Дисертації з теми "Republican theory"

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1

Dumais, Charles. "Machiavelli and a Sixteenth Century Republican Theory of Liberty." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23304.

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In the following thesis, I argue that to contextualize Machiavelli’s republican thought in his Italian humanist heritage permits us to understand how Machiavelli reaches back not only to an Italian pre-humanist inheritance of liberty as freedom from servitude, but to a Stoic conception of agency which he inherits and shapes in that concept of liberty. While my analysis of Machiavelli and his humanist heritage is in fundamental agreement with that of Quentin Skinner in The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, it develops however the implications of two theses that Paul O. Kristeller outlines in his works on Italian humanism: the eclectic nature of humanist ideas and their rhetorical focus. From this I draw a slightly different picture of the humanist heritage and its polemics with Augustine, and from these an understanding about Stoic agency and how it is inherited and shaped in Machiavelli’s conception of the citizen and civic duties.
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2

Fang, Huirong. "Land pawning practices in republican China : theory and reality /." View Abstract or Full-Text, 2002. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202002%20FANG.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 181-190). Also available in electronic version. Access restricted to campus users.
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3

de, Sousa Norberto. "Societas civilis : classical Roman Republican theory on the theme of justice." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272236.

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4

Barboza, Avery R. "The Irish Republican Army: An Examination of Imperialism, Terror, and Just War Theory." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2020. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2157.

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Analysis of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and their actions in the 1970s and 1980s offer insight into their use of just war theory in their conflict with the British government and ultra-loyalist Protestant forces in Northern Ireland. The historiography of Irish history is defined by its phases of nationalism, revisionism, and anti-revisionism that cloud the historical narrative of imperialism and insurgency in the North. Applying just war theory to this history offers a more nuanced understanding of the conflict of the Troubles and the I.R.A.’s usage of this framework in their ideology that guided their terrorism in the latter half of the twentieth century. The murders of influential members of British society and the I.R.A.’s statements on these events further posit just war theory as a guiding force of this group. In 1980-1981 the I.R.A. staged hunger strikes in the H Block of Long Kesh Prison and the writings of their leader Bobby Sands continued their use of just war theory in their efforts to be granted Special Category Status. This work concludes that the I.R.A. utilized just war theory throughout this period and that it was a guiding force of their ideology. It contributes a more nuanced analysis of just war theory and its applications to the I.R.A.’s struggles against the British. Ultimately, it demonstrates how this theory was used by this insurgent movement to claim legitimacy, defend their actions, and frame their anti-imperialist movement as a necessary means to combatting British forces.
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5

Martin, James Paul. "When repression and elitism are democratic : the 'Republican' theory of representation and its twilight /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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6

Fusco, Adam. "Freedom and political status : a republican theory and critique of the politics of self-determination." Thesis, University of York, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/13104/.

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In contemporary politics many groups make claims for self-determination. Some of these claims are recognised by existing political authorities or the international community, whilst others are denied. Often this is regardless of the fact that the reasons why groups make claims for self-determination differ from group to group. This thesis assesses whether groups who make claims for self-determination should have their claims recognised or denied and for what reasons this should be the case. This thesis, therefore, provides an answer to the question ‘which groups have justified claims for self-determination?’ My thesis is that groups who are dominated have justified claims for this right. This thesis is in two parts: the first is a critical examination of three existing theories of self-determination, and the second is a defence of a constructive alternative to these theories – it details a republican theory of self-determination. In part one I assess three theories in the existing literature on self-determination: the choice-based, nationalist, and just-cause theories of self-determination. I argue that none of these theories provides a framework that is satisfying enough to assess which claims for self-determination should be taken as justified in political practice. I argue that the ideas of the freedom to choose which political authority one should be subject to, nationhood, and the violation of human or social rights – which respectively reflect the justificatory basis of each of the existing theories – do not provide a satisfying enough framework to assess which claims for self-determination should be justified in political practice. In part two I provide an alternative to the existing theories and argue that republican political theory provides a more compelling justificatory framework to assess claims for self-determination, with its idea of domination. I argue, that in comparative consideration of the three existing theories and the republican alternative, republicanism provides the most satisfying justificatory framework to assess the claims groups make for self-determination. I argue that groups that either: (i) fail to be afforded rights of self-government, or (ii) have the exercise of their rights to self-government constrained whilst other citizens sufficiently exercise these rights, are dominated and have sufficient justification for their claims to self-determination.
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7

Hope, Daniel. "Social and Political Discourse in America: The Civil Republican Revival in American Legal Theory and the Critical Theory of Jurgen Habermas." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1503322236098925.

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8

Boberg, Per. "Translating Political Text : Cultural and Stylistic Aspects of Translating the American Republican Party's 2004 Political Platform." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2375.

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The present paper discusses the cultural and stylistic issues in the translation of a part of the 2004 Republican Party Platform. Political text in American English and Swedish is in focus, and translation examples are accounted for and categorised according to Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1995) system theory of translation procedures. The conclusion is that cultural issues caused fewer problems than stylistic ones when the Republican Party Platform 2004 was translated.

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9

King, Marvin. "A Black/Non-Black Theory of African-American Partisanship: Hostility, Racial Consciousness and the Republican Party." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5264/.

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Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.
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10

Fechner, Holly B. "American Women's Intellectual History in the Revolutionary and New Republican Era: Charting a Shift in Feminist Theory." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1363706683.

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11

Lee, Patrick. "The Words of War: A Content Analysis of Republican Presidential Speeches from Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard M. Nixon, George W. Bush, and Donald J. Trump." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3400.

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In this analysis of public speeches from four American presidents from the Republican party, the ways in which those presidents discuss and position American defense activities and stances are examined, to track the progression from the 1960s to the present. Presidents from one party were chosen, who presided over a period of active armed conflict or cold war. The addresses analyzed comprised public addresses to Congress or the American people. The analysis groups recurring frames--conceptually developed based on framing and agenda setting theories--into thematic categories for each president. Some frames were more salient for certain presidents than for others. Other frames were common and pervaded the presidents’ remarks to Congress and the public. America’s struggle against a faceless enemy, American military might as a guarantor of, and the importance of the United States’ commitments to its international partners were all prevailing frames which emerged in the analysis.
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12

Earles, Jennifer. "Gender Trouble In Northern Ireland: An Examination Of Gender And Bodies Within The 1970s And 1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army In Northern Ireland." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002849.

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13

Waguespack, Jason. "An Examination of Voter Groups That Make Up the Emerging Democratic Majority Thesis." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2117.

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In 2002, John Judis and Ruy Teixeira published The Emerging Democratic Majority, a book that postulated that the United States was in the beginning of a political realignment that would spell the end of the Reagan-era coalition that gave Republicans an electoral advantage on the presidency. The authors claimed an electorate that would favor the Democratic Party would emerge to take its place. Since Senator Barack Obama’s victory in the 2008 presidential election was powered by a coalition that looked much like the one Judis and Teixeira described, it appeared the authors’ thesis was being borne out by actual election results. However, the events of the 2000s and early 2010s have lent both credibility and doubt to this possible realignment, and have drawn attention to the problems of regular realignment theory. Exploring the premise laid out by Judis and Teixeira from their work, The Emerging Democratic Majority, as well as observations about the changing composition of the American electorate, I analyze key groups in the American electorate to determine if these groups are trending more Democratic in presidential and congressional races since the 1988 presidential election. Findings showed several of these groups regularly supported Democratic candidates but did not consistently trend to the Democrats from year to year. Changes across time often depended on match-ups of nonconsecutive years, with Democrats in the year 2008 drawing especially strong support from hypothesized voter groups. While Democrats can count on the support of groups such as voters who achieve high levels of college education or voters with secular outlooks on life, their success still depends highly on candidate quality and advantage on issues and cannot be taken for granted.
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14

Morrison, John F. "'The affirmation of Behan?' : an understanding of the politicisation process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement through an organisational analysis of splits from 1969 to 1997." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158.

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One of the foremost reasons for the success of the Northern Irish Peace Process has been the ability of the national leadership of the Provisional Republican Movement to bring the majority of their membership away from the armed campaign and towards the acceptance of peaceful politics. This dissertation analyses how they were able to achieve this. This is carried out by considering the processes of the four major splits in modern day Irish republicanism from 1969 to 1997. Each split was analysed so as to derive why the split took place and why one side was more successful than the other in the aftermath. The cases were used to test a stage-based process model of split designed by the author. The data from thirty-eight semi-structured interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). This analysis treated the three Provisional splits as three micro-processes within the macro-process of Provisional Republican involvement in the ‘Troubles', as it did the two Official splits with respect to the Official macro-process of involvement. The results of the analysis showed that the success of the later Provisional leadership was significantly tied to their method of changing strategies, tactics and policies one step at a time rather than by attempting to implement a variety of substantial changes within a short space of time as the leadership of the 1960s endeavoured to. This research outlines how the acceptance of peaceful politics for a terrorist organisation is a gradual stage-based process and that in order to be successful the significant changes must be implemented in a patient manner.
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15

Chaves, André Aparecido Bezerra. "A Revista da Faculdade Livre de Direito da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro: uma proposta para a identidade jurídica nacional brasileira." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-31052012-155545/.

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O presente estudo procura contribuir para a compreensão das ideias jurídico políticas da elite carioca entre 1899 e 1919, momento da História do Brasil no qual se reconstruía o espaço público através da organização das instituições republicanas. Optou-se por analisar os artigos editados na Revista da Faculdade Livre de Direito da cidade do Rio de Janeiro porque foi a primeira instituição acadêmica a oferecer o curso de Direito no Rio de Janeiro e possuía, desde sua fundação em 1891, um corpo docente composto por juristas de renome nacional como Augusto Olympio Viveiros de Castro, Francisco de Paula Lacerda de Almeida, Abelardo Saraiva da Cunha Lobo, Esmeraldino Olympio de Torres Bandeira, Carlos da Costa Ferreira Porto Carreiro, Benedicto Carneiro de Campos Valladares, entre outros. Esta escolha abriu a possibilidade de observar os motivos sociais que levaram à ampliação da demanda pelo ensino jurídico no Brasil e a legislação que indicou as diretrizes para a criação de instituições que oferecessem cursos jurídicos, acabando com a exclusividade das faculdades de São Paulo e Recife, e as obrigou a confeccionar revistas científicas voltadas para a divulgação da produção científica e debates teóricos da ciência do Direito. Pôde-se fazer um levantamento quantitativo dos temas dos artigos publicados e os organizamos por ramo do Direito, o que nos permitiu observar os temas debatidos e as principais referências teóricas que tinham os juristas que os escreveram (quase todos docentes): os livros A Evolução do Direito e O Espírito do Direito Romano nas Diversas Fases de seu Desenvolvimento, do jurista alemão Rudolf Von Ihering. Ao longo desta pesquisa poderá ser observado que as principais ideias que os juristas brasileiros assimilaram do jurista alemão foram: o direito público (representado pela autoridade e preponderância do Estado sobre a população) tem como finalidade defender o direito privado (especialmente a vida e a propriedade privada); a fonte do conhecimento do Direito e a criação de regras jurídicas (leis) não deveriam estar restritas à Filosofia do Direito e ao Direito Comparado, mas deveriam levar em conta as regras morais da sociedade, a fim de que a população sentisse justiça nas ações do Estado, contribuição essencial do Direito para a formação do Estado Nação. De um modo geral, percebeu-se que os juristas que representavam a elite carioca reunidos na Faculdade de Direito da cidade do Rio de Janeiro entendiam que o Direito não representava o espaço no qual se pensava apenas o conflito entre os indivíduos da sociedade, mas também a solução. Os conflitos sociais que ocorreram durante a República Velha (1889 1930) deveriam ser consequência de regras jurídicas ou leis concebidas de maneira errada, portanto creditavam na primazia do Estado sobre os indivíduos e imaginavam que reformas jurídicas (e não econômicas) poderiam levar à paz social.
The present study seeks to contribute to the understanding of juridical and political ideas of Rio de Janeiros élites between 1899 and 1919, moment in the history of Brazil when the State was reorganized through the articulation of the republican institutions. The choice of analyzing articles published in The Free Law School of the city of Rio de Janeiros review was made based on the fact that the school was the first academic institution to offer a law course in Rio de Janeiro and, since its founding in 1891, its faculty was composed of prominent jurists as Augusto Olympio Viveiros de Castro, Francisco de Paula Lacerda de Almeida, Abelardo Saraiva da Cunha Lobo, Esmeraldino Olympio de Torres Bandeira, Carlos da Costa Ferreira Porto Carreiro, Benedicto Carneiro de Campos Valladares, among others. These circumstances made possible the observation of the social reasons that led to the expansion of the demand for legal education in Brazil, culminating in the end of São Paulo and Recifes law school exclusiveness. The legislation related to the creation of the new law schools determined the foundation of scientific journals focused on the dissemination of scientific literature and theoretical debates of the science of law. A quantitative survey of the published articles subjects organized by area allowed to observe the main debates and theoretical references who wrote (almost all teachers): the books \"Law as a Means to an End\" and \"The Spirit of Roman Law in Different Stages of its Development\", written by the german jurist Rudolf Von Ihering. Through this research may be observed that the brazilian jurists main ideas were assimilated from Ihering: the public law (represented by the authority and prominence of the State population) aims to defend private law (especially the life and private property); the of the knowledge of law and the creation of legal rules (laws) should not be restricted to the Philosophy of Law or Comparative Law, but should accept the society moral rules, so that people feel justice in the States action, essential contribution to the science of law for the formation of the State Nation. In general, it was stated that the jurists, part of Rio de Janeiros elites joined at the Free Law School of the city of Rio de Janeiro, understood that law not only represented the conflict zone between the individuals in a society, but it could offer proper solutions. Consequently, the social conflicts that occurred during the República Velha (1889-1930) should be a consequence of rules or laws badly designed. Therefore this way of thinking was based on the primacy of the State over individuals, so that these jurists imagined that legal reforms (and non-economic reforms) could lead to social peace.
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16

Parry, David Lankester Langworthy. "Conspiracy theory and the French Third Republic." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272252.

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17

Fierro, María Angélica. "Plato's theory of desire in the Symposium and the Republic." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4110/.

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One of the main purposes of the Symposium is to describe the best and truest expression of Eros|epwg {the godSaiuwv and at the same time the affective disposition): Eros is an intermediary Saijucou between our mortal condition and what is divine and immortal. As such he malces us spontaneously feel attracted to beauty and through our procreating in it helps us to attain in this life 'a sort of immmortality by leaving behind our productions and, together with it, a certain ownership of the good, which is universally desired. Most people only attain a second grade of vicarious immortality, either through biological procreation or, in the best case, through cultural procreation. However, those who are able to follow a philosophical way of life might be able to contemplate Beauty itself and by procreating in it produce authentic virtue, in this way attaining ownership of the good as far as is possible for a human being in this life. But at the same time, it is hinted that a more permanent, god-lilce, existence might be available for the philosopher after death. In the light of the Republic some issues which remain unclear in the Symposium find an articulate explanation: a) The tripartite theory of the soul explains why, although everybody desires the good, different individuals focus their love and desire in different ways (even in a destructive way as is the case of the tyrant or of Alcibiades in the Symposium), b) The programme of earlier and higher education malces clear what the levels of the erotic ascent consist in. c) The nature of the Good helps us to understand the status of Beauty itself d) The myth of Er describes what a 'god-like', post mortem existence for the philosopher would be like, while also simultaneously, allowing for a different sort of 'immortality', along the lines suggested by the Symposium.
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18

Scott, Paul Francis. "Freedom, law, and the republic." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4941/.

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This thesis considers the question of human freedom through the lens of the revival of republican political theory that has taken place in recent decades. In its first part, it distinguishes between different strands of that revival and argues that one of these presents a variant of human freedom which more adequately captures the human condition than does the ideal of freedom traditionally endorsed by liberal thought. It then considers that question of freedom in relation to very fundamental questions of power, law, and the reasons for which we accept the existence of an organised public power in the first place, arguing that the individual finds himself trapped between, on one hand, threats to his freedom which are horizontal, emanating from private parties, and those which are vertical, arising from the apparatus of public power which exists in order to protect man from man. In part two, one of the principal advantages identified for the neo-republican ideal - its aptness for application to the freedom of individuals in relation to each other, as well as in relation to the state - is explored within the specific contexts of the relationship of husband to wife and that of employer to employee. In each case, the relationship between the question of freedom and the specific legal rules which determine when and where public power will intervene against or on behalf of one party in relation to another, most generally the rules of private property, is analysed. It is argued that freedom is primarily a function of the ‘ordinary’ law: that which determines one’s rights and duties in relation to others, and which determines the distribution of property through taxation and spending. On the basis of this account, a renewed republican constitutionalism which focuses upon issues of property within the constitution - as a right protected by fundamental rights documents, and as a potentially distorting factor within the democratic process - is offered in part three. The normative element of republican constitutionalism is not exhausted by the issue of how to organise the organs of the state such that the individual is not dominated by the state: issues of private right being a function of constitutional processes, the constitution must also ensure that its outputs do not force man to live at the mercy of man.
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19

Procházka, Jan. "Diskriminace žen na trhu práce v České republice. Jsou ženy v České republice diskriminovány?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194657.

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The thesis analyses Czech and EU legislation which is intended to prevent discrimination in the labour market and focuses on the three main models of discrimination: Discriminatory preference, Statistical discrimination and Displacing discrimination. In the opening chapters, the thesis presents the reasons leading to the differences in men's and women's wages not originating from discrimination and also partially disproves the myths about discrimination of women. The analytical and theoretical part is followed by empirical part whose conclusions do not disprove the hypothesis of discrimination in Czech labour market, nevertheless comes to the conclusion that the part of the differences in average income, that exist, can be explained mainly by following factors: the number of worked hours, education level, time spent mainly by women on maternity / parental leave and child care and other factors. The results of questionnaire survey realised on the territory of one region and within one area of intervention of Structural funds confirm that the discrimination between men and women doesn't exist.
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20

McKay, Joanna Patricia. "The official concept of the nation in the GDR : theory versus pragmatism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1995. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1376/.

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This thesis is a study of the attempts by the leadership of the GDR to devise a concept of the nation which suited their objectives regarding the future of the state and of Germany as a whole, from 1949 until 1989. A simple analysis of official pronouncements on the subject over the years reveals serious inconsistencies and dramatic U-turns. This thesis considers various factors which may have shaped the official line, including the influence of Bonn and Moscow, public opinion and personal convictions. In particular it examines the input of experts from academic institutions in order to answer the question of whether or not the official line on the nation had a clear theoretical basis, or was purely determined by pragmatic considerations. In order to investigate what lay behind official policy, extensive use has been made of material from the SED's Central Party Archive, and interviews were conducted with leading theorists. In this way it was possible to gain a better understanding of the interaction between the political and theoretical aspects of the National Question in the former GDR. The findings reveal that the official concept of the nation was primarily determined by pragmatic, or even opportunistic considerations, and was viewed by the SED leadership as a means to legitimise the GDR in the absence of alternative methods. Initially the intention was to reinforce the claim that the GDR was a model for a future united socialist Germany, but later a concept was fashioned to support the idea that it was an independent sovereign state, and in no way linked to the Federal Republic. However, the regime was heavily reliant on the skills of theorists to provide credible (Marxist-Leninist) justifications for policy changes, and to modify policies in order to make them more acceptable and therefore more effective as a means to legitimise the state.
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21

Almutawakel, Yahya Y. "Import substitution as an industrial strategy in the Yemen Arab Republic." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316137.

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22

Nowak, Ondřej. "Správa společností, teorie sítí a prolínající se řízení v České republice." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165948.

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The goal of this dissertation thesis is to expand the current knowledge in the area of corporate governance in the Czech Republic. The document consists of several parts. First, a brief introduction to the field of corporate governance is provided. The introduction is followed by the analysis of the data sample in the context of corporate governance, and the search for a potential relationship between the implementation of the principles of corporate governance and financial performance of companies. The next part offers a theoretical introduction to the theory of networks with an emphasis on social and economic networks. In the final part, the empirical network of interlocking directorates in the Czech Republic is presented. The discussion is focused on the structure of the network and its comparison with structures in real business environment in the Czech Republic, and with similar networks from other countries.
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23

Janna, Martin. "Problematika zavedení Eura v ČR." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-203834.

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The goal of the thesis is to propose an opinion regarding the accession to the eurozone supported by the analysis of the related benefits and constraints in connection with the current economic and political situation. Allowing to get an idea of what the benefits and downsides of euro adoption would be for them, the gathering of information and arguments suitable for entrepreneurs, managers and citizens is the sought outcome of the work. The issue was analysed both quantitatively and qualitatively with the help of the SWOT analysis, optimum currency area theory and analysis of macroeconomic indicators. To achieve a more comprehensive understanding, also political programmes of the political parties represented in the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament were analysed. The contribution of the thesis lies in providing a comprehensive insight into issues regarding the euro while assessing the current situation and indicating the closest possible date for euro adoption.
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24

Ďoubal, Jakub. "ANALÝZA DOPADŮ PRŮBĚHU HOSPODÁŘSKÝCH CYKLŮ NA AUTOMOBILOVÝ PRŮMYSL V ČESKÉ REPUBLICE V LETECH 1993 - 2015." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206950.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the impacts of business cycles on individual segments of the automotive industry in the last 23 years in the Czech Republic. The areas analysed are sales and production of cars. Attention is also paid to the downstream industry of parts producers. The theoretical part deals with the theoretical approaches of the business cycle, basic methods of measurement cycles and, furthermore, theories related to the automotive industry. The analysis in the practical part is developed on this theoretical basis. The analytical section is divided in three parts according to three full cycles that went through the analysed time period. What was most apparent was the difference of every cycle. It is from this difference that the different impact of cycle on analysed indicators in each period comes. However, it is evident that the automotive industry is behaving procyclically. Most of the indicators are weakly or moderately cyclical, based on the correlation coefficient.
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25

Cromley, Gordon A. "Destroying the Jungle Republic: Counterinsurgency Theory and the Environment in South Vietnam (1967-1969)." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1564697803934883.

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26

Lee, Keon Hyok. "Industrial policy in the Republic of Korea : an assessment using cost-benefit methods." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1212/.

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The identification of the appropriate role for government is a crucial element in the formulation of economic policy for developing countries. During the 1940s and 1950s the balance of opinion rested firmly in favour of substantial intervention, but over the 1960s and 1970s the balance shifted in what Little describes as the "neoclassical resurgence". In the important debate between the proponents of free markets and the supporters of government intervention, South Korea has been a major battle ground. The neoclassical view, which is currently enjoying some prominance, is that the Korean economic miracle happened because government intervention was in some sense 'neutral' and so something approximating free markets was allowed to prevail. In this thesis, we argue that policy incentives in Korea were not 'self-neutralising' and were contributory to Korean economic growth and development. First, we show that government intervention during the 1960s and 1970s was greater and more distortionary that some participants in the "neoclassical resurgence" might allow. Second, we show that government intervention was 'well-directed' in the sense that policy incentives were provided to those sectors with the greatest potential for economic development. One way in which we assess industrial policy involves the use of shadow prices and the concept of social profitability. If shadow prices are defined as the social opportunity cost of goods, then a change in the allocation of resources can only be socially beneficial if profits calculated using shadow prices are positive. We capture an emphasis on growth through a social welfare function with appropriate weights on certain incomes. We also assess whether the promotion of heavy and chemical industries was justified on infant industry grounds using productivity-related tests and revealed comparative advantage. Lastly, the method based on shadow prices and social profitability is adapted to study the current policy problem of trade imbalances with the US and Japan. We show that the imbalances are mainly by-products of export-led growth and that some 'selectivity' in the policies of export restraints vis-a-vis the US and localisation vis-a-vis Japan may be necessary to minimise the social cost of reducing the trade imbalances.
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27

Hollingsworth, Teri Ann. "Associating democratic methods in correctional education and postmodern critical theory." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1615.

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28

Glennon, Colin, and Hemant Sherma. "American Government The Evolution of a Constitutional Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/120.

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29

Karcher, Katharina. "Sisters in arms? : female participation in leftist political violence in the Federal Republic of Germany since 1970." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57447/.

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This dissertation offers a qualitative study of female participation in leftist political violence in the Federal Republic of Germany since 1970. It focuses on four militant leftist groups: the ‘Red Army Faction’ (RAF), the ‘Movement of June 2’ (MJ2), the ‘Revolutionary Cells’ (RC), and the ‘Red Zora’ (RZ). Unlike the RAF, the MJ2 has attracted little attention by scholars and journalists; and there is virtually no literature on the RC and the RZ. To offer a nuanced analysis of the history, ideologies and activities of the four groups, this thesis draws on semi-structured interviews with former group members and contemporary witnesses, autobiographical accounts, scholarly literature, newspaper articles, and a range of archival sources. The guiding questions for the analysis are: what roles have women played in the four organisations and in concrete manifestations of political violence? And, to what extent could female participation in political violence be understood as a form of feminist militancy? To answer these questions, this study combines theories and methods from new feminist materialisms, philosophies of sexual difference, gender theory and Cultural Studies. It finds that whilst opposing the existing gender regime, women in the RAF and MJ2 effectively used femininity as camouflage to carry out violent attacks. Neither groups had a feminist agenda. The RZ and some of the women in the RC, by contrast, took up central themes in the women’s movement. This thesis argues that their activities evolved into a form of feminist militancy. Beyond the specific context of research on political violence in Germany, this study makes a more general contribution to scholarship on female participation in armed conflicts, as it works towards a methodological and conceptual approach that accounts for the material-discursive nature of political violence, and for situational dynamics and gendered performances during concrete attacks.
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30

Jurák, Jan. "The Europen Economic and Monetary Union, the Czech republic and the Theory of Optimum Currency Areas." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2006. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-14314.

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31

Rajbar, Simon. "Iran as a symptom : a psychoanalytic critique of the ideological structure in the Islamic Republic." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2018. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/112125/.

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This thesis offers a systematic analysis of the ideological structure in the Islamic Republic of Iran through the lens of Lacanian psychoanalytic critique of ideology. The Lacanian emphasis on the libidinal constitution of ideology changes the object of analysis from social reality in its empirical aspects to the unconscious or disavowed conditions sustaining social reality in the Islamic Republic. The overall analysis of this thesis is divided into three interrelated research domains: the first domain of political subjectivity examines how subjectivity in Iran is embedded in the ideological order, as well as how that order was constructed through the 1979 Islamic revolution by tapping into the unconscious agency of political subjectivity; the second theologico-political domain inquires into the form of ideology materialised in the socio-political framework of the Islamic Republic and analyses its libidinal sustainability; the third domain explores the political economy in Iran by conflating its historical and ontological inquiry. The analysis of the three domains helps me to discern the inherent contradictions of the ideological structure in contemporary Iran and the peculiar way these contradictions are mediated. Their mediation conversely ensures the reproduction of ideology on an unconscious level. This thesis therefore explores how ideology in the Islamic Republic of Iran enables a consistent experience of social reality and how subjectivity sustains the ideological order through libidinal investments.
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32

Mertkan, Sefika. "Leadership capacity building for sustainable educational reform in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2010. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11768/.

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This study examines the recent educational reform initiatives in North Cyprus with particular emphasis on (1) building head teachers' capacity to lead instructional development and organisational improvement, and (2) improving the system capacity to support head teachers in the effective undertaking of their roles. The study frames the current domain of headship in North Cyprus within the external system infrastructure in which head teachers operate, illustrates the national framework for building head teachers' capacity to lead, and looks at how the existing opportunities for leadership capacity building can be enhanced, along with the system infrastructure, to provide a context within which the enhanced capacity can be realised. The study employs a mixed-method design with an inductive drive, where the qualitative paradigm has a dominant and the quantitative has a supplemental status. Surveys, qualitative interviews, and documentary analysis were used to answer the research questions the study explores. Findings clearly show that the case of North Cyprus is an instance of 'vernacular globalisation'. Implemented in a very 'glocal' context in response to very particular problems, the reforms are influenced by local histories and narratives of the nation as much as by such global imperatives as the heightened need for up-skilled citizens. The study reveals that head teachers operate within a highly centralised system, which lacks infrastructure, a strong focus on teaching and learning, and credible monitoring and evaluation systems. It is common for heads to spend a significant amount of time dealing with bureaucratic and operational matters, and questions of instruction and professional development seem to be beyond their remit. This is a condition that needs to change. There are also significant problems with the professional development opportunities for head teachers that must be addressed. Keywords: Educational Reform, Educational Change, Educational Leadership, Capacity-Building, Education Policy
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33

Meng, Guangwen. "The theory and practice of free economic zones : a case study of Tianjin, People's Republic of China /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/371968798.pdf.

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34

Cloatre, Emilie. "Actor-network theory and socio-legal objects : analysing TRIPS and pharmaceutical patents in the Republic of Djibouti." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2006. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11474/.

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This research analyses the role and action of the Trade Related Intellectual Property Agreements (TRIPS) and pharmaceutical patents in the public health network of Djibouti, by using an approach largely inspired by actor-network theory (ANT). In doing so, it addresses issues that run beyond the specificities of this case study and relate more broadly to the relevance of ANT to socio-legal analysis. The relation between TRIPS, pharmaceutical patents and public health in developing countries has been a widely debated issue in the past decade. However, the field remains limited by a relative uniformity in the range of approaches and case studies chosen in existing research. This project aims to address some of these limits, by looking at the role of TRIPS and pharmaceutical patents in a small country with no local pharmaceutical industry, no pre-existing official system of intellectual property, and with a largely undocumented public health system. Using ANT in this project allowed for the complexity of the mechanisms of both TRIPS and pharmaceutical patents to be highlighted. It participated in emphasising that they need to be understood as made of multiple, co-existing dimensions. By demonstrating how specific connections and associations have shaped what TRIPS and pharmaceutical patents are and do in the networks of Djibouti, this research emphasises the artificiality of the dichotomy between social and legal, and proposes an understanding of social connections as symmetrical and co-dependent. It discusses the more general relevance of this approach to socio-legal research. The example of Djibouti also allows for new questions to be raised in relation to the actual impact of TRIPS and pharmaceutical patents in “developing countries”. In particular, it emphasises the need to return to a more balanced approach to the relation between pharmaceutical patents and health in poor countries.
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35

Cannerstad, Kim. "Transmedicalism : A critical discourse analysis on transnormativity in online discussion websites and publishing platforms." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-85924.

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36

Mills, Anne. "The effect of the transition from a communist to a market-based economy on enterprises in the Czech Republic." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1995. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10615.

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37

Čabla, Adam. "Doba nezaměstnanosti v České republice pohledem analýzy přežití." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264719.

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In the presented thesis the aim is to apply methods of survival analysis to the data from the Labour Force Survey, which are interval-censored. With regard to this type of data, I use specific methods designed to handle them, especially Turnbull estimate, weighted log-rank test and the AFT model. Other objective of the work is the design and application of a methodology for creating a model of unemployment duration, depending on the available factors and its interpretation. Other aim is to evaluate evolution of the probability distribution of unemployment duration and last but not least aim is to create more accurate estimate of the tail using extreme value theory. The main benefits of the thesis can include the creation of a methodology for examining the data from the Labour Force Survey based on standard techniques of survival analysis. Since the data are internationally comparable, the methodology is applicable at the level of European Union countries and several others. Another benefit of this work is estimation of the parameters of the generalized Pareto distribution on interval-censored data and creation and comparison of the models of piecewise connected distribution functions with solution of the connection problem. Work brought empirical results, most important of which is the comparison of results from three different data approaches and specific relationship between selected factors and time to find a job or spell of unemployment.
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38

Deneulin, Séverine. "Examining Sen's capability approach to development as guiding theory for development policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1c357bd8-5e83-48df-a748-f71745304ac1.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to examine to what extent Sen's freedom-centred view of development, with its existing theoretical foundations, offers sufficient theoretical insights for guiding development policies towards the enhancement of human freedoms. The theoretical part of the dissertation focuses on the three foundational building stones of Sen's freedom-centred view of development. First, the capability approach sets the evaluation space of development in the capabilities that people have reason to choose and value, but by doing so, it is argued that Sen's capability approach contains tensions between human freedom and human well-being that can be loosened by thickening this evaluation space with a substantial view of human well-being. Second, the capability approach views individual agency as central in development, but because of the socio-historical dimension of human freedom and agency, it is argued that concepts of collective capabilities and of socio-historical agency are more central in promoting human freedoms. Third, promoting human freedoms cannot be dissociated from democratic policy-making. But because the link between the two is not necessary, it is argued that the capability approach's consequentialist evaluation of human well-being will have to be thickened by a procedural evaluation which assesses the exercise of political freedom through certain normative principles of decision-making. The empirical part of the thesis illustrates these theoretical arguments through the analysis of two case studies, Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic. The case studies particularly point to a country's socio-historical agency, or collective capability in promoting human well-being, through socio-historical narratives. These narratives assess a country's collective capability in promoting human freedoms by looking at the country's socio-historical reality, and how its members have appropriated that reality in the course of the country's history, opening up or closing down opportunities for realising policy decisions towards the removal of unfreedoms.
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39

Horák, Michal. "Česká republika a přijetí eura - ekonomické dopady a konvergence." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192542.

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The thesis deals with the readiness of the Czech Republic to adopt Euro from nominal as well as from real criterions point of view. Theory of optimum currency area is introduced in the first part of the thesis. In the second part the particular criterions are analyzed on example of the Czech Republic. In last part the most important consequences related to Euro adoption are examined.
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40

Katz, Sam. "Eduard Shevardnadze: The Modern Day Machiavel." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/587.

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My thesis will examine the life and political career of Georgian statesman Eduard Shevardnadze. I have chosen to examine Shevardnadze through a Machiavellian lens; I will examine Shevardnadze’s politics while considering Machiavelli’s central ideologies. I have attempted to provide a context by which to understand Shevardnadze’s life and how it has allowed him to become a modern day Machiavellian figure.
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41

Winters, Veronica Jane. "State-Corporate Crime in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4615.

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This study addresses the need for a parsimonious theoretical model to explain state-corporate crime. The Integrated Theoretical Model of State-Corporate Crime will be compared to the Integrated Theory of International Criminal Law Violation to determine which model provides the most accurate theoretical depiction of state- corporate crime, while retaining parsimony. For this comparison, the models will be applied to Democratic Republic of Congo case study. Using a secondary analysis of qualitative data and preexisting literature, it was found that the Integrated Theoretical Model of State-Corporate Crime displays a representative depiction of all state-corporate crime actors and their catalysts for action in a more parsimonious manner than the Integrated Theory of International Criminal Law Violation.
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42

Baker, Kevin T. "Red Helmsman: Cybernetics, Economics, and Philosophy in the German Democratic Republic." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/47.

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Cybernetics, despite being initially rejected in the Eastern Bloc throughout the 1950s for ideological reasons, rose to a high level of institutional prominence in the 1960s, profoundly influencing state philosophy and economic planning. This thesis is an examination of this transition, charting the development of cybernetics from the object of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands’s (SED) opprobrium to one of the major philosophical currents within the party intelligentsia.
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43

Azarbarzin, Leili F. "Aristotle on the Family: An Analysis of Books I-III of Aristotle’s Politics in reference to Plato’s Republic." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1503.

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This paper is an analysis of Aristotle’s Politics in its critique of Plato’s Republic in reference to the topics of the ideal state and the role of the family. I focused on books I-III in Aristotle’s Politics to gain a deep understanding on Aristotle’s conception of the state and it’s goals in relation to its citizens as well as his critique on Plato’s ideal state. I also read book V and parts of book III of Plato’s Republic to gain a strong understanding of Plato’s requirements of the ideal state. In exploring the ideal states put forth by Plato and Aristotle, it became clear that the two sources of friction are in the state and the family. The first chapter of this paper discusses the general themes of Aristotle’s Politics such as how the state came to exist and the relationship between the good man and the good citizen. The second chapter offers insight to book V of Plato’s Republic but its majority is a focus on the critique of Plato’s proposed guardian or ruling class. The third and final chapter is an examination of how seriously one should take both Plato and Aristotle in their implications for the state and a tongue-in-cheek analysis of Aristotle’s critique of Plato in relation to the role of philosophy. This paper is concluded by considering the true implications of these philosophers on the role of reason and politics; more specifically considering how much of a role reason can have in promoting the state or the family. In understanding the guidelines of these two ideal states, one is better prepared in discussing the role of the family in modern government and to what extent both the family and the state can thrive together.
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44

Andersson, Jonas. "Is Iran an Islamic State : A Comparison between Shia Islamic Theory of State and Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic Republic of Iran." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-9524.

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The Islamic Republic of Iran‟s alleged pursuit of nuclear missile capabilities is proving in-creasingly problematic for the international community, which places the country in a sig-nificant position in world politics. In turn, the world‟s attention towards the thirty-year-old Republic established by the late Ayatollah Khomeini has resurged. The Republic of Iran based on Ayatollah Khomeini‟s interpretation of Islam has long stood in the spotlight of both public and scholastic scrutiny, particularly due to its perceivably radical manoeuvres on the international stage. However, as the focus of these scrutinizing views has been the Iranian unwillingness to subdue and conform to western norms, the issue of the „Islamicness‟ of the Republic has been overlooked.

Hence, this thesis seeks to draw further attention to this question - whether Iran can truly be regarded as an Islamic State - in order to ensure a deeper and more accurate under-standing of the Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is thus to investigate and re-flect on the theory of Islamic governance promoted by Ayatollah Khomeini and the politi-cal system of the Islamic Republic through the prism of Islamic history. The theory of the Islamic State and the Shia Islamic leadership has been and continues to be central in Aya-tollah Khomeini‟s and the Islamic Republic‟s official rhetoric, being claimed as the sole foundation of the „new‟ Iranian system. In consequence, this paper delves into the Islamic theory of State and the concept of the Imamate in order to critically analyze Ayatollah Khomeini‟s theory and the Islamic Republic. This is aimed at yielding a conclusion whether Iran is justly labeled an Islamic State.

By performing this norm-fulfilling analysis of the subject in question reliant on a qualitative data collection, the thesis has found that the correlation between the two theories of Islam-ic governance is one of considerable disputability. The paper has, based on the investigated material, been able to conclude that the Islamic Republic of Iran holds a political structure lent from non-Islamic sources, but that its personnel and political field of contest can still be considered Islamic. What the paper has thus revealed is that Khomeini‟s reasoning con-stitutes a novel and unique form of Islamic fundamentalism formed in conjuncture with political ideas of modern and non-Islamic nature. Hence, the results of the study suggests that the Islamic Republic of Iran is in need of serious reconsideration as the Iranian model of Islamic governance remains a source of contention because of the significant deviations from what it claims as its sole basis.


Den Islamiska Republiken Irans påstådda strävan att uppnå kärnvapen kapacitet har visat sig vara ett stort problem för det internationella samfundet, vilket har gett landet en bety-dande position i världspolitiken. Detta har i sin tur medfört att Iran återigen har fått värl-dens uppmärksamhet riktat mot sig, endast trettio år efter Ayatollah Khomeinis upprättan-de av den Islamiska Republiken. Irans statsskick, som uteslutet bygger på Ayatollah Kho-meinis egen tolkning av Islam, har länge stått i fokus för både offentlig och akademisk granskning, i synnerhet på grund av dess tillsynes radikala manövrar på den internationella scenen. Men eftersom fokuset för denna granskning har varit Irans ovilja att rätta sig efter västerländska normer så har frågan om Irans Islamiska natur förbisetts.

Utifrån detta så ämnar denna uppsats att uppmärksamma och belysa frågan om Iran verkli-gen kan betraktas som en islamisk stat, vilken är en nödvändighet för en djupare och mer korrekt förståelse av landet. Syftet med denna studie är således att undersöka och reflektera över teorin om Islamiskt styre som Ayatollah Khomeini främjar och hans senare republik genom att jämföra dessa med deras påstådda grundpelare: Islamisk statsteori och dess le-darskap. Islamisk statsteori och det shia Islamska ledarskapet har alltid varit centralt i Aya-tollah Khomeinis och den Islamiska Republikens officiella retorik, där de hävdas vara den enda inspirationen för Irans statsskick. Detta är dock något som denna uppsats ifrågasätter, och den har därav undersökt Islamisk statsteori och dess ledarskap för att i sin tur kritiskt granska Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och den Islamska Republiken Iran. Denna studie har därav gett upphov till en slutsats om Iran är rättvist märkt ‟en Islamisk stat‟.

Denna studie har genom att utföra en norm-uppfyllande analys av ämnet i fråga, vilande på en kvalitativ datainsamling, funnit endast en vag korrelation mellan de två modellerna för Islamiskt styre. Baserat på det undersökta materialet så har studien kunnat konstatera att Iran har en politisk struktur som lånats från icke-islamiska källor, men att dess aktörer och politiska ‟spel‟ trots det är av en islamisk natur. Vad som därav har påvisats i denna uppsats är att Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och stat utgör en ny och unik form av Islamisk fundamen-talism som skapats i konjunktur med moderna och icke-islamiska idéer. Resultaten av den-na undersökning indikerar på så vis att den Islamiska Republiken Iran är i behov av en om-prövning i förhållande till dess Islamiska natur, vilket är speciellt tydligt då Iran visar prov på betydande avvikelser från dess påstådda grundpelare.

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45

Watson, James. "The theory of neo-enosis: The Republic of Cyprus's EU membership as an objective of Pan-Hellenic nationalism A history." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27931.

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The Greek Cypriot struggle for enosis, or union with Greece, dominated Cypriot politics until the military coup and Turkish invasion of 1974. But the roots of the enosis movement maintained their Pan-Hellenic character, later resurfacing with the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in 1983 and surviving in the traditional institutions of the Greek Cypriot state. The Orthodox Church, the National Guard, and 'Hellenic-centred' education all identified with the Greek Cypriot struggle for union with Greece. The concept of neo-enosis, or new union, is presented as the political objective of the Cypriot Republic from the late 1980s. Its dual objectives were to bring Cyprus politically closer to Greece through the island's application to the European Union and to pressure Turkey into accepting a Cyprus settlement. The Republic of Cyprus's application to the European Union, as argued by the theory of neo-enosis, was therefore a political manifestation of the resurgent Greek nationalism on Cyprus post-1974. The process of European Union accession strengthened the Hellenic bonds between Cyprus and Greece. Cypriot accession was only assured by a Greek threat to prevent any European enlargement unless Cyprus was accepted in the first wave of expansion to Eastern Europe. This joint effort required the common exertion of both states politically, economically, and militarily. Greek and Cypriot membership in the EU consolidates and strengthens these links. The European Union was therefore used as a vehicle for a Pan-Hellenic nationalist agenda. The accession of the Republic of Cyprus to the European Union also linked potential Turkish EU membership to a Cyprus settlement. The Greek Cypriots could threaten a veto of Turkish EU entry as long as the island remained divided. This second function of the theory of neo-enosis produced the 'Annan Plan', rejected by the Greek Cypriots because of its perceived unfavourable conditions. Joint European Union membership provides the Republic of Cyprus and Greece with a forum in which to formalize national policies and devise a final settlement that maintains the territorial integrity of the entire island.
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46

Karimov, Reshad. "Abacus of frozen conflicts." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FKarimov.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Freeman, Michael E. ; Second Reader: Giordano, Frank R. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Russian-Georgian War of August of 2008, Deterrence Theory, Security Dilemma, Perception, Accidental War, Spiral Model, Game Theory, Game of Chicken, USSR, Fall of the Soviet Union, Republic of Georgia, Russia, South Ossetian Conflict, Abkhaz Conflict, Frozen Conflicts, Frozen Peace Processes. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-58). Also available in print.
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47

Christensen, Tobias Ibsen. "The Czech Republic: European Integration and the Development of Trade Structure." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264468.

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Trade structure changes over time as a result of fundamental changes within the country or the world around it. This thesis will investigate the case of Czech Republic in the period from the transition period till today with the foundation in classical and neoclassical trade theory. The trade structure will be analyzed in regard to trade partners, commodity structure, relative comparative advantages and degree of intra-industry trade within an industry or sector. It will provide basis for assessing the effects of increased European integration which the Czech Republic increasingly engaged itself in with the accession to the EU in 2004.
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48

Yusubova, Aysel. "Democratization of the Republic of Azerbaijan : a study about the impact of socioeconomic development on democratization of Azerbaijan." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för naturvetenskap, miljö och teknik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27909.

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Анотація:
Democratization has been studied by several scholars, who have argued about significance of various factors for democratization of a certain country. One of these scholars was Seymour Martin Lipset and he claimed that there is a linear correlation between democracy and socioeconomic development. Thus, the aim of this study is to test Lipset’s hypothesis in the case of Azerbaijan, which is an oil rich authoritarian country. The study was conducted with the help of mixed analysis methods (i.e. combination of qualitative and quantitative methods) and a case study research design.  To measure socioeconomic development’s impact on democratization of Azerbaijan, some socioeconomic indicators were chosen in this study, such as economic growth, income inequality, poverty and unemployment rates in the country. Results of the empirical data analysis showed that, socioeconomic development has a positive correlation with democratization and therefore, Lipset’s hypothesis is plausible in the case of Azerbaijan. In addition, socioeconomic development has a great impact on democratization of the country, i.e. of Azerbaijan.
Demokratisering är ett ämne som har studerats av flera forskare under flera år. Några av dessa forskare har hävdat att det finns diverse faktorer som kan ha inverkan på demokratiseringen av ett land. En av dessa forskare var Seymour Martin Lipset, som hävdade att det finns en positiv korrelation mellan demokrati och socioekonomisk utveckling. Därmed, syftet med denna studie är att testa Lipsets hypotes om socioekonomiska utvecklingens samband med demokratin på fallet av Azerbajdzjan. Azerbajdzjan är ett oljerik autoritär land som har upplevt hög ekonomisk tillväxt.  Studien har genomförts med hjälp av blandade analysmetoder (dvs. kombinationen av kvalitativ och kvantitativ analysmetod) och en fallstudie forskningsdesign. För att genomföra studien, några socioekonomisk utveckling indikatorer har valts, såsom ekonomiskt tillväxt, inkomstskillnader, fattigdoms- och arbetslöshetsnivån i landet. Resultatet av det empiriska data analysen visade att, Lipsets hypotes stämmer i fallet av Azerbajdzjan och det finns ett positivt samband mellan demokratisering och socioekonomisk utveckling. Därmed, socioekonomisk utveckling har en stor inverkan på demokratiseringen av landet, dvs. av Azerbajdzjan.
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49

Barnett, Vincent. "At the margins of the market : conceptions of the market and market economics in Soviet economic theory during the new economic policy, 1921-1929." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1992. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2162/.

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The period of the New Economic Policy was a time when the Bolshevik government was forced to reconsider its attitude towards the market, as NEP involved the introduction of market elements into Soviet society. This thesis is a comparative study of eleven Soviet economic theorists from this period; Bukharin, Preobrazhenskii, Strumilin, Bazarov, Groman, Kondrat'ev, Oparin, Sokol'nikov, Yurovskii, Chayanov, and Blyumin. It asks two basic questions: how did each theorist conceive of the market, and how did they relate this conception to socialism? The primary source material used is the works of these theorists, and in many cases this material has not been previously discussed by scholars. A theoretical framework places these conceptions into a historical context. The basic result obtained is that there were many diverse conceptions of the market prevalent in this period. The bulk of the thesis investigates these various conceptions, and suggests that their theoretical roots lie in various currents of economic thought: classical, neo-classical, Marxist, and socialist. During NEP these currents were allowed to mix freely to a certain extent, although pressure to censor them began to build towards the end of the 1920s.
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50

Ozbafli, Aygul. "Estimating the willingness to pay for a reliable electricity supply in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3265/.

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This dissertation estimates households’ willingness to pay (WTP) for an improved electricity service in North Cyprus. Stated WTP is estimated using choice experiments (CE), contingent valuation methods (CVM), and approximated using the averting expenditure (AE) method. These estimates rely on data collected from 350 in-person interviews conducted during the period August 5-22, 2008. Using the Tobit model, an average household’s averting expenditures are estimated to be 3.13 YTL/month. In the CVM section, the spike model with varying spike, varying mean, and constant standard error specification results in a median WTP of 23.03 YTL per month and a mean WTP of 29.14 YTL per month. Using CE, compensating variation estimates for eliminating summer and winter outages are calculated using parameter estimates from the mixed logit (ML) model with interactions. The compensating variation is 6.65 YTL per month and 25.83 YTL per month respectively. Among the three valuation methodologies, WTP per hour unserved ranges from 0.13 YTL (0.11 USD) to 1.22 YTL (1.03 USD). In order to avoid the cost of outages, households are willing to incur a 1.5%-13.5% increase in their monthly electricity bill.
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