Готові списки джерел за темами / Repressione in Libia

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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Repressione in Libia"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 11 березня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Repressione in Libia"

Bassani, Alessandra. "Il diritto mobile nel tempo e nello spazio." Italian Review of Legal History, no. 8 (December 22, 2022): 621–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2464-8914/19454.

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Анотація:

Il saggio raccoglie le riflessioni condivise dall’Autrice in occasione del Convegno Dialogo transdisciplinare e identità del giurista organizzato dalla Facoltà di Giurisprudenza dell’Università degli Studi di Milano nel settembre 2022. L’occasione di dialogo con cultori delle materie di diritto positivo che condividono con i giuristi storici il compito di formazione degli operatori del diritto di domani ha stimolato una riflessione che si è sviluppata ripercorrendo le ricerche svolte in anni recenti, o attualmente in corso, collaborando con colleghi di diverse discipline, giuridiche e storiche, sul notariato, sul diritto penale, sulla giurisdizione amministrativa, sulla repressione attuata in Libia dal Tribunale Speciale per la Difesa dello Stato.

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Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Whither 'Arab Spring?" ICR Journal 3, no. 3 (April 15, 2012): 532–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v3i3.537.

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Анотація:

Since December 2010, the ‘Arab Spring’ has featured techniques of civil resistance in sustained campaigns involving strikes, demonstrations, marches and rallies, as well as the use of the new social media to organize, communicate, and raise awareness in the face of state attempts at repression and censorship. In the case of Tunisia, Egypt, and - most dramatically - Libya, the protests have actually led to the departure of long-established regimes, whereas the situation in Syria and Bahrain remains unsettled to date.

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Mallat, Chibli. "The Philosophy of the Middle East Revolution, Take One: Nonviolence." Middle East Law and Governance 3, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2011): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591495.

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Against the sceptics, who see nonviolence as a serendipitous occurrence of the Middle East Revolution, the reality is that of a powerful, conscious determination of the revolutionaries in at least three countries where repression was immense, and where people refused to take up arms after the nonviolent precedents in Tunisia and in Egypt. In Bahrain, Yemen and Syria, the refusal to resort to violence is a conscious choice of hundreds of thousands of people. Th at clear appreciation of the power of nonviolence, in contrast to the revolutionaries in Libya, is the leitmotive of the Middle East Revolutions. Th e rebels in Libya made a mistake in taking up arms against Qaddafi , and lost Tripoli on the very day when the military front was constituted. Yet the rule remains, across the ME Revolution from the beginning of the paradigmatic shift in January 2011, in the attachment to nonviolence as the privileged means to revolutionary success.

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Trauthig, Inga Kristina. "Gaining Legitimacy in Post-Qaddafi Libya: Analysing Attempts of the Muslim Brotherhood." Societies 9, no. 3 (September 13, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9030065.

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Анотація:

The Libyan Muslim Brotherhood needed to manoeuvre underground for several decades, just as most opposition groups in Libya had to—because of the repression from the Qaddafi regime. In 2012, however, the political wing of the Libyan Muslim Brotherhood (LMB), the Justice and Construction Party (JCP, sometimes also called the Justice and Development Party) participated in popular elections just shortly after its inception. Seven years later, one can unanimously say that the movement was not able to take power in the country. This paper will analyse the LMB in post-revolutionary Libya by concentrating on the attempts of establishing legitimacy in the political sphere—while continuously being informed by historical influences. Methodologically, the paper examines primary sources, key academic texts but also factors in interview data from semi-structured interviews. Overall, the paper addresses the puzzle of why Libya as a predominantly Sunni, conservative country did not translate into a conservative Sunni movement like the LMB faring well; with that, derailing the impression that the whole region was “going Islamist” after the so-called Arab Spring. The LMB today is still influenced by the historical treatment it received under Qaddafi, which lead it to base itself mostly in exile, hence it struggled to entrench itself in the country. The LMB was pointed towards their opponents’ fearmongering of an alleged Islamist takeover, mostly without addressing self-inflicted wounds, such as their inability to unite or to convince major parts of the population of their political programme.

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Arie, S. "Agencies prepare to deal with mental health problems in Libya after 42 years of repression." BMJ 343, sep06 3 (September 6, 2011): d5653. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.d5653.

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Gussenhoven, Carlos. "Zwara (Zuwārah) Berber." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 48, no. 3 (April 11, 2017): 371–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100317000135.

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Zwara Berber is a variety of Nafusi (ISO 639-3; Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2016) which belongs to the eastern Zenati group within northern Berber (where Berber is the scientific term for Tamazight), a branch of Afro-Asiatic. Zwara (Zuwārah, Zuwara, Zuāra, Zuara, Zouara) is a coastal city located at 32.9° N, 12.1° E in Libya. The speakers refer to themselves as /at ˈwil.lul/ (also /ajt ˈwil.lul/) ‘those of Willul’ and to their specific variety of the language as /t.ˈwil.lult/ ‘the language of Willul’. Having no official status during the Italian colonization of Libya and the first period after the country's independence in 1951, repression of the language became severe after the Cultural Revolution of 1973. Its propagation through teaching and the media fell under a constitutional ban on the denial of the Arab identity of the state, and qualified as such as treason, a capital offense. Until the revolution of 2011 (‘17 February’), the language was therefore not spoken in cultural, educational or governmental domains and could not be taught, printed or broadcast. The number of Tamazight speakers in Libya is estimated at 184,000 in Lewis et al. (2016) and at 560,000 by Chakel & Ferkal (2012). In the absence of a municipal register, the number of inhabitants in Zwara is uncertain. A conservative estimate is between 50,000 and 100,000, which is also the number of speakers of the Zwara variety. Other than through exposure by radio and television, children learn Arabic only from age six, when attending school. Speakers have variable L2 Arabic competence depending on exposure to the language.

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Droz-Vincent, Philippe. "From Fighting Formal Wars to Maintaining Civil Peace?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 392–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000535.

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Анотація:

In the 2011 wave of popular uprisings shaking authoritarian rule in the Middle East, mass societal mobilizations have been the crucial factor. But institutional actors, especially armies, are also playing an active role. Armies in the region have generally had less and less involvement in formal interstate wars and consequently have played more of a role, willingly or not, in underpinning regimes. Recent events demonstrate two patterns: armies that have refused to play this role (Egypt, Tunisia) and armies that have been willing, at least for some time, to answer the regimes’ requests to engage in repression (Bahrain, Yemen, Syria) or even civil war (Libya). How can we account for the military's growing role in civil strife or civil peace?

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Conde, Gilberto. "On the evolutions of the Arab Spring." Regions and Cohesion 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2017): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2017.070206.

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Анотація:

This article looks back at the 2011 Arab Spring where the movements that brought hope to the region and beyond seem to have gone astray. The military has taken over in Egypt, while Libya, Syria and Yemen have descended into civil strife with tremendous human costs. Bahrain has witnessed repression that has overwhelmed the opposition, and while Tunisia, the country where Arab Spring began, has avoided the violence characterizing the aforementioned states, change has remained rather limited. As for other countries that rode on the same wave of mobilizations, hopes for democratic transformation have been subdued in somewhat less violent contexts but with varying degrees of pressure from the state. This article examines what has happened to the Arab Spring countries, why and what is required to democratically transform the region.

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Krysachenko, Valentyn. "RUSSIAN POLICY OF GENOCIDE THROUGH DEPORTATION OF PEOPLES: SYSTEMICITY AND PERMANENCE OF REPRESSION." Politology bulletin, no. 84 (2020): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2020.84.49-71.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of one of the forms of genocide policy, namely — the crime of deportation, which was practiced by the Russian state throughout its existence. The political significance of the deportations was to curb the resistance of the tamed peoples, to prevent the real or potential threat of anti-Russian movements. Russia, as the successor to the USSR, did not assume political, legal and moral responsibility for the repression, the process of rehabilitation of deported peoples was stopped completely. At the time of the collapse of the USSR, the leadership of the RSFSR tried to take certain steps in this direction, but with the proclamation of the Russian Federation as the successor to the union state, such efforts were completely stopped. In the current conditions in Russia there is no political, legal and moral assessment of crimes, no objective assessment of the causes and consequences of mass repression, rehabilitation of deported peoples committed in part or not at all, a number of regulations of the Soviet period to restrict rights and freedoms procedural use, etc. Moreover, the aggressive actions of modern Russia against independent states, including Moldova, Georgia, Syria, Libya, and especially Ukraine, have been a determining factor in new waves of forced migration of large populations, accompanied by significant human, moral, and material losses. All this imposes a special responsibility on the world community to carry out actions of various ranks (political, legal, economic, etc. ) to deter the criminal actions of the aggressor country and to develop the necessary conditions and requirements for the inevitability of punishment for crimes committed by the Putin regime.

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Nuruzzaman, Mohammed. "Rethinking Foreign Military Interventions to Promote Human Rights: Evidence from Libya, Bahrain and Syria." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 3 (September 2015): 531–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000803.

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AbstractScholarly opinions on the linkages between foreign military interventions and human rights promotions or violations are highly divided across the board. While many scholars see military interventions as effective means to save and promote human lives and rights from the clutches of repressive regimes, others reject such interventions as harmful to domestic reconciliations and rights promotions. The Arab Spring has renewed the debates between the liberal enthusiasts who staunchly supported NATO's military intervention to free up the Libyans from the Gaddafi regime and the critics who saw creeping dangers in this new intervention, ostensibly inspired by the “responsibility to protect” doctrine. This paper investigates the issue of Arab Spring-led foreign direct and indirect military interventions in Libya, Bahrain and Syria and critically examines the consequences of interventions for improvements or decline in Arab human rights conditions. Its findings support the position of the anti-intervention scholars that foreign military interventions produce deleterious effects on human rights in the target states.

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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Repressione in Libia"

Bernardi, Davide. "CYRENAIC ECONOMIC EVOLUTION DURING FASCIST PERIOD (1922-1939)-The impact of Italian repression against Indigenous on local economy." Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11562/1018034.

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This study wants investigate the impact of Italian dominion on Libyan economy during the period between 1922 and 1940. In particular, we attempt to understand if the repression in Cyrenaica in years between 1930-33, with the creation of concentration camps, caused a deconstruction of local economy. To make this, we reconstructed the events related to Italian colonialism until WWI and then we collected data about Libya between 1920 and 1940. Our work focused on the relationship between two primary indigenous goods: barley and sheep, although we also used other several control variables. Analysing this, we conclude that the dynamics of local economy, which showed a strictly negative correlation between agriculture products and breeding products before the Fascist Regime, and which are represented by the town of Barce in the Cyrenaic hinterland, changed in the period between 1926-39 compared to the three years between 1920 and 1922.

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Книги з теми "Repressione in Libia"

Nicola, Labanca, ed. Un nodo: Immagini e documenti sulle repressione coloniale italiana in Libia. Bari [etc.]: P. Lacaita, 2002.

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Nicola, Labanca, ed. Un nodo: Immagini e documenti sulle repressione coloniale italiana in Libia. Bari [etc.]: P. Lacaita, 2002.

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Nicola, Labanca, ed. Un nodo: Immagini e documenti sulle repressione coloniale italiana in Libia. Bari [etc.]: P. Lacaita, 2002.

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Bassiouni, M. Cherif, ed. Libya: From Repression to Revolution. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351.

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Bassiouni, M. Cherif. Libya - From Repression to Revolution: A Record of Armed Conflict and International Law Violations, 2011-2013. BRILL, 2013.

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Bassiouni, M. Cherif. Libya : from Repression to Revolution: A Record of Armed Conflict and International Law Violations, 2011-2013. BRILL, 2013.

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Campbell, Ian. The Addis Ababa Massacre. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190674724.001.0001.

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On Friday 19th February 1937, following an abortive attack by a handful of insurgents on Mussolini's High Command in the Italian-occupied nation state of Ethiopia, 'repression squads' of armed Blackshirts and Fascist civilians were unleashed on the defenseless residents of the capital city Addis Ababa. In three terror-filled days and nights of arson, murder and looting, thousands of innocent and unsuspecting men, women and children were roasted alive, shot, bludgeoned, stabbed to death, or blown to pieces with hand-grenades. The incident is popularly known as Yekatit 12, the date concerned in the Ethiopian calendar. Meanwhile the notorious Viceroy Rodolfo Graziani, infamous for his atrocities in Libya, took the opportunity to add to the carnage by eliminating the intelligentsia and nobility of the ancient Ethiopian empire in a pogrom that swept across the land. In a richly illustrated and ground-breaking work backed up by meticulous and scholarly research, the author reconstructs and analyses one of Fascist Italy's least known atrocities, which he estimates eliminated 19-20 per cent of the capital's population. He exposes the hitherto little known cover-up conducted at the highest levels of the British government, which enabled the facts of one of the most hideous civilian massacres of all time to be concealed, and the perpetrators to walk free.

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Частини книг з теми "Repressione in Libia"

"Preliminary Material." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, i—lxiii. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_001.

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"I Historical Background." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 1–122. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_002.

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"II The Evolution of the Armed Conflict: 2011–2012." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 123–96. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_003.

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"III The NATO Campaign: An Analysis of the 2011 Intervention." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 197–287. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_004.

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"IV Accountability Issues." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 289–406. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_005.

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"V The Post-Conflict Period." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 407–67. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_006.

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"Addendum as of 17 September 2013." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 469–76. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_007.

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"VI Benghazi." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 477–534. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_008.

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"VII Ajdabiya & Brega." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 535–60. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_009.

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"VIII Ra’s Lanuf & Bin Jawad." In Libya: From Repression to Revolution, 561–83. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004257351_010.

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