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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022

Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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1

Uscanga Barradas, Abril. "Democracia republicana = Republican Democracy." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad 13 (September 29, 2017): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2017.3816.

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Анотація:

Resumen: Este trabajo pretende explicar los orígenes e importancia del republicanismo como teoría aplicable a la democracia, así como su posible aplicación como una válvula de escape a la crisis democrática actual, pues últimamente se presentan numerosas y constantes críticas al sistema democrático imperante en nuestros días, lo que nos hace pensar en la existencia de una serie de deficiencias tanto políticas como sociales que, quizás, podrían ser subsanadas replanteando el modelo o visualizándolo desde otra perspectiva más acorde a los fines y necesidades de la sociedad contemporánea.Palabras clave: Democracia republicana, libertad como no dominación, virtudes cívicas, liberalismo, crisis democrática, Estado. Abstract: This paper aims to explain the origins and importance of republicanism as a theory applicable to democracy, as well as, its application like a scape valve of the democratic crisis that prevails today, currently, there are many criticisms of today's democratic system, which makes us think of the existence of a series of deficiencies both political and social that, maybe could be rethought or visualized from another perspective, more in line with the aims and needs of contemporary society.Keywords: Republican democracy, liberty without domination, civic virtues, liberalism, democratic crisis, State.

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2

Daly, Eoin. "Freedom as Non-Domination in the Jurisprudence of Constitutional Rights." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 28, no. 2 (July 2015): 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cjlj.2015.29.

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In recent decades, neo-republican philosophers have developed a theory of freedom as non-domination, which, they claim, is conceptually and analytically distinct from the “liberal” concept of freedom as non-interference. However, neo-republicans have intervened in constitutional debate almost exclusively in relation to structural issues of institutional competence, and have made little impact on the analytical jurisprudence of constitutional rights. While judicial review seems ill equipped to respond to the distributive dimensions of republican freedom, republicans like Richard Bellamy have argued that the whole edifice of countermajoritarian, strong-form judicial review is itself an affront to freedom as non-domination properly understood. Republican freedom, in this lens, is defined structurally, procedurally and politically rather than in relation to a definite set, concept or theory of rights that is put outside and beyond politics. And partly for this reason, there has been little commentary concerning how the theory of freedom as non-domination might inform constitutional-rights doctrine. This article will argue, first, that the neo-republican view can usefully inform constitutional-rights doctrine notwithstanding republican reservations concerning judicial power. Second, it will propose a number of specific ways in which the jurisprudence of constitutional rights might account for the central concerns of the republican idea.

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3

Peterson, Jonathan. "Social justice and the distribution of republican freedom." European Journal of Political Theory 19, no. 1 (December 23, 2016): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116684759.

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A republican theory of social justice specifies how republican freedom should be distributed. The goal of this paper is to assess the plausibility of two recently proposed principles of republican social justice: an aggregative maximizing principle defended by Philip Pettit in Republicanism and a sufficiency principle of republican social justice offered by Pettit in On the People’s Terms. The maximizing principle must be rejected because it permits under-protecting vulnerable members of society in favor of increasing the freedom of the powerful. The sufficiency principle avoids the most basic objection to the maximizing principle, but it is at best an incomplete theory of social justice. Social justice requires principle(s) for determining the justice of distributions above the sufficiency threshold and republican theory does not determine which principle(s) should govern distributions above this threshold. Republicans must therefore decide whether they will incorporate an independent commitment to equality within their theory of social justice.

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4

de Dijn, Annelien. "Rousseau and Republicanism." Political Theory 46, no. 1 (October 9, 2015): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591715609101.

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Rousseau was arguably one of the most important and influential of eighteenth-century republican thinkers. However, contemporary republican theorists, most notably Philip Pettit, have written him out of the republican canon by describing Rousseau as a “populist” rather than a republican. I argue that this miscasting of Rousseau is not just historically incorrect but that it has also led to a weakening of contemporary republican political theory. Rousseau was one of the few early modern republican thinkers to take seriously the problem of the tyranny of the majority and to attempt to formulate a cogent answer to that problem. Ignoring his contribution to republican political thought therefore cuts off contemporary republicans from an important resource for thinking about this problem.

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5

Vujadinovic, Dragica. "Machiavelli’s republican political theory." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 1 (January 2014): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453713513786.

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6

KUSTERMANS, JORG. "Republican security theory revisited." Review of International Studies 37, no. 5 (January 5, 2011): 2269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001555.

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AbstractRepublicanism is getting increasing attention in International Relations. Engaging Daniel Deudney'sRepublican Security Theory, it is argued that republicanism should be interpreted in ideological terms, that it is a polysemous tradition of political thought, and that it matters because it is socially embodied in world political practice. Special attention is given to republicanism's relationship to the question of technology. A short case study of the Cold War illustrates the central claims of the argument.

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7

Pehar, Dražen. "Republicanism as a Critical Idiom." Političke perspektive 10, no. 1 (July 23, 2020): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pp.10.1.04.

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the aim of the paper is to draw briefly the discourse-theoretical foundations to the republican political theory (section 1), with the issue of slave/slavery as a pivotal concern of social and political life (section 2), and then to chart the most interesting consequences for the contemporary versions of the theory as proposed by the key authors (closing paragraphs of section 2, and section 3). the overarching message of the paper reads that republicanism is founded on a specific view of human nature as ens loquens, or zoon logon echon, that has important implications both empirically and normatively. the third, and final, section of the paper enlists six proposals, or suggestions, to contemporary republicans for the purpose of elucidating, first, the limits of republican theory/practice, and second, its intellectual origins as well as its opposition. Sum- marily, the paper lays emphasis as well on the status of republican language as a critical idiom with its pluralist, highly contextualized, and often program- matic/engaged voices.

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8

Pettit, Philip. "Republican Theory and Criminal Punishment." Utilitas 9, no. 1 (March 1997): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800005136.

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Suppose we embrace the republican ideal of freedom as non-domination: freedom as immunity to arbitrary interference. In that case those acts that call uncontroversially for criminalization will usually be objectionable on three grounds: the offender assumes a dominating position in relation to the victim, the offender reduces the range or ease of undominated choice on the part of the victim, and the offender raises a spectre of domination for others like the victim. And in that case, so it appears, the obvious role for punishment will be, so far as possible, to undo such evils: to rectify the effects of the crime that make it a repugnant republican act. This paper explores this theory of punishment as rectification, contrasting it with better established utilitarian and retributivist approaches.

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9

Lovett, Frank. "A Republican Theory of Adjudication." Res Publica 21, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-014-9257-7.

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10

Pettit, Philip. "Discourse theory and republican freedom." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6, no. 1 (March 2003): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230510001702683.

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11

Watkins, David J. "Slavery and Freedom in Theory and Practice." Political Theory 44, no. 6 (August 3, 2016): 846–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591716643564.

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Slavery has long stood as a mirror image to the conception of a free person in republican theory. This essay contends that slavery deserves this central status in a theory of freedom, but a more thorough examination of slavery in theory and in practice will reveal additional insights about freedom previously unacknowledged by republicans. Slavery combines imperium (state domination) and dominium (private domination) in a way that both destroys freedom today and diminishes opportunities to achieve freedom tomorrow. Dominium and imperium working together are a greater affront to freedom than either working alone. However, an examination of slavery in practice, focusing on the experiences of American slaves, demonstrates that republicanisms’ acknowledged strategies for freedom-seeking, acquiring insulation from domination through law and through norms, do not encompass the full range of options. Slaves also seek freedom through physical absence, economic activity, and culture. The account of slavery and freedom developed here suggests republican accounts of freedom should either give up their focus on thresholds of freedom, or consider the possibility of a plural conception of freedom that extends beyond just freedom as non-domination to include freedom as collective world-making, or both.

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12

Breen, Keith. "Non-Domination, Workplace Republicanism, and the Justification of Worker Voice and Control." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 33, Issue 3 (September 1, 2017): 419–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2017018.

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Анотація:

Recent years have seen two distinct responses emerge within republican political theory to the problem of managerial domination in the workplace. The first, as found within the ‘neorepublican’ theories of Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett, argues that, in addition to existing regulatory protections, free market exchange backed up with an effective right of exit for employees secured through unconditional basic income policies is sufficient to counter employer domination. The second response, advanced by a number of ‘workplace republicans’, challenges the neorepublican understanding of economic domination and the claim that a right of exit secured through basic income policies can sufficiently check managerial power. Under this alternative perspective, what are required are tight regulation of workplace practices and the institutionalization of worker voice and democratic control within firms. This article explores the neo-republican argument and strategy for limiting employer domination through an effective right of exit. It then moves to question the neo-republican position and to offer an evaluation and defence of some of the strategies recommended by workplace republicans as a means towards institutionalizing employee voice and control within firms.

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13

Paulo Neto, Alberto. "Legitimidade democrática e Estado de Direito sob a perspectiva republicana de Philip Pettit [Democratic Legitimacy and the Rule of Law under the Republican perspective of Philip Pettit]." Princípios: Revista de Filosofia (UFRN) 25, no. 47 (June 4, 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21680/1983-2109.2018v25n47id12452.

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A legitimidade política representa a relação adequada entre o Estado de Direito e os cidadãos. A ordem estatal expressa as suas determinações e sua exigência de obrigação por meio da legislação. Os cidadãos avaliam se o “império da lei” não se constitui em restrição ao status social de livres e não-dominados. A teoria política republicana de Philip Pettit propicia os instrumentos avaliativos da atuação da ordem política segundo o critério da legitimidade. Os cidadãos republicanos devem possuir o controle popular para a garantia da aceitação da ordem política legítima. O controle popular tem as características de individualidade, incondicionalidade e eficácia. Os participantes da vida política avaliam as determinações políticas com referência ao “teste de sorte bruta”. Este possibilita inquirir se as decisões políticas têm aceitabilidade racional e não se estabeleceram de forma arbitrária. A liberdade republicana é o fundamento e a bússola da ação dos cidadãos e da estrutura normativa das instituições políticas.[Political legitimacy represents the right relationship between the Rule of Law and citizens. The State order expresses its determinations and its requirement of obligation through the legislation. Citizens assess whether the "Rule of Law" does not constitute a restriction on the social status of the free and non-dominated. Philip Pettit's republican political theory propitiates the evaluation instruments of the political order according to the criterion of legitimacy. Republican citizens must have popular control to ensure the acceptance of legitimate political order. Popular control has the characteristics of individuality, unconditionality and effectiveness. Participants in political life evaluate political determinations with reference to the "tough luck test". This makes it possible to inquire whether political decisions have rational acceptability and are not established arbitrarily. Republican freedom is the foundation and compass of citizens' action and the normative framework of political institutions.]

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14

Ward, Lee. "Republican Political Theory and Irish Nationalism." European Legacy 21, no. 1 (October 26, 2015): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2015.1097137.

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15

Baker, Gideon. "Civil society theory and republican democracy." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4, no. 2 (June 2001): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230108403350.

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16

Crawford, M. H. "REPUBLICAN LEGISLATION." Classical Review 54, no. 1 (April 2004): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.1.171.

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17

Sidebottom, Harry. "REPUBLICAN CAVALRY." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 488–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.488.

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18

Tatum, W. Jeffrey. "REPUBLICAN PERSONALITIES." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 490–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.490.

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19

GOUREVITCH, ALEX. "WILLIAM MANNING AND THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE DEPENDENT CLASSES." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 2 (July 10, 2012): 331–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000066.

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This article reappraises the political ideas of William Manning, and through him the trajectory of early modern republicanism. Manning, an early American farmer writing in the 1780s and 1790s, developed the republican distinction between “the idle Few” and “the laboring Many” into a novel “political theory of the dependent classes.” On this theory, it is the dependent, laboring classes who share an interest in social equality. Because of this interest, they are the only ones who can achieve and maintain republican liberty. With this identification of the interests of the dependent classes with the common good, Manning inverted inherited republican ideas, and transformed the language of liberty and virtue into one of the first potent, republican critiques of exploitation. As such, he stands as a key figure for understanding the shift in early modern republicanism from a concern with constitutionalism and the rule of law to the social question.

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20

Bong-Jin Ko. "Light and Shade of the Republican Theory." 법과정책 24, no. 1 (March 2018): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36727/jjlpr.24.1.201803.001.

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21

Gerber, Scott D., Bruce A. Ackerman, Frank I. Michelman, and Cass R. Sunstein. "The Republican Revival in American Constitutional Theory." Political Research Quarterly 47, no. 4 (December 1994): 985. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448870.

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22

Skinner, Quentin. "On the Slogans of Republican Political Theory." European Journal of Political Theory 9, no. 1 (January 2010): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885109349407.

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23

O'Brien, David M. "The Framers' Muse on Republicanism, the Supreme Court,and Pragmatic Constitutional Interpretivism." Review of Politics 53, no. 2 (1991): 251–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500014625.

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The so-called Madisonian dilemma has dominated recent debates over the role of the Supreme Court and suggested a “majoritarian paradigm” for constitutional interpretation. But a reexamination of James Madison's unique contributions to republican theory indicates that the “Madisonian dilemma” is in many ways misleading and unfaithful to his political vision. Madison, argues the author in Section I, worked a conceptual change in republican theory. Madison did so because he was convinced that republican liberty (and government) was primarily threatened by popular majorities and legislative majoritarianism in Congress and the states. For that reason, Madison advanced his well-known “naturalist” argument for republicanism and, on that basis, argued for buttressing the political architecture of republican government with “auxiliary precautions” for securing republican liberty. From Madison's reconstruction of republicanism, Section II moves to his conversion to the project of amending the Constitution with a declaration of rights and the basis he laid for the Supreme Court's role in defending republican government and liberty. Finally, Section III takes up Madison's view of the role of the Supreme Court and his articulation of a novel theory of pragmatic constitutional interpretivism.

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24

Nevitt, M. "Shakespeare: Radical or Republican?" Cambridge Quarterly 35, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/camqtly/bfl003.

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25

Wood, Nathan. "Republican International Relations." KRITERION – Journal of Philosophy 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/krt-2015-290105.

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Abstract Contemporary proponents of republican political theory often focus on the concept of freedom as non-domination, and how best to promote it within a state. However, there is little attention paid to what the republican conception of freedom demands in the international realm. In this essay I examine what is required for an agent to enjoy freedom as non-domination, and argue that this might only be achieved for individuals if one of two possibilities is pursued internationally: either (1) all nations are made equally powerful, such that none may arbitrarily impose its will on another without penalty, or (2) all nations are joined under a global sovereign which guarantees that the weaker states are not subject to the whims of the stronger. I further argue that the first condition cannot suffice for achieving true non-domination, and as a result, republicanism must prescribe working toward the establishment of a global state. This paper provides an important contribution to the literature by addressing the international implications of the republican conception of freedom.

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26

Weithman, Paul. "Political Republicanism and Perfectionist Republicanism." Review of Politics 66, no. 2 (2004): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050003730x.

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In recent years, a number of political thinkers in philosophy, political theory and law have defended political theories which are deeply indebted to classical republicanism. Like classical republicans, these thinkers have claimed that a flourishing polity depends upon citizens' exercise of the civic virtues. Unlike classical republicans, some of these thinkers have defended what might be called “political republicanisms”—republicanisms which are also indebted to the methodological restraint of Rawls's political liberalism. The article argues that political republicanism suffers from a viability problem. Its list of civic virtues is too short. More worrisome, the public justifications that would be available to a political republican regime are not sufficient to motivate the development of the civic virtues. Therefore, if we are to be republicans, we should be “perfectionist republicans” instead.

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27

Llanque, Marcus. "Republican Rhetoric as a Theory of Political Deliberation." Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.9.1.4.

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28

Kaldellis, Anthony. "Republican theory and political dissidence in Ioannes Lydos." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 29, no. 1 (January 2005): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.2005.29.1.1.

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29

Nardin, Terry. "Kant’s republican theory of justice and international relations." International Relations 31, no. 3 (September 2017): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117817723064.

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Kant’s primary concern in writing on international relations is how to achieve ‘justice’ ( Recht) between states. This means that instead of reading Kant as a theorist of peace or world government, as IR theorists have usually done, he is better read as a theorist international justice. His view of justice, which identifies it with a legal order that respects freedom as independence or nondomination, is broadly republican. But he equivocates on the possibility of justice at the international level, and this narrows what is usually seen as a wide gap between Kant’s thought and political realism. The paradox his uncertainty reveals is that it is wrong for states to remain in a lawless condition yet impossible for them to escape it so long as they remain independent. An international order cannot generate genuine law because there are no institutions to make, interpret, or enforce it. This means that states are entitled to determine their own foreign affairs. The gap between sovereignty and justice cannot be closed so long as these ideas are defined as they are within the state. The problem is not that a full, secure, and nonvoluntary system of justice that preserves the sovereignty of states is contingently unlikely. It is conceptually impossible. This conclusion poses a challenge to current theories of global justice.

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Kaldellis, Anthony. "Republican theory and political dissidence in Ioannes Lydos." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 29, no. 1 (2005): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100015135.

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The treatise of Ioannes LydosOn the Magistracies of the Roman Statecontains an argument against the legitimacy of the Roman emperors and in favour of the political freedom of the Republic. This argument targets Justinian in particular, whom Lydos compares to tyrants such as the early kings of Rome and the dynasts of the Republic. While most of the essay examines the details of Lydos' text, some consideration is given to its historical context and the range and nature of political dissidence in early Byzantium.

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31

Smith, Patrick Taylor. "A Neo-Republican Theory of Just State Surveillance." Moral Philosophy and Politics 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2019-0032.

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AbstractThis paper develops a novel, neo-republican account of just state surveillance in the information age. The goal of state surveillance should be to avoid and prevent domination, both public and private. In light of that conception of justice, the paper makes three substantive points. First, it argues that modern state surveillance based upon information technology and predicated upon a close partnership with the tech sector gives the state significant power and represents a serious potential source of domination. Second, it argues that, nonetheless, state surveillance can serve legitimate republican ends and so unilateral and private technological attempts to block it may be wrongful. Third, it argues that, despite the serious normative failings of current institutions, state surveillance can be justly regulated and made accountable through a legal liability regime that incentivizes tech company intermediaries to ally with civil society groups in order to safeguard the privacy rights of potential subjects of state surveillance.

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32

Blachford, Kevin. "Republicanism within IR: A History of Liberty and Empire." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 48, no. 1 (September 2019): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829819872807.

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The republican tradition has long been influential within political theory, but has been less acknowledged within the discipline of International Relations (IR). Republican theorists and republican ideas of political liberty underlie many normative claims made by both liberal and realist schools of thought. The following examination of republicanism takes an interdisciplinary approach to argue the relevance of republicanism for IR theory. When republicanism is recognised within IR, it is often through a triumphalist reading of the early American republic and its founding. This article opens new ground by presenting a more critical account of republicanism. It does so by focusing on the connections between republican liberty and the history of republics to dominate those outside the polis. El republicanismo en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales: Una historia de libertad e imperio

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33

Michelsen, Danny. "State civil disobedience: A republican perspective." Journal of International Political Theory 14, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218783232.

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The article deals with the question of whether or under which circumstances it is reasonable to interpret some forms of illegal state action as civil disobedience and whether republican political theory can make a difference to the justification of those actions. It is argued that the theory of freedom as non-domination and the interpretation of the right to participation as the “right of rights” in a legitimate state provide a better justificatory scheme for cases in which developing or emerging countries break international trade laws for the purpose of protecting constitutional rights than Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience, because it takes the problem of power asymmetries in international relations and the status of social rights more seriously. However, these republican standards do not offer different practical solutions for a specific type of state disobedience, humanitarian intervention, because transferring the standards of non-domination and the fundamental right to participation to international relations would lead to a “maximalist” interpretation of human rights, which would undermine the function of such interventions as an instrument of last resort against oppressive governments.

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34

Park, Myung-Lim, and Min Hyeong Ki. "Bridging Internal and External Peace through Republican Federation: Republican Peace Theory of Rousseau, Madison, and Kant." Association of Global Studies Education 13, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19037/agse.13.2.05.

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35

Costa, M. Victoria. "Is Neo‐Republicanism Bad for Women?" Hypatia 28, no. 4 (2013): 921–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12002.

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The republican revival in political philosophy, political theory, and legal theory has produced an impressive range of novel interpretations of the historical figures of the republican tradition. It has also given rise to a variety of contemporary neo‐republican theories that build on its historical themes. Although there have been some feminist discussions of its historical representatives, neo‐republicanism has not generated a great deal of enthusiasm among feminists. The present paper examines Phillip Pettit's theory of freedom as nondomination in order to assess its potential usefulness for those with feminist goals. It defends Pettit's account of interpersonal domination from certain feminist objections, but argues that his account of state domination needs to be amended if it is fully to protect the interests of women and other groups.

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36

Dalaqua, Gustavo Hessmann. "John Stuart Mill's Republican Feminism." Kalagatos 15, no. 2 (October 22, 2018): 14–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.23845/kgt.v15i2.725.

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This paper argues that John Stuart Mill’s commitment to gender equality and acute understanding of women’s subordination to male power led him to develop a conception of freedom that evokes republicanism. In order to substantiate the thesis that the concept of freedom put forth in The Subjection of Women steers a middle course between feminism and republicanism, four similarities between Mill’s political theory and republican freedom are highlighted, among which are (i) the identification of freedom with the absence of arbitrary subjection and (ii) the idea that liberty can be exercised only among equals.

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37

Thompson, Michael J. "The two faces of domination in republican political theory." European Journal of Political Theory 17, no. 1 (April 15, 2015): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115580352.

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I propose a theory of domination derived from republican political theory that is in contrast to the neo-republican theory of domination as arbitrary interference and domination as dependence. I suggest that, drawing on of the writings of Machiavelli and Rousseau, we can see two faces of domination that come together to inform social relations. One type of domination is extractive dominance where agents are able to derive surplus benefit from another individual, group, or collective resource, natural or human. Another is what I call constitutive domination where the norms, institutions, and values of the community shape the rationality of subjects to accept forms of power and social relations and collective goals as legitimate forms of authority. Each of these make up two faces of a broader theory of social domination that is more concrete and politically compelling than that put forth by contemporary neo-republican theory. I argue that this understanding of domination should be seen as a kind of ‘radical republicanism’ where the centrality of asymmetrical power relations are placed at the centre of all political concerns. I end by considering the relevance of the common interest as a central means by which to judge the existence of these kinds of domination as well as establish a convincing evaluative criteria for critical judgment.

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38

Farrell, Liam. "The politics of non-domination: Populism, contestation and neo-republican democracy." Philosophy & Social Criticism 46, no. 7 (August 1, 2019): 858–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719866236.

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This article is concerned with the antagonistic character of democratic politics, specifically in relation to the neo-republican conceptualisation of politics, as outlined by Philip Pettit. I take up a problem not addressed in the neo-republican scholarship, namely, the broader dispute over the practice of contestation and the scope of its reach in relation to the activity of politics. This article proceeds through an examination of what I call Pettit’s method of political theory in order to approach sideways the concept of ‘contestation’ as a marker for a sublimated antagonistic dimension of neo-republican politics. Drawing on the work of Rancière and the insights of post-Nietzschean critical theory (Derrida, Laclau and Arendt), I examine the relationship between populism, democratic contestation and non-domination in neo-republican discourse. As such, this article exerts pressure on Pettit’s privileging of a status concept of freedom as the supreme political ideal of republican politics. This article explores the political possibilities opened up through a re-politicisation of non-domination, and the radical potential that resides in a politics that does not foreclose on democracy, understood in terms of popular power and not popular control.

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39

Duff, R. A., John Braithwaite, and Philip Pettit. "Not Just Deserts: A Republican Theory of Criminal Justice." Philosophical Review 102, no. 3 (July 1993): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2185917.

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Lacey, Nicola, John Braithwaite, and Philip Pettit. "Not Just Deserts: A Republican Theory of Criminal Justice." Philosophical Quarterly 41, no. 164 (July 1991): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2220050.

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41

Sadurski, Wojciech, John Braithwaite, and Philip Pettit. "Not Just Deserts: A Republican Theory of Criminal Justice." Law and Philosophy 10, no. 2 (May 1991): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3504912.

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42

Skinner, Quentin. "Freedom of inclination: On the republican theory of liberty." Juncture 21, no. 2 (September 2014): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-5876.2014.00792.x.

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43

Gerber, Scott D. "Review Essay : The Republican Revival in American Constitutional Theory." Political Research Quarterly 47, no. 4 (December 1994): 985–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299404700413.

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44

Yirush, Craig. "James Madison: The Theory and Practice of Republican Government." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 2 (June 2005): 514–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905379996.

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James Madison: The Theory and Practice of Republican Government, Samuel Kernell, ed., Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003, pp. ix, 381.The result of a conference celebrating James Madison's 250th birthday in 2001, this collection of essays is full of valuable insights on important aspects of his political science. At a time when historians give much less consideration to the politics of the Founding than they used to, these essays are a welcome reminder of the importance of the questions still remaining.

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45

Read, James H. "James Madison: The Theory and Practice of Republican Government." Presidential Studies Quarterly 35, no. 1 (March 2005): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0360-4918.2005.244_1.x.

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46

Vatter, Miguel. "Roman Civil Religion and the Question of Jewish Politics in Arendt." Philosophy Today 62, no. 2 (2018): 573–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday2018614225.

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This article discusses the question of how Arendt’s mature “neo-Roman” republican political theory relates to her early . It argues that her early reflections on the problem of Jewish politics in modernity already adopt one of the main pillars of her later republican political theory, i.e., the substitution of federalism for sovereignty. The article puts forth the hypothesis that Arendt’s republicanism takes up the idea that Romans and Jews, during their republican periods, both held a “civil” conception of religion. Arendt’s conception of civil religion is analyzed in light of her readings of Virgil. The article concludes that Arendt’s mature political thought is neither “non-religious” nor contains a “political theology” but that it does put forward a civil-religious interpretation of natality and plurality.

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47

Hinck, Shelly S., Robert S. Hinck, William O. Dailey, and Edward A. Hinck. "Thou Shalt Not Speak Ill of Any Fellow Republicans? Politeness Theory in the 2012 Republican Primary Debates." Argumentation and Advocacy 49, no. 4 (March 2013): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00028533.2013.11821801.

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48

Blunt, Gwilym David. "The case for epistocratic republicanism." Politics 40, no. 3 (November 22, 2019): 363–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395719889563.

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In recent years, the fortunes of democracy have waned both in theory and practice. This has added impetus not only to the republican case for strengthening democratic institutions but also to new anti-democratic thought. This article examines the claim made by Jason Brennan that epistocracy, rule by the ‘knowledgeable’, is compatible with freedom from domination. It begins by briefly explaining epistocracy and republicanism. It then presents the argument for epistocratic republicanism: that democracy can be a source of domination and that freedom from domination can be secured through non-democratic political institutions. The case against epistocratic republicanism is grounded in concerns about systemic domination and the ability of epistocrats to arbitrarily set the terms of social cooperation. These two arguments are judged on the basis of which better minimises domination while respecting its value to all people. Epistocratic republicanism is found to be less reliable because of the risks of epistemic injustice that accompanies systemic domination; democracy, accompanied by other republican institutions, is better at minimising domination and respecting persons. It concludes that republicans ought to be democrats.

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49

Doyle, Michael W. "Liberalism and World Politics." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400185041.

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Building on a growing literature in international political science, I reexamine the traditional liberal claim that governments founded on a respect for individual liberty exercise “restraint” and “peaceful intentions” in their foreign policy. I look at three distinct theoretical traditions of liberalism, attributable to three theorists: Schumpeter, a democratic capitalist whose explanation of liberal pacifism we often invoke; Machiavelli, a classical republican whose glory is an imperialism we often practice; and Kant, a liberal republican whose theory of internationalism best accounts for what we are. Despite the contradictions of liberal pacifism and liberal imperialism, I find, with Kant and other democratic republicans, that liberalism does leave a coherent legacy on foreign affairs. Liberal states are different. They are indeed peaceful. They are also prone to make war. Liberal states have created a separate peace, as Kant argued they would, and have also discovered liberal reasons for aggression, as he feared they might. I conclude by arguing that the differences among liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism, and Kant's internationalism are not arbitrary. They are rooted in differing conceptions of the citizen and the state.

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50

Piga, Antonio. "Troubled Images: Analysing the Republican Use of Visual Metaphors in Wall Paintings and Pictures in Northern Ireland." International Journal of English Linguistics 12, no. 6 (November 29, 2022): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v12n6p112.

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The republican movement in Northern Ireland was visually manifested in images drawn on walls and on the gable ends of houses in the towns of Belfast and (London) Derry. As well as being an iconographic expression of the social injustice they suffered (Rapp & Rhomberg, 2013; Goalwin, 2013), these wall paintings were employed by the republicans to convey political and ideological messages in order to heighten awareness and to mobilize people. Blank spaces on walls were increasingly exploited by republican groups and were converted into a visual medium sui generis for their political and ideological claims and demands. Over the years republicans developed this novel communication strategy geared to expressing highly emotional content that served to reflect and influence the sentiments of the communities involved in the conflict. It also served to channel collective memory, recording key events and contributing to the formation of an identity. Intense political disagreements and armed conflict between the Catholic and Protestant communities from 1968 to 1998 led to violent clashes during the period known as “the Troubles”. This complicated time frame has been metaphorically represented in various ways in wall paintings and posters in Northern Ireland. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political and ideological use of visual metaphors in the images of the republican movement during the “Troubles”. More specifically, by applying the most recent methodological tool derived from a socio-cognitive model of discourse analysis, namely Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980), the purpose is to analyse, both from a qualitative and quantitative point of view, the three different types of Conceptual Metaphorical Schemas: Propositional, Image and Event Schema (Soares da Silva, 2016).

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