maggiore consapevolezza dei consumatori e allo scoppio della crisi economica. Assume sempre maggiore importanza, all’interno delle politiche di brand management, il ruolo della Responsabilità Sociale d’Impresa, che spinge la Grande Distribuzione Organizzata a proporre prodotti con più alti standard qualitativi e di sicurezza. Il caso analizzato è quello della linea biologica ViviVerde Coop, la cui offerta di prodotti biologici a private label ha avuto un impatto molto positivo sul mercato. L’analisi dell’elasticità della curva di domanda di alcuni di questi prodotti nel periodo gennaio 2010-maggio 2012 rivela diversi valori positivi e maggiori di 1, indice del fatto che il prezzo non abbia avuto effetti negativi sulle vendite dei prodotti considerati. Tale evidenza risulta rilevante proprio in un periodo di profonda crisi economica che ha interessato, in modo significativo, anche i consumi alimentari.
Social changing and innovations that characterized the last century, mainly caused by the globalization processes, led to important changes in the consumption paths, the most of them driven by the increased awareness of the consumers. This is why the role of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is getting more important for the brand management policies of the Large Scale Retail (LSR). LSR is nowadays encouraged to provide products that achieve higher safety and quality standards, in order to meet the new forms of demand. In this paper we analyze the case of the biological line ViviVerde by Coop, a private label line which reached good market shares since its introduction. The analysis of elasticity of the demand curve of some ViviVerde food products, for the period from January 2010 to May 2012, shows the presence of several positive and greater than values: this means that the price does not prevent the sales of those products. Those results are relevant especially in this period of deep economic crisis, which has affected even food consumption. The changes and social innovations that have characterized the last century have generated significant changes in the structure of consumption, in particular related to aincreased consumer's behaviour.It's becoming more important,within the policies of brand management, the role of Corporate Social Responsability,which pushes the mass retailers to offer products with the highest quality standards and safety. The case analyzed is that of the organic line ViviVerde Coop, whose offer of organic products to private label has had much impact positive on the market. The analysis of the elasticity of the demand curve of some of these products in the period January 2010-May 2012 reveals values positive and greater than 1. This means that price has had a negative impacts on sales of the product

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20

Mvé, Ella Léandre. "La responsabilité de protéger et l’internationalisation des systèmes politiques." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LORR0331.

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Sous l’angle du droit international, la responsabilité de protéger est traditionnellement analysée dans le but de déterminer sa portée normative. L’attrait de la doctrine internationaliste pour la question de la normativité du principe et l’indifférence habituelle du droit international vis-à-vis du système politique des États ont fini par confiner les développements sous les prismes parfois trop réducteurs du droit international et des relations internationales. Cette recherche entend proposer une perspective différente en prenant le contre-pied de cette approche classique. Elle aborde la problématique de la responsabilité de protéger non plus seulement sous l’angle des intervenants tiers à l’État défaillant, mais également, et surtout sous celui de cet État lui-même et de sa population. Il s’agit donc de revisiter la façon d’appréhender la responsabilité de protéger afin de montrer que le droit international n’est plus indifférent face aux systèmes politiques des États — a fortiori en crise. En interrogeant le lien entre la responsabilité de protéger et le système politique de l’État, l’analyse aboutit irrémédiablement à la conclusion selon laquelle la responsabilité de protéger est « enchassée » dans de normes qui ne sont pas exclusivement juridiques et qu’il convient dorénavant d’analyser en réseau. L’étude propose donc désormais de la qualifier de norme de congruence dès lors qu’elle conduit à apprécier la valeur juridique d’une règle de droit en tenant compte des différentes influences contenues dans celle-ci
From the perspective of international law, the responsibility to protect is traditionally analyzed in order to determine its normative scope. The attractiveness of the internationalist doctrine for the question of the normativity of the principle and the habitual indifference of international law to the political system of States ended up confining developments to the sometimes overly simplistic prisms of international law and international relations.This research intends to propose a different perspective by taking a contrary view of this classic approach. It addresses the issue of the responsibility to protect not only the point of view of third parties to the failed state, but also, and above all, the State itself and its population. It is therefore a question of revisiting the approach of apprehending the responsibility to protect in order to show that international law is no longer indifferent to the political systems of the States - let alone in crisis.In questioning the link between the responsibility to protect and the state's political system, the analysis leads irreparably to the conclusion that the responsibility to protect is “enshrined” in norms that are not exclusively legal and that currently analyze in the network. The study therefore proposes to define it as an norme de congruence since it leads to the assessment of the legal value of a rule of law taking into account the different influences contained in it

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21

Cormick, Claudio. "Once again about the Notion of Political Responsibility in Humanism and Terror." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112980.

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In the present work we try to return to the problem of Merleau-Ponty’s historic and political evaluation of action in the light of his accounts in Humanism and Terror and their updating in the last years by commentators such as Alexandre Hubeny, Leonardo Eiff and Jérôme Melançon. We will present some arguments against two very close related theses by Merleau-Ponty: that of the objective” evaluation of action, which holds that the subjects behavior can be described as constituing a betrayal” or a crime” independently of any attribution of intentions to the agents and the thesis of the objective” responsibility of the agent, that is, the tenet that affirms that the historic and political subjects can be responsible” or guilty” for an outcome of their actions, that they cannot have foreseen or can be the exact opposite for what they intended.
En el presente trabajo, intentaremos volver sobre el problema de la evaluación histórico-política de la acción según Merleau-Ponty, a la luz de sus formulaciones en Humanismo y terror y de su reactualización, en los últimos años, por comentaristas como Alexandre Hubeny, Leonardo Eiff y Jérôme Melançon.Procuraremos aquí presentar algunos argumentos contra dos tesis merleaupontianas íntimamente relacionadas: la tesis de la evaluabilidad objetiva” de las acciones, según la cual podría describirse el comportamiento de sujetos como constituyendo una traición” o un crimen” independientemente de cualquier atribución de intenciones a los agentes en cuestión y, más adelante, la tesis de la responsabilidad objetiva” del propio agente, esto es, la afirmación según la cual los sujetos histórico-políticos pueden ser responsables” o culpables” por resultados de sus acciones que no hayan podido prever, o incluso sean exactamente opuestos a los que se proponían.

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22

CASTILLO, VAL IGNACIO JAVIER. "IL CRITERIO DEL BEYOND ANY REASONABLE DOUBT NELLA RESPONSABILITA' DELLE PERSONE GIURIDICHE. STUDIO POLITICO CRIMINALE E SULLA FINALITA' DELLA PENA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/728661.

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Анотація:

The thesis argues that there are no good reasons to justify the liability of legal persons, for the endangerment or ham to one of us, should be classified as criminal offense, even when the norm of unfulfilled conduct is precisely a penalty one. To assume that a company might be punish for its ex-crime participation does not imply that it should be penalized, with a criminal offense. The reason for this is that one of the fundamental elements of the penal system, the standard of reasonable doubt, is not justified in the attribution of responsibility of moral entities. In addition, in the criminal procedure, as it does not happen in other matters, the so-called search for truth is only one of the components - necessary, but not sufficient - of the adjudicative activity. In criminal law, we needed a special configuration between the balance of other necessary interests, such as social peace (civility), human dignity (otherness), costs and the stability of decisions that imply that not necessarily the true decision is the correct. To this we should added, more than outstandingly, the moral imperative to prevent the conviction of innocent people. This means that the regulation of standard of proof is influenced by epistemic, counter-epistemic and extra-epistemic reasons, which limit or condition the evidence of the jury or trial finder, making the task of imputation difficult. Therefore, the different processes (criminal, administrative and civil) have different epistemic, extra-epistemic and counter-epistemic rules. In the case of legal persons, there are no reasons to be applied the rules of the criminal procedure. In fact, the structure of the criminal justice system, its principles and guarantees, certainly allow that someone who is actually guilty, that is, who committed the crime, to escape the punish, which indirectly increases the incentives of other possible offenders to commit crimes, but above all, it generates an impact of impunity on the victims. If we considered that criminal law has the mission of protecting the most important human’s values, the previous trade-off would be debatable with respect to an entity that, basically, has an economic ethos and that does not necessarily share fundamental human values, let alone recognize it - because he does not recognize the victim as a moral alter ego. Society should design policies to reduce conducts classified as a crime, not incentivize it, even not directly. The thesis concludes that legal entities are not worthy of deserving our criminal law, they do not deserve that the State limits itself, as it does with natural persons, in the use of the ius puniendi, either to control the sources of risk or to sanction the harms they cause to people.
La tesis sostiene que no hay razones suficientes que justifiquen que la responsabilidad de las personas jurídicas, por la puesta en peligro o la lesión de un bien jurídico, deba imputarse a título de una infracción penal, aun cuando la norma de comportamiento incumplida sea, precisamente, una penal. Decir respecto de una empresa que se le sanciona por su participación ex crimine no implica afirmar que se le deba sancionar penalmente. La razón para ello es que uno de los componentes fundamentales del sistema penal, a saber, el estándar de la duda razonable, no se justifica en la atribución de responsabilidad de los entes morales. Y ello porque en el proceso penal, como no sucede en otras materias, la así llamada búsqueda de la verdad es sólo uno de los componentes –necesario, mas no suficiente– de la actividad adjudicativa. En el Derecho penal se genera una especial configuración balanceada con otros intereses necesarios del proceso, como por ejemplo la paz social (civilidad), la dignidad humana (alteridad), los costos y la estabilidad de las decisiones que implican que no necesariamente la decisión verdadera sea la correcta. A eso se debe agregar, de manera más que destacada, el imperativo moral de prevenir la condena de personas inocentes. Ello tiene como consecuencia que la regulación de las pruebas esté influenciada por razones epistémicas, contraepistémicas y extraepistémicas, que limitan o condicionan el acervo probatorio del adjudicador, dificultando la labor de imputación. Por lo mismo, los distintos procesos (penales, administrativos y civiles) tienen distintas reglas epistémicas, extraepistémicas y contraepistémicas. En el caso de las personas jurídicas no existen razones para que respecto de ellas se apliquen las reglas propias de un proceso penal. De hecho, la estructura del sistema de justicia criminal, sus principios y garantías procesales, ciertamente permite que algunos fácticamente culpables, es decir, que cometieron efectivamente el delito, escapen de la condena, lo que aumenta indirectamente los incentivos de otros eventuales infractores a cometer delitos, pero sobre todo, genera un impacto de impunidad en las víctimas. Si se considera que el Derecho penal tiene por misión proteger los bienes jurídicos más importantes, el anterior trade–off sería discutible respecto de un ente que básicamente tiene un ethos económico y que no necesariamente comparte los valores fundamentales humanos, y menos va reconocer –porque no reconoce– a la víctima como un alter ego moral. La sociedad debiese diseñar políticas para reducir las conductas calificadas como delito, no incentivarlas, siquiera indirectamente. La tesis concluye que las empresas no son dignas de merecer nuestro Derecho penal, de que el Estado se (auto)limite, como lo hace con las personas naturales, para usar el ius puniendi, sea para controlar las fuentes de riesgo sea para sancionar los perjuicios a bienes jurídicos relevantes.

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23

Ngo, Anh-Thu. "Environmentally responsible consumption of ethanol blended gasoline : behavioural determinants, economic decisions and politics of intervention." Thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2010/27158/27158.pdf.

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24

Gagliano, Maria Chiara. "Linee guida e regime disciplinare del professionista sanitario strutturato." Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/4096.

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La ricerca - condotta durante il triennio di partecipazione al XXXI ciclo di dottorato in Scienze Politiche e Sociali - analizza il processo di formalizzazione, introdotto dai recenti interventi riformatori, in materia di responsabilità sanitaria, da ultimo la legge 8 marzo 2017, n. 24, «Disposizioni in materia di sicurezza delle cure e della persona assistita, nonché in materia di responsabilità professionale degli esercenti le professioni sanitarie», al fine di cogliere le possibili ripercussioni in ambito disciplinare nei confronti dell esercente le professioni sanitarie strutturato con qualifica dirigenziale. Obiettivo essenziale dell attività di ricerca è quello di verificare se alla luce delle innovazioni legislative, la violazione delle linee guida sia idonea ad instaurare un procedimento disciplinare a carico del professionista sanitario inadempiente, a prescindere dalla concreta verificazione di un danno al paziente. Questa prospettiva muove da una nuova configurazione dell interesse datoriale, il quale non appare più circoscritto all esecuzione della prestazione sic et simpliciter, ma è strettamente collegato all organizzazione della struttura che si estrinseca anche, e soprattutto, mediante la formazione di atti di indirizzo e strumenti contrattuali connessi alle linee guida formalizzate secondo le indicazioni della l. 24/2017. Nell ambito di una prestazione complessa, così come quella sanitaria, l esecuzione tecnica di una prestazione sanitaria, oggi altamente standardizzata, si intreccia con gli aspetti più squisitamente organizzativi imposti dalla struttura, mediante l emanazione di ulteriori linee guide, diventando un unicum inscindibile per valutare il corretto adempimento della prestazione sanitaria. Di conseguenza, anche il profilo disciplinare ha subìto, di fatto, una metamorfosi, non chiaramente esplicitata nella novella legislativa introdotta, ma desumibile, come si avrà modo di approfondire in prosieguo di trattazione, da un interpretazione coerente con l impianto della riforma. Il tema è osservato da una pluralità di prospettive, tratte non solo dall esperienza didattica universitaria ma, altresì, dall esercizio della professione forense in ambito lavoristico, che ha fornito l opportunità di scandagliare numerosi procedimenti disciplinari, nonché le prassi operative seguite all interno di amministrazioni sanitarie pubbliche e private.

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25

Jiménez, i. Botías Elena 1978. "La Responsabilitat de Protegir com a instrument de governança global: possibilitats i límits." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/377454.

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La Responsabilitat de Protegir, concepte introduït per la Comissió Internacional sobre Intervenció i Sobirania Estatal (ICISS per les seves sigles en anglès - International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty ), ha tingut un ascens fulgurant en el discurs i actuació de Nacions Unides. Es tracta d’un compromís polític d’actuació dels estats i de la comunitat internacional per a protegir la població de quatre crims concrets (genocidi, neteja ètnica, crims de guerra i crims contra la humanitat) que poden tenir lloc tant en situacions de violència (que no es puguin catalogar pròpiament com de conflicte armat), com sobretot en situacions de conflicte armat. L’estat té la responsabilitat primordial de protegir la seva població i la comunitat internacional en té la de recolzar-lo perquè la pugui exercir. Alhora, si un estat en qüestió no pot o no vol exercir la seva responsabilitat de protegir, aquesta recau, subsidiàriament, en el conjunt de la comunitat internacional. Encara que el concepte de la Responsabilitat de Protegir és encara relativament nou a la teoria dels estudis internacionals, no ho és tant pel que fa a la pràctica a la qual es refereix, sobretot en relació a la possibilitat d’intervenir militarment en un país, sense o contra el seu consentiment, amb finalitats humanitàries. Aspecte que connecta, per tant, amb dos antecedents clars: la noció d’intervenció militar humanitària sorgida de la mà de Kouchner i Bettatti a la dècada dels noranta, i la teoria de la guerra justa. Alhora, i 3 més enllà de mesures militars, connecta també amb la política de Protecció de Civils , una política de Nacions Unides nascuda només dos anys abans, i també amb la política de prevenció de conflictes. Aquests elements, sumats al canvi de la tipologia de conflictes armats predominants a partir de la fi de la Guerra Freda i la vulnerabilitat creixent de la població civil a situacions de violència, especialment d’infants i dones, evidencien la necessitat d’analitzar amb deteniment la Responsabilitat de Protegir com una les eines a l’abast de la comunitat internacional per tal de prevenir i donar resposta a situacions de violència greu i sistemàtica contra la població. Aquesta tesi té un propòsit principal: discernir quines són les possibilitats i les limitacions actuals de la Responsabilitat de Protegir en tant que instrument de governança global que té per objectiu la protecció dels éssers humans davant de quatre crims: genocidi, crims de guerra, crims contra la humanitat i neteja ètnica; i si pot contribuir a superar aquest desencaix que existeix entre els instruments previstos pel dret internacional públic i la realitat actual de conflictes. L’objecte d’estudi, per tant, és el naixement, l’evolució, l’aplicació i les perspectives de futur de dita doctrina, partint tant de la seva formulació com de la seva implementació en casos concrets. La metodologia emprada per a elaborar aquesta tesi ha servit per a respondre als seus diversos objectius, combinant l’anàlisi bibliogràfica de llibres, capítols i sobretot articles a revistes científiques, amb la d’una extensa documentació de Nacions Unides, sobretot resolucions aprovades pel Consell de Seguretat, informes del Secretari General i de grups independents, tal com es pot veure a l’apartat de la bibliografia. Aquesta revisió també m’ha permès analitzar i comparar les diferents propostes teòriques al voltant de la prevenció i resolució de conflictes armats, així com sobre la intervenció militar humanitària. Donada la naturalesa de l’objecte d’estudi, ha estat inevitable aproximar-nos-hi de forma interdisciplinar, i utilitzar per tant mètodes propis de la teoria de conflictes, de la ciència política i del dret internacional públic.

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26

Kulsudjarit, Amornrat. "La responsabilité individuelle des membres du gouvernement : étude comparative des procédures constitutionnelles thaïlandaises et françaises." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32019.

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Le déclin de la responsabilité collective du gouvernement devant Parlement, est la situation à laquelle plusieurs pays pratiquant un régime parlementaire ont été contraints de faire face comme les expériences passées de la France, ainsi que de la Thaïlande, le prouvent. En effet, le contrôle parlementaire sur le gouvernement est bloqué par le fait majoritaire, si bien que le gouvernement peut difficilement perdre la confiance de l’Assemblée nationale. Cela ne fait qu’encourager la recherche de nouveaux moyens de contrôle et d’améliorer les instruments de contrôle de la responsabilité individuelle des membres du gouvernement sous diverses formes. Par exemple : le contrôle de la responsabilité individuelle des ministres par l’exécutif lui-même ; le déplacement de cette responsabilité devant le juge ; la revalorisation de la responsabilité politique individuelle des ministres devant le Parlement, ou bien encore une moralisation accrue de la vie politique et une amélioration de sa transparence. Les principaux instruments du contrôle de responsabilité individuelle des ministres en matière politique et pénale en Thaïlande et en France sont étudiés de manière comparative. L’étude comparée peut être utile afin d’adapter ces mécanismes aux conditions sociales et politiques de chaque pays
The decline of the “parliamentary control on the collective responsibility of members of the Government” is the situation that many countries under the parliamentary regime often encounter in their practices including of France and Thailand. In fact, the parliamentary control on the collective responsibility is obstructed by the “majority rule”, for that reason, it is difficult that the Parliament has lost confidence in the Government. This situation leads to improvement in the mechanisms: the control on the individual responsibility of Ministers is, therefore, found in various forms For example the self-control of the executive, the displacement of the individual responsibility of Ministers to the court, the parliamentary control on the individual responsibility of Ministers, and the moralisation of politic and transparency of political life. The main instruments of control on the individual responsibility of Ministers in political and criminal fields in Thailand and France are comparatively studied so that each country can use and adapt the mechanisms to suit its own social and political conditions

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27

Moreira, Angela Maria Ferreira. "PROJETO ABC PIRAMBU EM FOCO: AVALIAÃÃO DA POLÃTICA DE COGESTÃO DO GOVERNO DO ESTADO DO CEARÃ." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4810.

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nÃo hÃ
Este trabalho Ã um relato dos resultados da avaliaÃÃo da polÃtica de cogestÃo do governo do Estado do CearÃ, tendo como objeto de estudo as aÃÃes desenvolvidas pelo Projeto ABC - Pirambu, no ano de 2009. Os efeitos da pobreza nos bairros perifÃricos de Fortaleza levaram o Poder PÃblico a ampliar as suas aÃÃes no sentido de minimizar os resultados negativos dessa problemÃtica, adotando uma polÃtica de parceria com a sociedade civil. O Governo do Estado do CearÃ, por meio da Secretaria do Trabalho e Desenvolvimento Social (STDS), associando-se a organizaÃÃes da sociedade civil, representativas das comunidades e bairros perifÃricos de Fortaleza, em sistema de cogestÃo, buscou a participaÃÃo e divisÃo da responsabilidade, na soluÃÃo dos problemas vivenciados pela populaÃÃo, implementando o Projeto ABC em 18 pontos cruciais da periferia da capital fortalezense, em busca de atender a crianÃas e adolescentes, na faixa etÃria de 6 a 17 anos, que se encontram em situaÃÃo de risco e vulnerabilidade social. Para a presente pesquisa foi escolhido o projeto localizado no bairro Pirambu. O objetivo do Projeto ABC Ã contribuir com aÃÃes sociais por meio do esporte, arte, lazer e cultura. Busca retirar crianÃas e adolescentes da rua, proporcionando-lhes, educaÃÃo e desenvolvimento de habilidades, para que possam se preparar para a inserÃÃo no mercado de trabalho e conviver, harmoniosamente em sociedade. A opÃÃo por este estudo se deveu ao envolvimento da pesquisadora, como servidora pÃblica estadual, no trabalho de assessoramento do movimento popular no bairro do Pirambu, por doze (12) anos, quando no exercÃcio da gerencia do Centro ComunitÃrio Luiza TÃvora-Pirambu, vinculado Ã Secretaria do Trabalho e Desenvolvimento Social (STDS), do Estado do CearÃ. Os resultados da pesquisa apresentam que 88% dos participantes do Projeto ABC reconhecem que o mesmo foi propulsor de suas existÃncias, entretanto detectou-se falha no assessoramento comprometendo uma comunicaÃÃo eficaz entre representantes do CCCR e tÃcnicos da STDS. Foi constatado um alto Ãndice de pobreza, contudo nÃo existe um trabalho consistente junto Ãs famÃlias por falta de profissionais. Existe uma baixÃssima participaÃÃo em grupos ou formas associativas, e sobre o conhecimento do sistema de gestÃo somente 2% dos alunos, oito monitores e 7,3% dos representantes das famÃlias conhecem que o sistema de gestÃo Ã a cogestÃo. Apresenta-se aqui, portanto, uma reflexÃo sobre os alcances e limites da polÃtica da cogestÃo, a partir dos resultados dos estudos que analisam a gestÃo como um todo, fazendo-o pela voz dos atores implicados, e pelo significado das percepÃÃes dos participantes.
This work is a report of the evaluation results of the co-management politic of the CearÃ state government, having as end of the study, the actions developed by the ABC Project â Pirambu, on 2009. The poverty effects in the suburbs of Fortaleza took the Public Power to have wider actions in order to minimize the negatives results of that problematic situation, adopting a partnership with the civil society. CearÃ state government, through the Secretary of Work and Social Development (STDS), in association with civil society organizations, representatives of the communities and Fortaleza suburbs, in a co-management system, went after the participation and the shared responsibility, for the solution of the problems lived by the community, implementing the ABC Project in 18 crucial points of the Fortaleza suburbs, looking for serving children and youth, ranging from 6 to 17 years old, that were on a risk situation and social vulnerability. For the present research was chosen the project located on the Pirambu suburb. The objective of the ABC Project is to contribute with social actions through sports, art, leisure and culture. It looks forward to take off the children out of the streets, providing education and abilities development, so they can prepare themselves to get into the labor market and coexist harmoniously in the society. The choose of this research was due to the involvement of the researcher, as a state social servant in the work of counseling of the popular movement on the Pirambu suburb, for twelve (12) years, while in the management of the Communitarian Center Luiza TÃvora-Pirambu, linked to the Secretary of Work and Social Development (STDS), of CearÃ state. The survey results show that 88% of the Project ABC participants recognize that it was driver of their stocks, however it was detected fault in advising compromising effective communication between representatives of the CCCR and technicians STDS. It was found a high rate of poverty, yet there is a consistent work with families for lack of professionals. There is a very low participation in groups or forms of association, and the knowledge management system, only 2% of students, eight monitors and 7.3% of the representatives of the families know that the management system is the comanagement. Itâs presented, hence, a reflexion about the scope and boundaries of the co-management politic, starting from the research result that analyzed the management as a whole, making it by the voice of the involved actors, and by of the meaning of the participants perceptions.

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28

Bordes, Candice. "La transparence comme nouvel ordre moral en droit constitutionnel." Thesis, Perpignan, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PERP0038.

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La revendication de transparence est récurrente dans des discours de différentes natures. En droit constitutionnel plus particulièrement, la transparence est souvent présentée comme une vertu garante de la moralisation de l’État. La volonté d'une moralisation par la transparence se manifeste tant dans le processus de construction de la norme constitutionnelle que dans la pratique du pouvoir. S’agissant de l'ensemble des règles juridiques qui structurent l'exercice du pouvoir politique et encadrent la compétition pour y accéder, il s’agira d’envisager ce pouvoir politique comme moyen d’action étatique. La transparence semble s'y inscrire comme la qualité du « bon gouvernement » et du « bon gouvernant ». Elle permettrait la réalisation des valeurs véhiculées par l’État de droit démocratique. La philosophie des Lumières était porteuse de cette démarche, une démarche également présente dans la morale utilitariste de Jeremy Bentham. Néanmoins, toute vertu possède ses vices. Non seulement la transparence n'est pas toujours réalisable mais plus encore, elle n'est pas toujours souhaitable
The claim for transparency is recurrent in speeches of different natures. Particularly in constitutional law, transparency is often presented as a virtue which guarantees the moralization of the state. The will for moralization through transparency is visible both in the building of the constitutional norm and in the practice of power. Regarding all the legal rules which structure the exercise of political power and regulate the competition for its access, this political power will be considered as a way to act for the government. Transparency seems to become the quality of a "good government" and a "good leader". It's supposed to achieve the values contained in the rule of law and the democraty. The Philosophy of Enlightenment carried this idea, so the utilitarian moral of Jeremy Bentham. But all virtue has its vices. Transparency is not always achievable, moreover, it's not always desirable

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29

Herrmann, Cilia. "Let us be the second body." Thesis, Stockholms konstnärliga högskola, Institutionen för dans, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uniarts:diva-911.

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The essay Let us be the second body is a written pensive and companion in the process of creating a performance with the same title performed in January 2021 at SKH in Stockholm. It describes the main task of the project which was about realizing interdependencies, in a search for political movement towards a non-violent way of relating with and within the world. In the essay, it is described how this can be imagined like crawling through a compost pile. What you find digesting in the pile are conversations and encounters with strangers on the street such as Blurry-Believes/ Pretend-Poems/ Slippery-Statements, and composed fragments of thoughts from thinkers like Maria Lugones, Judith Butler, Ta-Nehsi Coates, and Michael Ende. Composing those fragments within this essay is forming the sentence: “I cannot be out of violence until the system that I am living in is, even though I am not the target of that violence. The essay is longing to get into the muddy work of investigating the concepts of ‘transformation’ and ‘change’. A work that is meant to be, as the structure of the text, mirrored, messed up and ambiguous. (And through being honest in that ambiguity the essay regains a response-ability.) Concretely, the essay reflects on how I use this ambiguity as a tool for creating the performance Let us be the second body, in which textile art, scenography, sound design and dancing linger in interdependence with the realm of transformation. I will and I will not change the world with this essay. So, I guess you will and you will not be changed by this essay.

This master work includes both a performing and a written part.

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30

Chenillat, Emma. "La responsabilité juridique à l'épreuve de la gestion : un enjeu pour les finances publiques locales." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D065.

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Face à la crise financière de 2008, l’Union européenne a intensifié la contrainte pesant sur les États dont la gestion des finances publiques est désormais strictement encadrée. Des objectifs à moyen terme leurs sont assignés dont l’irrespect peut être sanctionné par des amendes (sanctions pécuniaires) ou la perte du droit de vote (sanctions politiques). Des codes de bonne conduite, des guides et des chartes (soft law), fondés sur la mise en commun d’expériences de terrain, proposent des mesures censées favoriser leur intégration. Cette méthode uniforme et centrée sur la gestion et les instruments de maîtrise des finances publiques, devient contraignante lorsqu’elle est transposée en droit national et son assise juridique peut varier selon le degré de protection qui lui est accordée. Le droit public financier, principal vecteur de modernisation de l’État, est profondément remanié à l’aune de ces nouveaux préceptes. Dans ce contexte et au-delà, de fortes tensions pèsent sur la responsabilité financière des institutions et des décideurs publics, et particulièrement dans le secteur local, objet de la recherche. Classiquement, la responsabilité financière est une responsabilité juridique fondée sur le bon emploi des deniers publics, c’est-à-dire leur emploi régulier. Elle sanctionne exclusivement et juridictionnellement le non-respect des règles et des principes du droit public financier local établis dans l’intérêt général. Ce cadre est aujourd’hui mis en question par la gestion publique : aux préoccupations de régularité, s’ajoutent (se substituent parfois) les impératifs d’efficacité et d’efficience, principaux indicateurs de la performance publique. L’efficacité apprécie le degré de réalisation des objectifs de l'action et l’efficience étudie la relation entre les coûts et les résultats de l’action. Dès lors, la question se pose de savoir si le droit a la capacité de sanctionner selon ces critères et si cela serait pertinent. Si l’adaptation des régimes juridiques de responsabilité à ces enjeux n’a pas abouti, de vrais changements s’opèrent aujourd’hui, souvent en marge du droit. En effet, un nouveau modèle de responsabilité se met en place à tous les niveaux du secteur public. Fondé sur les notions de performance et d’autonomie asymétrique, il impose à l’ensemble des acteurs publics locaux de s’engager à atteindre un certain nombre d’objectifs préalablement fixés dont les résultats sont évalués en termes d’efficience et d’efficacité, et parfois sanctionnés. Donc plutôt que de réformer la responsabilité juridique, le choix semble fait d’adopter une vision extensive de la responsabilité financière : la responsabilité managériale, à côté de la responsabilité juridique. Cette juxtaposition de deux logiques d’essence différente, voire contradictoires, interroge sur les conditions de leur coexistence, dans un État de droit
Faced with the financial crisis of 2008, the European Union has intensified the constraint on states whose public finance management is now strictly regulated. Medium-term objectives are assigned to them, which may result in fines (financial penalties) or loss of the right to vote (political sanctions). Codes of conduct, guides and charters (soft law), based on the sharing of experiences on the ground, propose measures to promote their integration. This uniform method, centered on management and public finance control instruments, becomes binding when it is transposed into national law and its legal basis may vary according to the degree of protection granted to it. Public financial law, the main vector of modernization of the public sector, is profoundly altered in the light of these new precepts. In this context and beyond, strong tensions weigh on the financial responsibility of public institutions and managers, including in the local sector, which is the subject of research. Classically, financial responsibility is a legal responsibility based on the good use of public funds, that is, their regular employment. It sanctions exclusively and jurisdictionally the failure to respect the rules and principles of local public financial law defined in the general interest. This framework is now called into question by the new public management (NGP): to the concerns of regularity, are added (sometimes replaced) the imperatives of effectiveness and efficiency. Effectiveness assesses the degree of achievement of the objectives of the action and efficiency studies the relationship between the costs of the action and the benefits it provides. Therefore, the question arises whether the right has the capacity to sanction according to these criteria and whether it would be relevant. If the adaptation of legal regimes of responsibility to these issues has not succeeded, real changes are taking place today, often on the margins of the law. Indeed, a new model of accountability is being put in place at all levels of the public sector. Based on the notions of performance and asymmetric autonomy, it requires all local public actors to commit themselves to achieving a number of previously defined objectives whose results are evaluated in terms of efficiency and effectiveness, And sometimes punished. So rather than reforming the legal responsibility, the choice seems to be made of adopting an extensive view of financial responsibility: managerial responsibility, alongside legal responsibility

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IAVARONE, CARLA. "IL CASO DELLA LEGISLAZIONE PENALE ALIMENTARE. PROSPETTIVE E LIMITI DI UNA TUTELA INTEGRATA IN TEMA DI CRIMINALITA' SISTEMICA E RESPONSABILITA' DELLE PERSONE GIURIDICHE." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/73306.

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La ricerca rappresenta lo studio delle prospettive e dei limiti delle strategie di contrasto alla criminalità agroalimentare, in particolare su larga scala, in una prospettiva anche sovrannazionale. Lo studio suggerisce alcune proposte in tema di criminalità economica agroalimentare e responsabilità delle persone giuridiche.
The research represents the study of the perspectives and limits of strategies to combat agri-food crime, in particular on a large scale, also in a supranational perspective. The study suggests some proposals regarding agri-food economic crime and corporate liability.

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IAVARONE, CARLA. "IL CASO DELLA LEGISLAZIONE PENALE ALIMENTARE. PROSPETTIVE E LIMITI DI UNA TUTELA INTEGRATA IN TEMA DI CRIMINALITA' SISTEMICA E RESPONSABILITA' DELLE PERSONE GIURIDICHE." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/73306.

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Анотація:

La ricerca rappresenta lo studio delle prospettive e dei limiti delle strategie di contrasto alla criminalità agroalimentare, in particolare su larga scala, in una prospettiva anche sovrannazionale. Lo studio suggerisce alcune proposte in tema di criminalità economica agroalimentare e responsabilità delle persone giuridiche.
The research represents the study of the perspectives and limits of strategies to combat agri-food crime, in particular on a large scale, also in a supranational perspective. The study suggests some proposals regarding agri-food economic crime and corporate liability.

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Brás, Sara Luísa Bettencourt da Silva Camacho. "O designer interventivo." Master's thesis, Universidade de Lisboa. Faculdade de Arquitetura, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12148.

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Carmo, Manuela Santos Nunes do 1981. "O financiamento e o gasto social do Estado de São Paulo em contexto de descentralização e ajuste fiscal = educação básica, saúde, habitação e transporte público urbano (1997-2009)." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286121.

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Orientador: Francisco Luiz Cazeiro Lopreato
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: O estudo analisou a institucionalidade, o financiamento e o gasto executados pelo governo estadual em São Paulo, no período de 1997 a 2009, a partir de uma tipologia que dispõe as políticas sociais em (i) ensino básico, (ii) saúde e (iii) habitação e transporte público urbano. Considerando que a capacidade estadual de se financiar e realizar gastos é um indicativo de sua capacidade de implementar políticas, a avaliação mostrou que os aspectos relacionados à nova fiscalidade, introduzidos na década de 1990, restringiram o poder e o espaço de atuação da esfera estadual de desenvolver e ampliar programas em seu território. Nas áreas de saúde e educação básica, esta situação de fragilidade intensificou-se com o modelo de descentralização adotado a partir da Constituição de 1988, devido ao crescente peso da relação administrativa e financeira direta entre a esfera federal e os municípios que marginalizou o governo estadual. Este processo, contudo, não envolveu os setores de habitação e transporte público urbano, nos quais estados e municípios já vinham atuando desde antes da promulgação da Constituição de 1988 e das estratégias federais descentralizadoras da década de 1990, dando espaço à maior presença estadual na gestão destas políticas
Abstract: The study analyses institutional aspects, financing and spending carried by the state of Sao Paulo government during the period 1997 to 2009. The analisis is based on a typology that divides social policies in (i) education, (ii) health and (iii) housing and public transportation. Since state's ability to fund and undertake spending is indicative of state's ability to implement policies the aspects related to the new fical policy rules, introduced in the 1990s, restricted state's power to develop and expand public programs in its territory. In the areas of health and basic education policies, the decentralization model adopted by 1988's Constitution intensifies this situation, due to the financial and administrative relationship between the federal and municipal governments which marginalizes the state's sphere. However, this process did not involve housing and public transport, in which state governement and municipalities had already been acting before the 1988's Constitution and the federal decentralization strategies of the 1990s enabiling state government to manege these policies
Mestrado
Economia Social e do Trabalho
Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

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Cossara, Stefano. "Pour un quiétisme pragmatique : en finir avec le débat sur le libre arbitre." Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040159.

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Le débat sur le libre arbitre continue depuis des siècles, réfractaire à toute tentative de solution positive. Cette thèse présente une contribution visant à dissoudre le problème plutôt qu’à le résoudre. L’approche négative et « thérapeutique » du travail est d’inspiration largement wittgensteinienne : son noyau réside dans la thèse selon laquelle les problèmes philosophiques – y compris le problème du libre arbitre – ont pour origine une confusion dans l’usage des mots. Dans les deux premiers chapitres, j’examine le débat analytique sur le libre arbitre et l’approche récente de la philosophie expérimentale. Je montre que la difficulté d’arriver à un niveau d’accord même minimal sur les questions principales du débat rend déraisonnable de vouloir le poursuivre. Dans le troisième chapitre, je présente l’approche négative des problèmes philosophiques défendue par Paul Horwich dans son travail sur Wittgenstein et dans ses échanges avec Timothy Williamson et Richard Rorty. Dans le quatrième chapitre, j’applique la thèse wittgensteinienne de la confusion linguistique à la question du libre arbitre. Au centre du cinquième chapitre se trouve la position défendue par Peter Strawson dans son article « Freedom and Resentment » (1962), dont je présente une lecture pragmatique. Selon cette interprétation inspirée par Rorty, Strawson montre que le scepticisme à l’égard de la responsabilité morale représente une forme de politique culturelle vouée à l’échec
Philosophical attempts to solve the free will conundrum have proven unsuccessful across the centuries. In this work I aim at dissolving rather than solving the problem. The negative and “therapeutic” approach I adopt is inspired by Wittgenstein, its core being the thesis that such philosophical problems as free will stem from linguistic confusion. In the first and second chapter I examine the contributions on free will provided within analytic philosophy and within the so called experimental philosophy. I argue that it is not reasonable to pursue this debate, insofar as it is by now clear that its main questions admit of no shared solutions. In the third chapter I present the negative approach to philosophical problems defended by Paul Horwich in his work on Wittgenstein and in his exchanges with Timothy Williamson and Richard Rorty. In the fourth chapter I apply to the free will issue an approach focused on Wittgenstein’s thesis concerning linguistic confusion. In the fifth chapter I provide a pragmatic reading of the position defended by Peter Strawson in his « Freedom and Resentment » (1962). According to this interpretation inspired by Rorty, Strawson shows that scepticism about moral responsibility comprises an unfruitful form of cultural politics

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Petit, Camille. "L’obligation de protéger du chef d’État : contribution à l’étude de la « responsabilité de protéger » en droit constitutionnel comparé et en droit international." Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020036.

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La « responsabilité de protéger », concept politique adopté en 2005 pour prévenir et mettre fin aux atrocités criminelles, repose sur un premier pilier —l'obligation de l'Etat de protéger ses populations— dont le consensus apparent a conduit à un manque d’analyse institutionnelle dans sa double dimension constitutionnelle comparée et internationale. Or, l’obligation de l’Etat incombe enparticulier au chef d'Etat. Son obligation de protéger est un élément commun de définition de sa fonction, mais aussi un critère essentiel de différenciation —selon que le chef d’Etat relève d’un modèle étatiste, privilégiant la protection de l’Etat quitte à suspendre le droit, ou d’un modèle libéral, privilégiant la protection de la Constitution et la soumission permanente de l’action politique au droit. La thèse analyse d'abord les sources de l'obligation de protéger du chef d’Etat,successivement théorisée, constitutionnalisée et internationalisée, puis l'exécution de cette obligation résultant de prérogatives, d'immunités et de contrôles de la protection. Les sources de l’obligation révèlent que le chef d’Etat, à l’interface des ordres juridiques interne et international, aune obligation spécifique, non réductible à celle de l’Etat ou de l’individu, qui comporte à la fois une dimension négative (ne pas commettre de crimes contre la population) et une dimension positive(empêcher la commission de tels crimes) et dont l’internationalisation permet de combler les lacunes des Constitutions. Si l’exécution par le chef d’Etat de son obligation de protéger, par la mise en oeuvre de ses prérogatives de protection, est soumise à un contrôle croissant, tant politique que juridictionnel, ce processus reste néanmoins inachevé, faute d'une responsabilité politique internationale, systématique et institutionnalisée. La thèse conclut à l’utilité d'une individualisation de la « responsabilité de protéger » et à l’enrichissement de ce concept par le contrôle de l’obligation de protéger du chef d’Etat
The political concept of the “responsibility to protect” was adopted in 2005 to prevent and p ut anend to criminal atrocities. The apparent consensus over its first pillar, the State’s obligation to protect its populations, has resulted in a lack of institutional analyses regarding its combined comparative constitutional and international aspects. Importantly, the State’s obligation rests in particular with the Head of State. The obligation to protect is common to all heads of state, but it also differentiates among them, depending on whether their obligation is State-oriented (with the aim to protect the State, even if that requires the suspension of the rule of law) or Rule-of-law oriented (with the aim to protect a liberal constitutional order while always subjecting political actionto the rule of law). The thesis begins with an analysis of the sources of law relating to the Head of State’s obligation to protect, as it was successively theorised, constitutionalised and internationalised. It then turns to the execution of this obligation, which derives from the Head of State’s prerogatives, the relevant immunities involved and available institutional review over his orher activities. The study of the sources reveals that the Head of State (at the interface between the domestic and the international legal orders) is bound by a specific obligation, which exceeds the confines of the obligations of either the State or the individual. This obligation is both negative and positive as it requires both not to commit crimes against the population, and to prevent and put an end to such crimes. Its international dimension supplements the missing parts in the Constitutions.The execution of this obligation, by the implementation of the Head of State’s prerogatives, is subject to an increasing political and judicial control. However, this control remains under construction due to a lack of systematic and institutionalized international political responsibility. The thesis concludes that the “responsibility to protect” could be usefully “individualized” and enriched by institutional supervision and judicial review of the Head of State’s obligation to protect

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Capó, i. Vicedo Jordi. "LA GESTIÓN DE LAS POLÍTICAS DE RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL CORPORATIVA EN LAS CAJAS DE AHORRO ESPAÑOLAS." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de València, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/9313.

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La Responsabilidad Social (RS) ha ido evolucionando tanto a nivel teórico como a nivel empresarial, al tiempo que se han ido desarrollando diversas iniciativas de índole público y privado que han resultado clave en su desarrollo. En este contexto, la importancia del sector financiero en su papel de impulsor de la economía y como intermediario del que dependen las inversiones y en muchas ocasiones las actuaciones de las empresas, nos ha llevado a plantearnos cuál es la situación actual de la RS en este sector y más concretamente en las cajas de ahorro, que por su naturaleza jurídica constituyen un caso especial dentro del sistema financiero español. El objetivo general de este trabajo de investigación es analizar la influencia que tiene la Obra Social (OS) de las cajas de ahorros en la integración de la RS en su gestión y en qué medida la RS afecta a la consecución de los resultados empresariales. Los resultados obtenidos a partir de las hipótesis planteadas han permitido evidenciar de forma empírica la existencia de diferentes grupos en función de su comportamiento en materia de RS, al tiempo que se ha comprobado que si bien la OS ha sido y es una parte fundamental de las cajas y de su RS, no es su único componente y las entidades deben tener en cuenta otros aspectos para una completa y correcta integración de la misma. Los resultados y las conclusiones obtenidas aportan una valiosa información acerca del comportamiento de las cajas de ahorros españolas, en un momento de profundos cambios por la crisis financiera global, si bien esta situación supone un excelente punto de partida para futuras investigaciones en las que poder calibrar como afectará esta reestructuración a la integración de la RS en las entidades resultantes.
Capó I Vicedo, J. (2011). LA GESTIÓN DE LAS POLÍTICAS DE RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL CORPORATIVA EN LAS CAJAS DE AHORRO ESPAÑOLAS [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/9313
Palancia

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Khelan, Riean. "La rationalisation du parlementarisme et la question du contrôle politique au Koweït au regard de l'expérience française." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010265.

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La rationalisation du parlementarisme se définit comme la constitutionnalisation du principe parlementaire, c’est-à-dire le fait de soumettre complètement la vie politique au droit constitutionnel. C'est le fait de normaliser la vie parlementaire par des règles constitutionnelles pour lutter contre le despotisme du parlement. Cette idée a été prise en compte, dès 1918, par les nouvelles Constitutions Européennes. Plusieurs États arabes s’en sont ensuite inspirés dans leur constitution. Compte tenu de l'importante de cette rationalisation, les constituants se sont préoccupés de renforcer l’exécutif face au parlement et ont tenté de préserver la stabilité du gouvernement face aux embuscades parlementaires. Ce sujet est important, surtout dans un pays arabe comme le Koweït, où l'expérience de la démocratie parlementaire est encore jeune, pour montrer les tentatives constitutionnelles concernant la rationalisation du parlementarisme et la question du contrôle politique. Les constituants koweïtiens se sont efforcés d’établir une rationalisation du parlementarisme concernant la question de contrôle politique du gouvernement afin d’en assurer la stabilité. Cette étude, au regard de l’expérience française permet de préciser les mécanismes de la rationalisation du parlementarisme adoptée dans les deux États. Ces deux états ont opté pour un régime parlementaire, cependant ils diffèrent concernant l’organisation politique dans leurs pays respectifs, ainsi que la mise en œuvre des mécanismes de la rationalisation du parlementarisme
The rationalized parliamentarism defines itself as the constitutionalisation of the parliamentary principle that is the act of completely submitting the political life to the constitutional law. This idea was introduced in the new European Constitutions as early as 1918. Several Arab States were inspired by it in their constitutions. It meant normalizing the parliamentary life by constitutional rules to fight the tyranny of the parliament. The constitutional competence granted to the parliament, to watch the activities of the government counts among the major principles of the parliamentary system and is a typical element of the relationships between the powers in a parliamentary system. The constituents’ concern resulted in a double effort: to ensure, through constitutional procedures, both the right of the Assemblies to control the government and the political stability of the government. This subject is important, especially in an Arab Country such as Kuwait where the experience of the parliamentary democracy is still young, in order to show the constitutional attempts concerning the rationalization of the parliamentary government and the question of the political control. This study, with regard to the French experience, allows to put some light on the mechanisms of rationalised parliamentarism adopted in both States. These states have both opted for a parliamentary system, however they differ concerning the political organization in their respective countries, as well as the implementation of the mechanisms of rationalised parliamentarism

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Bédécarrats, Florent. "La microfinance entre utilité sociale et performances financières : Le rôle des normes dans la gouvernance d'un secteur mondialisé." Phd thesis, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00866895.

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En fournissant des services financiers aux pauvres et aux exclus du système bancaire traditionnel, la microfinance remplit une mission sociale et de développement tout en étant ancrée dans le secteur marchand. Cette ambivalence lui confère un statut atypique parmi les instruments de l'aide au développement. Elle bénéficie ainsi de soutiens fiscaux, financiers et réglementaires, tout en gardant une autonomie relative à l'égard des États et des bailleurs de fonds. Pour éclairer ce mode singulier de gouvernance, ont été examinées les interactions entre des acteurs publics et privés, à buts lucratifs et non lucratifs. Celles-ci portent notamment sur la définition de standards, codes de conduite, bonnes pratiques, chartes, labels, procédures d'audit, mesures de performance et autres critères visant à encadrer l'activité de ce secteur. L'objectif consistait à démontrer qu'au-delà de leurs spécificités techniques, les normes qui prescrivent ou évaluent l'action des IMF constituent le support de conceptions distinctes de ce qu'est et de ce que doit être la microfinance. Au travers de l'étude des référentiels qui sont venus encadrer la dimension financière, puis sociale, de ce champ mondialisé, cette thèse explicite ainsi les structures d'autorité qui l'organisent.

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Acosta, Collazos Maria Del Pilar. "Understanding the outcomes of private regulations for corporate social responsibility in global value chains : the case of the Colombian agro-food industry." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010049.

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Depuis les années 90 il y a une montée en puissance des codes de conduite, mécanismes d'autorégulation et initiatives multi-parties prenantes visant à contrôler les activités sociales et environnementales dans les chaînes globales de valeur. Malgré l'augmentation des préoccupations sociales et environnementales, les effets de ces mécanismes de régulation privée pour la responsabilité sociale d'entreprise (RSE) sont encore limités. En prenant trois approches distinctes, nous proposons de compléter la littérature en expliquant de quelle manière les fournisseurs mettent en place, en bout de chaîne, les approches RSE véhiculées par les instruments de régulation privée. Les résultats, déclinés en trois articles, montrent que les régulations privées dans les chaînes globales de valeur viennent s'ajouter aux rôles politiques traditionnels des entreprises locales et remettent en question la gouvernance de la RSE dans l'industrie agro-alimentaire. Néanmoins, la RSE, soutenue par ces régulations, sous-tend une approche instrumentale, renforçant un mouvement de désencastrement du fournisseur des communautés géographiques à proximité. Il s'agit d'un processus simultané de détachement (dés-encastrement du local) et de connexion réencastrement dans le global), qui se joue au niveau des acteurs et leurs rôles, et concerne aussi bien les pratiques et les définitions de la RSE. Notre travail révèle également que l'adoption des contenus des régulations privées et leur diffusion aux fournisseurs de deuxième rang est sélective et non exhaustive. Le rôle des associations d'industriels est essentiel dans la traduction des contenus de ces régulations privées
Since the 1990s there has been an escalating number of codes of conduct, self-regulatory schemes and multi-stakeholder initiatives aiming to monitor corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the context of global value chains. Because these initiatives lack legal enforcement they fall into the category of private regulations. Despite increasing concerns of worldwide degradation of social and environmental conditions, the effectiveness of private regulations is still elusive. Taking three distinct approaches, this research examines the outcomes of private regulations through a local, bottom of the chain perspective. We analyze how a supplier of a multinational subsidiary in the agro-food industry receives, understands and implements a supplier development program. We study 1) the inscription of private regulations in a long history of political roles undertaken by local companies in a developing country, namely Colombia. This sheds light on how private regulations can jeopardize the governance of corporate social responsibility in the industry. 2) The process of deployment of a private regulation at the intra-organizational level, looking at how it progressively transforms preexisting notions of business involvement in society. We highlight two mechanisms leading to the disembedding of local actors from their geographically proximate communities, and re-embedding them into global notions of CSR. 3) The adoption of each demand included in a private regulation leading to understand heterogeneity in the adoption process. To bring these aspects together, we also evaluate to what extent demands from multinational subsidiaries are diffused to other levels of the supply chain. Overall, our results contribute to the literatures of political CSR and global value chain by expanding upon how these dynamics operate within a developing nation

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MOREIRA, Angela Maria Ferreira. "Projeto ABC Pirambu em foco: avaliação da política de cogestão do Governo do Estado do Ceará." www.teses.ufc.br, 2010. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/2530.

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MOREIRA, Angela Maria Ferreira. Projeto ABC Pirambu em foco: avaliação da política de cogestão do Governo do Estado do Ceará 2010. 151 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Avaliação de Políticas Públicas) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Pro - Reitoria de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Avaliação de Políticas Públicas, Fortaleza-CE, 2010.
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This work is a report of the evaluation results of the co-management politic of the Ceará state government, having as end of the study, the actions developed by the ABC Project – Pirambu, on 2009. The poverty effects in the suburbs of Fortaleza took the Public Power to have wider actions in order to minimize the negatives results of that problematic situation, adopting a partnership with the civil society. Ceará state government, through the Secretary of Work and Social Development (STDS), in association with civil society organizations, representatives of the communities and Fortaleza suburbs, in a co-management system, went after the participation and the shared responsibility, for the solution of the problems lived by the community, implementing the ABC Project in 18 crucial points of the Fortaleza suburbs, looking for serving children and youth, ranging from 6 to 17 years old, that were on a risk situation and social vulnerability. For the present research was chosen the project located on the Pirambu suburb. The objective of the ABC Project is to contribute with social actions through sports, art, leisure and culture. It looks forward to take off the children out of the streets, providing education and abilities development, so they can prepare themselves to get into the labor market and coexist harmoniously in the society. The choose of this research was due to the involvement of the researcher, as a state social servant in the work of counseling of the popular movement on the Pirambu suburb, for twelve (12) years, while in the management of the Communitarian Center Luiza Távora-Pirambu, linked to the Secretary of Work and Social Development (STDS), of Ceará state. The survey results show that 88% of the Project ABC participants recognize that it was driver of their stocks, however it was detected fault in advising compromising effective communication between representatives of the CCCR and technicians STDS. It was found a high rate of poverty, yet there is a consistent work with families for lack of professionals. There is a very low participation in groups or forms of association, and the knowledge management system, only 2% of students, eight monitors and 7.3% of the representatives of the families know that the management system is the co-management. It‟s presented, hence, a reflexion about the scope and boundaries of the co-management politic, starting from the research result that analyzed the management as a whole, making it by the voice of the involved actors, and by of the meaning of the participants perceptions.
Este trabalho é um relato dos resultados da avaliação da política de cogestão do governo do Estado do Ceará, tendo como objeto de estudo as ações desenvolvidas pelo Projeto ABC - Pirambu, no ano de 2009. Os efeitos da pobreza nos bairros periféricos de Fortaleza levaram o Poder Público a ampliar as suas ações no sentido de minimizar os resultados negativos dessa problemática, adotando uma política de parceria com a sociedade civil. O Governo do Estado do Ceará, por meio da Secretaria do Trabalho e Desenvolvimento Social (STDS), associando-se a organizações da sociedade civil, representativas das comunidades e bairros periféricos de Fortaleza, em sistema de cogestão, buscou a participação e divisão da responsabilidade, na solução dos problemas vivenciados pela população, implementando o Projeto ABC em 18 pontos cruciais da periferia da capital fortalezense, em busca de atender a crianças e adolescentes, na faixa etária de 6 a 17 anos, que se encontram em situação de risco e vulnerabilidade social. Para a presente pesquisa foi escolhido o projeto localizado no bairro Pirambu. O objetivo do Projeto ABC é contribuir com ações sociais por meio do esporte, arte, lazer e cultura. Busca retirar crianças e adolescentes da rua, proporcionando-lhes, educação e desenvolvimento de habilidades, para que possam se preparar para a inserção no mercado de trabalho e conviver, harmoniosamente em sociedade. A opção por este estudo se deveu ao envolvimento da pesquisadora, como servidora pública estadual, no trabalho de assessoramento do movimento popular no bairro do Pirambu, por doze (12) anos, quando no exercício da gerencia do Centro Comunitário Luiza Távora-Pirambu, vinculado à Secretaria do Trabalho e Desenvolvimento Social (STDS), do Estado do Ceará. Os resultados da pesquisa apresentam que 88% dos participantes do Projeto ABC reconhecem que o mesmo foi propulsor de suas existências, entretanto detectou-se falha no assessoramento comprometendo uma comunicação eficaz entre representantes do CCCR e técnicos da STDS. Foi constatado um alto índice de pobreza, contudo não existe um trabalho consistente junto às famílias por falta de profissionais. Existe uma baixíssima participação em grupos ou formas associativas, e sobre o conhecimento do sistema de gestão somente 2% dos alunos, oito monitores e 7,3% dos representantes das famílias conhecem que o sistema de gestão é a cogestão. Apresenta-se aqui, portanto, uma reflexão sobre os alcances e limites da política da cogestão, a partir dos resultados dos estudos que analisam a gestão como um todo, fazendo-o pela voz dos atores implicados, e pelo significado das percepções dos participantes. Palavras-

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Ruet, Magali. "Politiques linguistiques européennes et dispositifs éducatifs à l'épreuve des mobilités étudiantes. Quelle responsabilité éthique pour la didactique des langues et des cultures dans le contexte croate ?" Thesis, Paris 3, 2019. http://bibnum.univ-paris3.fr/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=323370.

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Cette étude repose sur une recherche-action-formation incluant l’analyse de récits de vie d’étudiants croates. Elle adopte une perspective microsociologique tout en accordant une importance particulière à la contextualisation et à l’historicisation. Elle articule donc trois niveaux d’analyse : le niveau microsocial se combine avec les dimensions mésosociales (politiques des universités) et macrosociales (situations sociopolitiques des pays de l’UE et politiques européennes). Une étude de cas sur les mobilités étudiantes en provenance de Croatie met tout particulièrement en relation des dimensions linguistiques, des problèmes éducatifs (avec leurs dimensions institutionnelles et pédagogiques) et des questions politiques, dans le but de porter un regard plus général sur les mobilités en Europe. Une ethnographie de l’expérience de mobilité d’étudiants croates – via l’étude de leurs usages et représentations des langues, leur rapport avec l’altérité et les nouvelles identifications qu’ils développent – permet de saisir la manière dont ils vivent cette expérience et la réinvestissent dans leur parcours de vie. Cette ethnographie débouche sur la mise en évidence de la nécessité d’un accompagnement des mobilités, pour faire d’un séjour à l’étranger une expérience formatrice susceptible de développer chez les étudiants un pouvoir d’agir. Une telle orientation didactique, si elle prend place dans le cadre d’une didactique du plurilinguisme et du pluriculturalisme, peine encore à être légitime. Ce constat mène à un questionnement portant à la fois sur la responsabilité des politiques linguistiques et éducatives européennes et sur la responsabilité éthique de la didactique des langues et des cultures
This study is based on research-action-training including the analysis of life stories of Croatian students. It therefore adopts a microsociological perspective while giving particular importance to contextualization and historicalization. It articulates three levels of analysis: the microsocial level combines with the mesosocial (university policies) and macrosocial (socio-political situations in EU countries and European policies) dimensions. This case study on student mobility from Croatia links linguistic dimensions, educational problems (with their institutional and pedagogical dimensions) and political issues, with the aim of providing a more general overview of mobility in Europe. An ethnography of the Croatian student mobility experience will then help to understand how Croatian students live this experience - including through their uses and representations of languages, their relationship to otherness and the new identifications they develop - and reinvest it in their life course. This ethnography also highlights the need for support for mobility, in particular to make a stay abroad a formative experience likely to develop student empowerment. Such a teaching orientation, if it goes in the direction of the teaching of plurilingualism and pluriculturalism, has yet to be legitimate. This finding leads to a questioning of both the responsibility of European linguistic and educational policies and the ethical responsibility of language teaching and cultural education
Ovaj se znanstveni rad temelji na akcijsko-obrazovnom istraživanju koje obuhvaća analizu životnih priča hrvatskih studenata. Rad usvaja mikrosociološku perspektivu, pri čemu je velika važnost dana kontekstualizaciji i historcizaciji. Time je omogućeno dovođenje u vezu mikrosocijalne razine analize s mezosocijalnom (sveučilišne politike) i makrosocijalnom razinom (društveno-politička situacija zemalja Europske unije i europske politike). Radi se o studiji slučaja koja obuhvaća analizu mobilnosti studenata iz Hrvatske supostavljajući jezična i didaktička gledišta, obrazovne probleme (s njihovim institucionalnim i pedagoškim aspektima) i politička pitanja, s ciljem pružanja šireg pogleda na mobilnosti u Europi. Etnografskom analizom iskustva hrvatskih studenata s mobilnosti omogućeno je bolje razumijevanje studentskog doživljaja mobilnosti – naročito kroz analizu korištenja i percepcije jezika, odnosa prema drugosti i novim identifikacijama koje razvijaju - i kako to iskustvo reinvestiraju u daljnjem životu. Studijom je također utvrđena nužnost postojanja programa podrške odlaznim studentima koji bi se temeljio na didaktici višejezičnosti i višekulturalnosti, a čiji bi cilj bio da boravak u inozemstvu za svakog studenta bude formativno i osnažujuće iskustvo. Radi se međutim o didaktičkom modelu koji tek neznatno prihvaćen, što posljedično dovodi do preispitivanja odgovornosti europskih jezičnih i obrazovnih politika te etičke odgovornosti didaktike jezika i kultura

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Souza, Carlos Alberto de. "Metodologia de análise de risco de crédito de municípios." reponame:Repositório Institucional do BNDES, 2011. https://web.bndes.gov.br/bib/jspui/handle/1408/10636.

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O fornecimento indiscriminado de bens e serviços à população que o mercado não consegue proporcionar ou que não lhe é interessante economicamente. Essa é uma das três funções do Poder Público, chamada Função Alocativa. A distribuição de renda depende da produtividade, a qual é influenciada pela riqueza de cada indivíduo: Quanto mais rico, maior a produção, quanto maior a produção mais riqueza. Infelizmente, o contrário também é realidade. Na tentativa de quebrar esse ciclo, o governo age como redistribuidor de renda, na medida em que, através da tributação, retira recursos dos segmentos mais ricos da sociedade (pessoas, setores ou regiões), e os transfere para os segmentos menos favorecidos. Essa é a Função Distributiva. Finalmente, como o sistema de preços não consegue se auto-regular, o Poder Público interfere visando à estabilização tanto da produção quanto do crescimento dos preços. A essa terceira função, chamamos de Função Estabilizadora. Desde 1920 que essas eram as funções principais do Poder Público, até que com a publicação da LC 101, de 04 de maio de 2000, chamada de Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal, os Governos vêm desempenhando uma quarta função: A Função de Crescimento Econômico. Nessa função, o Governo deixa de atuar somente como recolhedor e aplicador de tributos em benefícios sociais, salários e obras públicas para exercer função de gerador de negócios. Essa função diz respeito às políticas que permitem o aumento na formação de capital, atrelado a mecanismos de controle e transparência na administração pública, chamada de Gestão Responsável. Nesse momento o Ente Público desaparece como prestador de serviços básicos e se transforma em um multiplicador de renda, com todas as características corporativas, com exceção do lucro, mas de atuação proativa na fomentação do desenvolvimento. Iniciada pela Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal, essa mudança estrutural trouxe maior acesso a créditos externos aos governos estaduais e municipais, porém não o suficiente para que se traduzam em taxas mais aprazíveis e/ou prazos mais dilatados por parte da maioria dos Bancos Comerciais. Cabe ao BNDES, ao Banco do Brasil, à Caixa e aos agentes externos de desenvolvimento BID e BIRD, entre outros, o papel de principais fontes de recursos de longo prazo. Esse trabalho tem o objetivo de apresentar um modelo de avaliação de risco de Crédito de Municípios, demonstrando que é possível, partindo das demonstrações financeiras obrigatórias, a segregação de Entes na capacidade de pagamento e gestão da máquina pública, apresentando ainda os que apresentam melhores situações econômicas financeira.
The indiscriminate supply of goods and services to the population, that the market can not provide or it is not economically interesting. This is one of the three functions of government, called Allocative Function. The distribution of income depends on productivity, which is influenced by the wealth of the individual: The richer, higher production, higher production more wealth. Unfortunately, the opposite is also true. In an attempt to break this cycle, the government acts as redistributing income, to the extent that, through taxation, removes resources from the richer segments of society (individuals, sectors or regions), and transfers to the disadvantaged segments. This is the Distributive Function. Finally, as the price system is not able to regulate itself, the Government interferes in order to stabilize both production and price growth. At this third function we call Stabilizing Function. Since 1920 these had been the main functions of the Government, until the publication of the LC 101, on 04 may of 2000, called the Fiscal Responsibility Law, that governments have played a fourth function: The Economic Growth Function. In this role, the Government stops acting only as tax collector for investing it in social benefits, wages and public works to play function as a business generator. This function relates to public policies that allow the increase in capital formation, linked to control mechanisms and transparency in public administration, called the Responsible Management. At that time the public entity disappears as basic services provider and becomes a multiplier of income, with all the corporate features, except for profit, but proactive role in fostering development. Initiated by the Fiscal Responsibility Law, this structural change brought greater access to foreign credits to state and local governments, but not enough to be translated at rates more pleasant and / or longer terms by the majority of Commercial Banks. It is up to BNDES, Banco do Brasil, Caixa and external development agents IDB and World Bank, among others, the role of the main sources of long-term resources. This paper aims to present a model of credit risk assessment of Municipalities, demonstrating that it is possible, starting with the statutory financial statements, the segregation of ability to pay and management of public administration entities, showing even the ones that present the best financial and economic situation.
Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso (especialização em Gestão de Negócios) - Instituto Brasileiro de Mercado de Capitais, Rio de Janeiro, 2011.
Orientação informal atribuída a Adriano Dias Mendes pelo autor.

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Allard, Aurelien. "Le mérite : signification, possibilité et valeur." Thesis, Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080012.

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L'idée de mérite possède un statut à part dans les sociétés contemporaines. Comme l’égalité ou la liberté, le mérite est plébiscité au sein des populations de divers pays occidentaux. Cependant, à l’inverse d’un certain nombre d’autres principes moraux, il existe un très fort scepticisme vis-à-vis de cette idée au sein de la littérature philosophique. Nous défendons ici que ce scepticisme est injustifié, et que la popularité du mérite correspond au fait qu'il s'agit bien d'un principe moral incontournable. La spécificité de cette thèse repose en partie sur l'usage d'expériences psychologiques visant à étudier la perception populaire de problèmes philosophiques fondamentaux. Ce recours à des méthodes empiriques est justifié par l'idée que toute théorie morale doit être une mise en cohérence des intuitions populaires. Cet ancrage profond du mérite dans la moralité ordinaire constitue selon nous une justification majeure de la valeur du mérite. De surcroît, nous mettons en avant trois autres justifications. Le mérite joue aussi un rôle instrumental pour la promotion du bien-être collectif, assure une concordance entre l'intérêt public et l'intérêt privé, et sert à constituer une communauté de valeurs. Cette quadruple justification nous permet de mettre en avant la nécessité d’inscrire le mérite au sein d’une théorie pluraliste de la justice sociale
The idea of merit holds a special status in contemporary societies. Like equality or liberty, merit enjoys a very high degree of support in many western countries. However, contrary to other moral principles, the idea of merit suffers from a very high degree of skepticism within the philosophical literature. We defend in this dissertation that this skepticism is unjustified, and that merit owes its popularity to the fact that it is a fundamental moral principle. The originality of this dissertation lies in part in the recourse to psychological experiments used to study folk perception of fundamental philosophical problems. This recourse to empirical methods is justified by the idea that every moral theory should be a rationalization of folk intuitions. The deep anchoring of merit in commonsense morality constitutes a major justification of the value of merit. Furthermore, we put forward three other justifications. Merit also plays a fundamental role in the promotion of collective welfare, ensures the harmony of private and public interest, and contributes to the constitution of a community of values. This four-fold justification enables us to defend the necessity of inscribing merit within a pluralist theory of social justice

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Yaya, Doumbè Brunet Marie. "Crime contre l'humanité et terrorisme." Thesis, Poitiers, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014POIT3001/document.

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Si la question de l'inclusion des actes de terrorisme dans la notion de crime contre l'humanité avait déjà été abordée à plusieurs reprises dans certains travaux, c'est au lendemain des attentats terroristes du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés aux États-Unis d'Amérique qu'elle s'est posée avec acuité. Cette étude est née de la volonté de savoir si le terrorisme pourrait être considéré comme un crime contre l'humanité. Celle-ci se veut une analyse des points de ressemblance et de dissemblance entre l'incrimination et la criminalité terroristes d'une part et celles liées au crime contre l'humanité d'autre part. Si à certains égards, le terrorisme se rapproche du crime contre l'humanité, par la violence et le contexte idéologique qui les caractérisent, il n'en demeure pas moins qu'il s'agit de deux criminalités essentiellement différentes. Étant donné que traiter du crime contre l'humanité et du terrorisme, c'est aborder des sujets où se trouvent étroitement imbriqués le droit, l'histoire, la politique et la sociologie politique, l'étude ne se limite pas au seul droit pénal
If the matter of including terrorist acts in the notion of crime against humanity had already been approached repeatedly in certain research works, since the terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001, committed in the United States of America, it raised intensively. This study grew from the will to know if terrorism could be considered as a crime against humanity. This one aims to be an analysis of similarities and disparities between terrorist incrimination and criminality on the one hand and those linked with crime against humanity on the other hand. If in certain respects, terrorism gets closer to the crime against humanity, by violence and ideological context which characterize them, the fact remains that they are essentially two different forms of criminalities. Given that dealing with crime against humanity and terrorism, will raise subjects in which are closely interconnected law, history, politics and political sociology, thus the study is not restricted to the plain criminal law

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Miamouini-Nkouka, Lucie-Blanche. "Figures de la vulnérabilité : les enjeux éthiques de la vieillesse en Afrique." Thesis, Paris 11, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA11T081.

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Que signifie bien vieillir en Afrique pour les personnes âgées vulnérables? Quelle est notre responsabilité pour ces personnes fragiles quand la globalisation de l’économie mondiale, les flux migratoires vers les métropoles occidentales, le contrôle les matières premières par des puissances industrielles et la fermeture des frontières des nantis aux plus démunis tendent à mettre de côté la question de la vieillesse ? Quel type d’utopie aidera les Africains à promouvoir une vraie éthique de la compassion ?En effet, la question de la vieillesse en Afrique est avant tout une question existentielle et éthique, raison pour laquelle la solution ne passera pas par la pitié, la vénération, les soins médicaux, mais par la prise en compte de la justice. Celle-ci remet à l’ordre du jour la responsabilité, la sollicitude, la compassion et le problème du pacte intergénérationnel.En somme, à travers la vieillesse, il s’agit d’interroger les traditions africaines sur le vivre-ensemble surtout dans la fragilité.Mots clés : Afrique, autonomie, dignité, éthique, fragilité, justice, pacte générationnel, politique, représentations, responsabilité, sollicitude, vieillesse, vulnérabilité
What is the meaning of aging for vulnerable aged persons? The aging question is very often put aside when economical globalization, migrations in western towns, control of raw material by industrial powers and the borders’ control by rich countries against poor immigrants are the key issues in discussions. What kind of utopia will help Africans to promote an ethic of compassion?The question of aging in Africa is mainly an ethical and existential one, that is why its solution will come neither from pity and medical caring of aged people nor from veneration but from the way the question of justice is addressed. Justice put forward the very notions of responsibility, solicitude, compassion and intergenerational pact.Definitely, through aging question, we question fragility and living-together in African traditions

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Ben, Younes Sonia. "Le contrôle parlementaire de l'action du gouvernement." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1015.

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Le contrôle parlementaire de l’action du gouvernement est une fonction consubstantielle au régime parlementaire qui prévoit une séparation dite « souple » des pouvoirs. En 1958, le contrôle parlementaire s’est retrouvé encadré juridiquement par la constitution du 4 octobre 1958 et par la pratique politique avec l’émergence du fait majoritaire. Au sens stricte, le contrôle parlementaire est un contrôle de nature politique tournée vers la sanction du gouvernement. Si l’exercice du contrôle du gouvernement est assimilé à sa censure, il apparaît ineffectif. La réforme constitutionnelle du 23 juillet 2008 ayant pour objectif de revaloriser le parlement, a consacré sa fonction de contrôle à l’article 24 de la constitution qui dispose : « Le parlement vote la loi. Il contrôle l’action du gouvernement. Il évalue les politiques publiques ». Pour redynamiser l’exercice de ce contrôle, l’ensemble de ses instruments sont renforcés. En pratique, apparait un « nouveau » type de contrôle, un contrôle moderne de l’action du gouvernement axé sur la performance des politiques publiques, il s’agit de la mission d’évaluation des politiques publiques. L’efficacité des politiques publiques est conçue comme la finalité technique du contrôle parlementaire. Le renouveau du contrôle parlementaire ne peut se réaliser qu’avec un rééquilibrage des institutions, entamé en 2008 permettant un dialogue constructif entre le parlement et le gouvernement. Le contrôle parlementaire est un instrument de cet équilibre, un instrument d’influence du parlement sur la politique gouvernementale, dans une optique de perfectionnement des politiques publiques, leur évaluation en constitue un puissant vecteur…
Parliamentary oversight of government action is a consubstantial feature of the parliamentary system which provides a soft separation powers.In 1958, parliamentary check has been legally framed by the constitution of 4 october 1958 and the political practice with the emergence of majority rule.In its strict sense, parliamentary check is a political control turned to the sanction of the controlled object: the government. If exercise government control is equated with censorship, it certainly appears that this control is ineffective.The constitutional reform of 23 July 2008 aiming displayed to upgrade the parliament, dedicated his article to control function 24 of the constitution which now reads: "parliament votes the law. It controls the action of the Government. It evaluates public policies” To revitalize the exercise of parliamentary control, all instruments and exercise of control arrangements have been consolidated.In practice, appears a "new" type of control, modern control government action focuses on the performance of public policies, it is the program evaluation. The effectiveness of public policy is conceived as technical purpose of parliamentary control.The revival of parliamentary check can be achieved with a rebalancing of the institutions, started in 2008 allowing a constructive dialogue between the parliament and the government. parliamentary check is an instrument of the institutional balance, a parliamentary instrument of influence on government policy, with a view to development of public policies, their assessment is a powerful vector

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Roy, Grégoire Etienne. "Écosystème normatif minier et communautés politiques en Colombie transitionnelle." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39059.

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Résumé Cette thèse examine l’impact de l’octroi de titres miniers sur les dynamiques politiques ayant cours dans des territoires affectés par le conflit armé colombien. Du point de vue théorique, elle reprend les questions classiques que la philosophie politique formule au sujet du rapport entre normes et communauté politique, c.-à-d., autour du rapport dialectique entre politique et droit. Elle les reformule cependant au regard des transformations induites par la globalisation: la multiplication et la superposition de différents régimes normatifs, qui remettent en cause la cohérence de la sphère normative et, par le fait même, le rapport assumé entre droit, démocratie et souveraineté. M’appuyant sur les réflexions de chercheurs de l’École de Bruxelles de philosophie du droit, je propose le modèle « d’écosystème normatif » pour analyser les rapports qui s'établissent entre des régimes normatifs a priori incommensurables, allant du droit aux stratégies contre-insurrectionnelles, de la Responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) à la morale; et des relations contractuelles à la violence politique. Sur la base d’études de cas menées dans deux régions de la province d’Antioquia, cette thèse démontre que l’octroi de titres miniers favorise des configurations particulières de l’écosystème normatif. En d'autres mots, l’octroi de titres miniers induit une certaine stabilisation des relations entre droit public, RSE, contractualité et gouvernementalité, que j'appelle « écosystème normatif minier ». Ma thèse conclut que l’écosystème normatif minier colombien est peu propice à l'articulation de communautés politiques et empêche la conduite délibérée et rationnelle des affaires publiques ainsi que l'organisation démocratique du territoire. L’écosystème normatif minier favorise au contraire des rapports sociaux utilitaires, la corruption, le clientélisme et la violence politique. Cette recherche démontre en outre que les « solutions » normatives mises de l’avant pour traiter les conflits suscités par l’activité minières remettent parfois en cause certaines catégories fondamentales de la pensée politique et juridique moderne. En Colombie, une politique d’institutionnalisation de la RSE, menée conjointement par l’État et les titulaires miniers, induit ainsi des changements profonds dans les rapports entre communautés, entreprises et gouvernements. Ma thèse clarifie ainsi certains des défis que la société colombienne doit surmonter, étant donné les nombreux titres miniers octroyés sur une grande proportion de son territoire, pour mener à bien le processus de paix initié en 2016. Summary This thesis examines the impact of granting mining titles on political dynamics in the territories affected by the Colombian armed conflict. From a theoretical point of view, it takes up the classic political philosophy interrogations about the relationship between norms and political community, i.e., the dialectical relationship between politics and law. Those questions are updated by taking into account the transformations induced by globalization: indeed, the multiplication and superimposition of different normative regimes undermines the coherence of the normative sphere and, by the same token, the assumed relationship between law, democracy and sovereignty. Based on the reflections of researchers at the Brussels School of Philosophy of Law, I propose the notion of “normative ecosystem” to analyze the relationships that are established between presumably incommensurable normative regimes, from law to the counter-insurgency strategies, from Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) to morality; and from contractual relations to political violence. Based on case studies conducted in two regions of the province of Antioquia, this thesis demonstrates that the granting of mining titles favors particular configurations of the normative ecosystem. In other words, the granting of mining titles induces a certain stabilization of the relations between law, CSR, contractuality and governmentality, which I call the “mining normative ecosystem”. My thesis concludes that the Colombian mining normative ecosystem is not conducive to the articulation of political communities and prevents the deliberate and rational conduct of public affairs as well as the democratic organization of the territory. On the contrary, the mining normative ecosystem favors utilitarian social relations, corruption, clientelism and political violence. This research also shows that the normative “solutions” put forward to deal with conflicts in the mining sector call into question certain fundamental categories of modern political and legal thought. In Colombia, a policy of institutionalization of CSR conducted jointly by the State and mining title holders induces profound changes in the relationships between communities, companies and governments. My thesis thus clarifies some of the challenges that Colombian society must overcome, given the numerous mining titles granted over a large part of its territory, to successfully carry out the peace process initiated in 2016.

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Jarquin, Nahim. "Le couple conceptuel "public - privé" à l'intérieur de la littérature portant sur le problème des mains sales." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/9474.

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Résumé: Le rapport entre la morale et la politique est un des plus vieux problèmes et des plus durables que s’est posé la philosophie morale, la philosophie politique, et plus récemment la philosophie du droit. Pour certains, la Morale, au sens large, doit guider les actions humaines dans toutes les sphères d’activité et les individus devraient ainsi, au mieux de leur capacité, chercher à se conformer à ses exigences. Dans ce cas, il ne peut y avoir de dilemme moral entre les exigences normatives issues de l’univers politique et les exigences, prétendument universelles, de la Morale. En contrepartie, d’autres suggèrent que l’on peut être justifié d’enfreindre, à certains moments, les exigences que l’on considère comme morales dans la vie « ordinaire » étant donné le caractère adversatif de la politique. Le dilemme se présente, ainsi, comme une tension entre deux normativités qui suggèrent une distinction entre ce qui relève du public et ce qui relève du privé. C’est en voulant répondre à ce dernier problème que s’est développé une littérature qui porte au cœur de sa conception le problème de la justification morale d’une action politique qui est moralement condamnable. Dans son ensemble, ce mémoire s’intéresse à analyser comment la littérature portant sur le problème des mains sales traite la question du couple conceptuel public – privé. Nous soutenons, qu’en retenant la possibilité d’une réelle distinction entre ces deux univers à normativités différentes, l’hypothèse qu’il y a effectivement une tension entre le domaine privé et le domaine public, qui ne peut totalement se soumettre aux exigences de la morale étant donné les particularités de l’action politique. Ceci étant dit, nous désirons nuancer une telle prise de position qui fait écho aux écrits de Machiavel. Ainsi, nous soutiendrons que cette distance entre le public et le privé est bien réelle, cependant, elle ne se présente pas aussi radicalement. Plutôt, elle se présente comme une distinction qui est liée à l’enjeu de l’évaluation, du jugement moral, faite par les individus qui sont hors de la politique et de ceux étant à l’intérieur de la politique.
Abstract: The relationship between Morality and the political reflection is one of the oldest problems and of the most long-lasting that arose in moral philosophy, political philosophy, and more recently in philosophy of law. For some, Morality, in its broader sense, has to guide human actions in all the spheres of activity and individuals should so, at the best of their capacities, try to conform to its requirements. Which amount to say that it cannot have a moral dilemma between the normative requirements from the political realm and the requirements, supposedly universal, of Morality. In return, others suggest that it can be justified to violate requirements which we consider, in « ordinary life », as moral, given that the purpose of the so immoral, political, action is exactly the preservation and the development of morality. Here, the dilemma appears as a tension between two normativities who suggest a distinction between what is a matter of the public and what is a private matter. In the attempt to address this problem a vast literature has developed and it carries at the heart of its conception a debate which seems difficult to solve: the problem of the moral justification of a political action which is morally reprehensible. In overall, this master thesis is interested to analyze how the literature, concerning the « problem of dirty hands », handle the question of the abstract couple « public and private ». We support, by retaining the possibility of a real distinction between these two normative realms, the hypothesis that there is an actual tension between the private domain and the public domain, which cannot totally submit itself to the requirements of the morality, given the peculiarities of the political actions. Having said that, we wish to temper such a stand, which echoes Machiavelli’s papers. We shall argue that this tension between the public and the private is real; however, it does not appear so radically. Rather, it appears as a distinction which bound to the stake of the evaluative approach, in the moral judgement, between individuals who are outside the realm of politics and those being inside its realm.

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50

Mréjen, Aurore. "La réhabilitation de la figure de l’homme chez Hannah Arendt et Emmanuel Lévinas." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040209.

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Victimes et bourreaux témoignent de la double dégradation, anthropologique et morale, subie par la figure de l’homme à Auschwitz. Hannah Arendt et Emmanuel Lévinas, tous deux Juifs et nés en 1906, ont tenté de retrouver le sens de la dignité humaine après la Shoah. Partageant la même admiration embarrassée pour la pensée de Martin Heidegger, dont ils ont suivi l’enseignement, ils s’engagent dans des voies philosophiques très différentes. Alors qu’Arendt met en avant l’espace politique comme lieu d’expression de la pluralité et de reconnaissance publique des différences individuelles, Lévinas fait de l’éthique la « philosophie première » et situe le proprement humain dans la responsabilité infinie pour autrui. Là où Arendt insiste sur l’importance de la pensée et du jugement dans la recherche des normes morales, Lévinas soutient que la lutte contre le mal est indissociable de la réponse à l’appel du Bien.Deux axes problématiques guident, dans ce travail, la confrontation entre les deux philosophes : l’articulation entre universalité et diversité d’une part ; le lien entre éthique et politique d’autre part. L’enjeu étant l’organisation d’un monde commun pour l’expression et la préservation de la dignité humaine
The victims and the torturers attest to both the human and moral degradation suffered by the figure of man at Auschwitz.Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Lévinas, both Jews and born in 1906, attempted to recover the meaning of human dignity after the Holocaust. Despite sharing the same embarrassed admiration for the thought of Martin Heidegger, whose courses they followed, they choose very different philosophical paths.While Arendt emphasizes the political space as the place where plurality is expressed and individual differences are publicly acknowledged, Lévinas makes ethics « first philosophy » and situates what is essentially human within infinite responsibility for the Other. Where Arendt insists on the importance of thought and judgment in the search for moral standards, Lévinas holds that the struggle against evil is inseparable from responding to the call of the Good.In this thesis, two critical themes guide the comparison between each philosopher: the connection between universality and diversity on one hand; and, the link between ethics and politics on the other. The issue at stake is the organization of a shared world for the expression and the preservation of human dignity

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