Дисертації з теми "Regional disparities – european union countries"
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Van, der Holst Marieke. "EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping: partnership or asymmetry?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
Повний текст джерелаEurope and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
Südekum, Jens. "Agglomeration and regional unemployment disparities : a theoretical analysis with reference to the European Union /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/369180054.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаHengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
Повний текст джерелаENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.
RUBIO, BARCELÓ Eulàlia. "Regional governments, territorial political restructuring and vocational education and training policies : a comparison of four cases : Catalonia, Lombardy, Valencia and Veneto." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7037.
Повний текст джерелаExamining Board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI); Prof. Virginie Guiraudon (EUI); Prof. Marino Regini, (Università di Milano) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana Casajuana (Pompeu Fabra University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
Wang, Jia. "Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
Повний текст джерелаAdes, Moraes Felipe. "Evaluation of the disparities in trastuzumab approval, reimbursement and uptake across the 27 European Union Member States (EU-27)." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209132.
Повний текст джерелаcomposed by 27 member states (EU-27). The EU implemented several standardizations in laws,
justice and home affairs and shares the consensus that health care should be regulated by the
state. A high level of human protection should be ensured in all its member states. European
health systems are funded and managed by each national government and for historical
reasons health policy and health expenditure are not homogeneous.
Whereas cancer incidence is dependent on factors such as population age, life-style and
genetic predisposition, cancer mortality in general is dependent on the efficacy of health
systems in providing cancer prevention, efficient screening methods and treatments.
Around 20% of the breast cancers show amplification/overexpression of HER2 that is
associated with a more aggressive disease and worse clinical outcome. By targeting the HER2
receptor trastuzumab has significantly improved overall survival and changed the natural
course of this disease.
Objectives: This study aims to evaluate (1) the association of health expenditure with
breast cancer outcome, (2) to explore to which degree the differences in breast cancer survival
are related to the speed of uptake of trastuzumab and its determinants and (3) to evaluate the
real usage of trastuzumab and its relation to breast cancer survival in the EU.
Results: Breast cancer survival was found strongly correlated with health expenditure. A
clear cutoff divides Western and Eastern Europe in that regard, with western countries showing
higher health expenditure and higher breast cancer survival than Eastern Europe. Trastuzumab
reimbursement was faster in Western European countries, a factor associated with higher
health expenditure and better health policy performance. Trastuzumab uptake is increasing all
over Europe in the last 12 years, however it is still being under used in Eastern countries while
in Western Europe the uptake is sufficient to treat virtually all patients in need of the drug.
Conclusion: Important discrepancies in breast cancer survival exist in the EU. Western
Europe has higher breast cancer survival and higher health expenditure than Eastern Europe.
This can be partially explained by the faster approval and increased uptake of trastuzumab in
Western countries. Higher health expenditure and better health policy performance were
factors linked to faster reimbursement and uptake of trastuzumab.
Doctorat en sciences médicales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Li, Jinxiang. "The European Union relationship to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries in terms of the Cotonou Agreements: will the economic partnership agreements aid regional integration." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Повний текст джерелаOguzsoy, Cenk Mehmet. "The Structure Of National And Subnational Institutons In European Union Candidate Countries And Eu Implications." Thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1260459/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаregional policies and institutional structures. While twelve of these countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia) will be definitely the member states until the year of 2007, Turkey is not currently negotiating her membership and is highly backward status in comparison with the other candidate countries. In this context, the thesis study is composed of four main parts: 1. the changing system of the European Union regional policy, 2. the realized applications of the candidate countries in the field of regional policy after the year 1989, 3. the developments of the candidate countries&rsquo
institutional structures on regional policy, and 4. the position of Turkish regional policy and institutional structure. Basically, the thesis investigates how the European Union is following a similar system for the candidate countries in the field of regional policy and institutional structure and tries to provide significant outputs in Turkish case.
Cardoso, Catarina. "The role of human capital in the Iberian countries' growth and convergence." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8523.
Повний текст джерелаOliveira, Denise Lícia Boni de. "Problemas e perspectivas da integração na União Europeia = um olhar sobre os progrssos de alargamento." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279404.
Повний текст джерелаDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T14:16:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_DeniseLiciaBonide_M.pdf: 2244858 bytes, checksum: 71ad8156e762baafc235ebd4a87674d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar uma visão da União Europeia, através dos processos de alargamento, para observar as possíveis perspectivas futuras a que o bloco pode optar. A União Européia é um processo de integração regional sem um projeto específico, sem um fim conhecido, ainda em constante construção. Observá-la a partir dos processos de alargamento traz uma dimensão mais dinâmica às alterações sofridas pelo bloco ao longo do tempo e apresenta duas opções como perspectivas de futuro: o aprofundamento da integração - com a delimitação de novas competências para a União e a conseqüente oposição que isso suscita nos Estados-membros - e o alargamento, que ao permitir a entrada de novos Estados acrescenta o debate sobre até onde devem ir as fronteiras do bloco. Esta dissertação está organizada em quatro capítulos. O primeiro apresenta a UE, suas características e um pouco de sua história, importante para entender as motivações do processo. O segundo faz uma abordagem sobre as etapas do crescimento da integração na Europa, os novos Tratados introduzidos e os alargamentos, que transformaram a CECA do pós-guerra e a CEE da Guerra Fria na UE dos dias de hoje. O terceiro capítulo trata dos principais problemas que envolvem o processo. Alguns deles existem desde os primeiros passos da integração, não tendo sido solucionados com as constantes reformulações do bloco. Outros são fruto de fatores do contexto internacional dos dias atuais, como o neoliberalismo e o final da Guerra Fria. Encerramos com um quarto capítulo que faz a discussão sobre os futuros possíveis a que a UE pode perseguir, decidindo entre aprofundar a integração ou ampliar o número de Estados participantes. E, na conclusão, temos o entendimento permitido a partir da observação do desenvolvimento da integração, de seus problemas e das possíveis soluções e caminhos a seguir
Abstract: This work has in its objectives to present a view of the European Union, through the enlargement processes, to observe the possible future perspectives that the EU can choose. The European Union is an integration process without a specific project, without a known end and in incessant construction. To observe it from the enlargement processes brings a more dynamic dimension to the modifications took by the european process as the passing of the time and presents two options as perspectives of future: the deepening of the integration - determining new competences to the Union and the sequent opposition that it brings to the member States - and the enlargement, when the permission of the access of new members increases the debate on where should end the European Union's frontiers. This dissertation is organized in four chapters. The first one presents the UE, its characteristics and a bit of its history, very important to understand the motivations of this process. The second makes an approach on the european integration growing fases, the new Treaties introduced and the enlargement processes, that turned the ECSC from the post-war period and the EEC from the Cold War period in the current EU. The third chapter discuss mabout the problems the EU is involved. Some of them came since the first steps of the integration, unsolved even with the constant reforms of the EU. Other problems are results of factors of the international context of the current days, such as the neoliberalism and the Cold War. Ending the dissertation we have a forth chapter that debate about the possiblefutures the EU can choose, the deepening or the enlargement. End in the conclusion, we have the understanding arrived from the observation of the EU's development, its problems and the possible solutions and paths to follow
Mestrado
Relações Internacionais
Mestre em Ciência Política
Aina, Tosin Philip. "A critical overview of the impact of economic partnership agreement with European Union on trade and economic development in the West African Region." Thesis, UWC, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3216.
Повний текст джерелаZürker, Matthias. "Promotion of regional development through inter-regional co-operation with the accession countries of the enlargement of the European Union : the example of the south west of England region /." Kaiserslautern : Techn. Univ, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/bs/toc/476518547.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаFrisina, Lorraine. "Understanding regional development : absorption, institutions and socio-economic growth in the regions of the European Union ; a case study on Italy /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/560191960.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаMansour, Mohammed Amine. "L'influence du droit de la concurrence français et européen sur la réglementation antitrust des pays arabes : l'exemple du Maroc." Thesis, Montpellier, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MONTD043/document.
Повний текст джерелаThis research focuses on the influence of EU competition law on developing countries by taking Morocco and other Arabic countries as a case study.On the world stage, the field of competition law is currently dominated by two main regimes: one is American, the other is European. In this context, developing countries intending to acquire a sound competition regime naturally turn to one of the dominant models. Morocco as a developing country, do not derogate from this rule and rely on the European experience so that it seems relevant to wonder whether this phenomenon could somehow be questioned.This dissertation has two folds. By taking Morocco as case study, the Thesis investigates first not only how does this influence manifest itself but also the factors allowing it to take roots. Second, it critically assesses whether such influence is in line with the needs of developing countries such as Morocco
Sousa, Paula Cristina Cravina de. "A parceria entre a União Europeia e os Países Mediterrânicos depois da Conferência de Barcelona até 2005." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/1671.
Повний текст джерелаO trabalho tem como objectivo caracterizar as relações entre a União Europeia (UE) e os países mediterrânicos num contexto mais actual, entre 1995 – desde o Processo de Barcelona - e 2005 no contexto do multilateralismo e do regionalismo. Pretende-se descrever os avanços conseguidos em termos de política mediterrânica da UE ao nível comercial e os entraves ao aprofundar das relações entre as duas regiões, bem como fazer um balanço dos dez anos de Barcelona. Os esforços para relançar a Parceria feitos a partir de 2005 também serão tratados. O trabalho fará também uma abordagem às relações entre Portugal e os países mediterrânicos.
This paper pretends to characterize the relationship between the European Union and the Mediterranean partners between 1995, year of the Barcelona Process, to 2005 in the context of multilateralism and regionalism. The objective is to describe the evolution of the trade relations and to make a balance of the ten years of the Barcelona Process. The EU’s new strategies to re-launch the partnership will also be treated. The paper will show the differences between the two regions and between the Mediterranean countries themselves. The relations between Portugal and the Mediterranean countries will also be treated.
Kolaříková, Jana. "Dopady finanční podpory ze strukturálních fondů na růst krajů České a Slovenské republik." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264458.
Повний текст джерелаGalgau, Olivia. "Essays in international economics and industrial organization." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210773.
Повний текст джерелаThe first chapter aims to bring together the literature on economic integration, firm mobility and investment. It contains two sections: one dedicated to the literature on FDI and the second covering the literature on firm entry and exit, economic performance and economic and business regulation.
In the second chapter I examine the relationship between the Single Market and FDI both in an intra-EU context and from outside the EU. The empirical results show that the impact of the Single Market on FDI differs substantially from one country to another. This finding may be due to the functioning of institutions.
The third chapter studies the relationship between the level of external trade protection put into place by a Regional Integration Agreement(RIA)and the option of a firm from outside the RIA block to serve the RIA market through FDI rather than exports. I find that the level of external trade protection put in place by the RIA depends on the RIA country's capacity to benefit from FDI spillovers, the magnitude of set-up costs of building a plant in the RIA and on the amount of external trade protection erected by the country from outside the reigonal block with respect to the RIA.
The fourth chapter studies how the firm entry and exit process is affected by product market reforms and regulations and impact macroeconomic performance. The results show that an increase in deregulation will lead to a rise in firm entry and exit. This in turn will especially affect macroeconomic performance as measured by output growth and labor productivity growth. The analysis done at the sector level shows that results can differ substantially across industries, which implies that deregulation policies should be conducted at the sector level, rather than at the global macroeconomic level.
Doctorat en sciences économiques, Orientation économie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Kostera, Thomas. "When Europa meets Bismarck: cross-border healthcare and usages of Europe in the Austrian healthcare system." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209268.
Повний текст джерелаDoctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Neacsa, Vasile I. "The black sea economic cooperation as an element of regional stability and security." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211093.
Повний текст джерелаSantander, Sébastian. "Le nouveau régionalisme dans l'économie politique mondiale: le développement du MERCOSUR face à la stratégie interrégionale de l'Union européenne et à la Zone de libre-échange des Amériques." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210768.
Повний текст джерелаDoctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
BAUER, Michael W. "The transformation of the European Commission : a study of supranational management capacity in EU structural funds implementation in Germany." Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5201.
Повний текст джерелаExamining Board: Adrienne Héritier, MPP-RdG, Bonn (supervisor) ; Jacques Ziller, EUI ; Michael Keating, EUI ; Les Metcalfe, EIPA, Maastricht
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
How can we approach the Commission's role as co-manager of policy implementation? Why should we expect the Commission to be pulled into domestic policy execution and to accumulate something like an implementation management capacity? How should we conceptualise the Commission's linkage with post-decision management issues? Finally, how does the Commission's involvement in the application of EU policies, if any, significantly change everything? Such questions are answered in this study, which is concerned with what may be called the implementation management capacity of the European Commission. Simply put, this is the role the Commission plays in the implementation of large-scale European spending programmes. While it is true that the Commission's predominant prerogatives are to draft legislation and facilitate bargaining, it also has a role in post-decision policy management. This role is of increasing importance for the emerging governance of the European Union.
PICCOLI, Lorenzo. "The politics of regional citizenship : explaining variation in the right to health care for undocumented immigrants across Italian regions, Spanish autonomous communities, and Swiss cantons." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53404.
Повний текст джерелаExamining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Maurizio Ferrera, University of Milan; Prof. Andrew Geddes, European University Institute; Prof. Liesbet Hooghe, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Over the last forty years, regions in Europe have acquired an increasingly important role in the provision of rights that were traditionally used by states to define the boundaries of national citizenship. Despite this trend, there are still few comparative examinations of what citizenship means for subnational actors, how these affect the provision of rights, and what the consequences of this process are for internal solidarity, the democratic process, and ultimately the constitutional integrity of modern states. These are important questions at a time when ideas about membership and rights within multilevel polities are vigorously contested in courts, legislative chambers, and election booths. Instances of these contestations are the Spanish Constitutional Court’s decision on the legality of subsequent referendums on Catalan secession in 2014 and 2017; the ongoing standoff between the state of California and the American federal government over who ought to regulate the rights of undocumented immigrants; and the Scottish and UK referendums on independence and exit from the European Union, respectively. This dissertation sets out to explain under what conditions, how, and with what kind of consequences some regions are more inclusionary than others in their approach to what citizenship entails and to whom it applies. This is what I refer to as the politics of regional citizenship. The empirical analysis focuses on subnational variations in the realisation of the right to health care for undocumented immigrants in three multilevel states where regional governments have some control over health care and, within these, on pairs of regions that have been governed by either left- or right-wing parties and coalitions: Lombardy (Italy, conservative government from 1995), Tuscany (Italy, progressive government from 1970), Andalusia (Spain, progressive government from 1980), Madrid (Spain conservative government from 1995), Vaud (Switzerland, progressive government from 2002) and Zürich (Switzerland, conservative government from 1991). Evidence is collected via the analysis of over 31 legislative documents and 62 interviews with policy-makers, health care professionals, and members of NGOs. The comparison shows that the interaction of political ideologies at different territorial levels leads to the emergence of contested ideas about citizenship through the use that regional governments make of the distinct traditions of regional protection of vulnerable individuals like minor children, the disabled, and the homeless. The comparison also shows that the structure of the territorial system of the state plays an important role in determining the direction of the politics of regional citizenship. The value assigned to territorial pluralism within a country, in particular, determines whether regional citizenship is developed against the state, as a strategy to manifest dissent and mark the difference—as is the case in Spain and, to some extent, in Italy—or, instead, together with the state, as an expression of multilevel differentiation—as in Switzerland. Importantly, however, regional citizenship does never develop in complete isolation from the state because it always represents an attempt to weaken or reinforce the policies of the central government.
BENSON, Lorraine. "Regional policy and convergence in the European Community: a structural policy view of political change in the Community." Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5196.
Повний текст джерелаExamining board: Prof. Rudolf Wildenmann, Manheim University ; Prof. Basil Chubb, Trinity College, Dublin ; Prof. Roland Bieber, European Parliament, Luxembourg ; Prof. Jean Blondel, EUI, Florence
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
GEURTS, Charles-Michel. "L'évolution de la politique régionale commune : d'une coopération interétatique et centralisée vers une politique supranationale décentralisée? Le role des collectivités territoriales." Doctoral thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5554.
Повний текст джерелаLACEY, Joseph. "Centripetal democracy : democratic legitimacy and regional integration in Belgium, Switzerland and the European Union." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/36377.
Повний текст джерелаExamining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Philippe Van Parijs, UC Louvain (Co-supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Nadia Urbinati, Columbia University.
This dissertation aims to arrive at a model of democratic legitimacy for the European Union. There is, however, a strain of thought pre-dominant in political theory since the nineteenth century that doubts the capacity of political systems constituted by multiple public spheres to have sustainable democratic systems. This view is referred to here as the lingua franca thesis on sustainable democratic systems (LFT). It states that, in the absence of a common language for political debate, democracy cannot function well in the long-term as citizens existing in distinctive public spheres will inevitably come to have diverging preferences that cannot be satisfactorily resolved by a collective democratic process. Poor quality democratic institutions, as well as acute demands to divide the political system (through devolution or secession) so that state and society become more congruent, are predicted by this thesis. To arrive at a model of democratic legitimacy for the EU, in light of the challenge presented by the LFT, three major steps are taken. Part One attempts to arrive at an account of democratic legitimacy as a realistic ideal for modern political systems. Understanding democracy as a system which strives to maximise citizens’ equal opportunities for control over the decisions to which they are subject, the maximisation of electoral and direct voting opportunities for citizens is recommended, subject to certain practical constraints. Importantly, democratically legitimate institutions are identified as having important external effects, which amount to more than just the peaceful resolution of conflict. Centripetal democracy is the idea that legitimate democratic institutions set in motion forms of citizen practice and representative behaviour that serve as powerful drivers of demos-formation. In the second part of this dissertation, an effort is made to both classify and normatively assess the EU. As a political system the EU is taken to be a demoi-cracy, or a democracy of democracies, whereby the demoi of the member states take sovereign precedence over the European demos constituting the citizens of Europe as a whole. While citizen’s control over their respective governments’ roles in EU decision-making is seen to have significant shortfalls, the major democratic deficiencies are detected in citizens’ control over actors located exclusively at the European level. Overall, the absence of voting opportunities directly connecting citizens to European power ensures that the EU is not controlled by its citizens in a way that is commensurate with the power it wields. If the EU is to democratise, it must be capable of dealing with the dynamics predicted by the LFT. Part Three of this dissertation analyses the sustainability of democracy in two political systems that bear striking resemblances to the EU, namely Belgium and Switzerland. Like the EU, these are multilevel and multilingual political systems attempting to organise themselves in a democratic fashion. Belgium proves to be a near perfect case for corroborating the LFT, its linguistic communities finding it increasingly difficult to coexist in one democratic community. Switzerland, by contrast, has managed to produce one of the most democratically legitimate political systems in the modern world, despite being fractured into linguistically distinct public spheres. As my conception of centripetal democracy predicts, however, the Swiss success in integrating the public spheres within one political system is in no small part related to the arrangement of its democratic institutions. That being said, there are certain conditions that made the development of centrifugal forces more likely and centripetal democracy less likely in Belgium than in Switzerland. In Part Four, where I finally derive a model of democratic legitimacy for the EU, it is demonstrated that while many of the conditions that made centrifugal forces so strong in Belgium are not (or not yet) present in the EU, the conditions for the development of a legitimate democratic process are also generally lacking. This is especially true when it comes to the introduction of direct democracy at Union level, although there may be fewer obstacles to making European institutions more electorally accountable.
GOMEZ, Luis Alfonso. "A rhapsody of European regions : legal variations on a theme of power ; an institutional analysis of regions in the Community structure." Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5551.
Повний текст джерелаBOURKE, Thomas. "EC-Japan relations, 1985-93 : the impact of foreign direct investment on regional political integration." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5177.
Повний текст джерелаExamining board: Prof. Susan Strange (LSE, Warwick and EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Roger Morgan (European University Institute, co-supervisor) ; Ms. Noriko Hama (Chief Economist, Mitsubishi Research Institute Inc., London) ; Prof. Jonathan Story (INSEAD, Fontainebleau) ; Prof. Stephen Wilks (University of Exeter)
First made available online: 1 December 2015
DE, ANDRADE CORRÊA Fabiano. "The implementation of sustainable development in regional trade agreements : a case study on the European Union and MERCOSUR." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28034.
Повний текст джерелаExamining Board: Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Ernst Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute Professor Markus Gehring, University of Cambridge, England Professor Adriana Dreyzin de Klor, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina.
First made available online 12 June 2019
This thesis addresses the implementation of sustainable development in the legal frameworks of regional integration agreements (RIAs). Sustainable development is reaffirmed as one of the main priorities of the international community, while poverty eradication and the integration of socio-environmental concerns into all governance levels remain the most pressing challenges to its implementation. Furthermore, the role of law is considered fundamental for sustainable development, but there remains a lack of analysis of how legal frameworks are effectively advancing this objective. In this regard, the thesis focuses on the laws and policies of two of the most important RIAs in force, the European Union and MERCOSUR, with a twofold objective: 1) to analyze how RIAs can provide enabling legal frameworks for the promotion of sustainable development, going beyond trade liberalization and serving as a building block between multilateral goals and their implementation at the national level; 2) to provide case studies of norms and policies developed at the regional level addressing a) poverty eradication and social justice within their internal spheres; b) trade policies and instruments that more effectively integrate socioenvironmental objectives. The research undertaken has also a comparative element that enables the consideration of whether the EU, a more developed regional organization, can provide lessons to MERCOSUR in advancing these specific issues. The conclusions show that RIAs' legal frameworks can facilitate effective translation of sustainable development goals into concrete norms and policies, bridging the divide between a multilateral system of standard setting with low implementation power, and national states with weakened capacity to deal independently with these issues. The RIAs studied have been developing procedural innovations such as 'impact assessment' instruments, and substantive innovations, such as regional development funds aimed at promoting social cohesion internally, and trade instruments that integrate development concerns in their external relations, such as preferential trade systems (GSP) linked to socio-environmental issues and trade agreements that include 'trade and sustainable development' chapters. It also provides evidence that, despite their institutional differences, the development of sustainable development laws and policies within the EU has followed a path that can provide valuable insights for MERCOSUR. Finally, the thesis argues that, despite the tensions that might arise between the implementation of these regional measures and the multilateral trade system rules, regional action might be a way to cope with the difficulty of reaching a global agreement while also reflecting more adequately local concerns. The challenge is to assure coherence and consistency with the international goals, but given the importance of promoting a more sustainable development process, this a task worth pursuing.
TOUBEAU, Simon. "The accommodation of nationalism : regional nationalist parties and territorial restructuring in Great Britain, Spain and Belgium." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14183.
Повний текст джерелаExamining Board: Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Univ. Brussel), Charlie Jeffery (Univ. Edinburgh), Michael Keating (formerly EUI/Univ. Aberdeen) (Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI)
The aim of this thesis is to investigate the relationship between the claims advanced by regional nationalist parties for the re-organisation of state structures based on the recognition of their distinct national groups and the process of territorial restructuring in Great Britain, Spain and Belgium. The objectives are to examine the conditions under which regional nationalist parties have influenced the reform of state structures and to assess the factors that condition the relation between their electoral and policy success. The thrust of the argument advanced is that the influence of regional nationalist parties on the reform of state structures can be understood as the result of processes that take place during the agenda-setting and the decision-making phases. To provoke institutional change, regional nationalist parties must firstly set the political agenda by exerting pressures on mainstream parties in the electoral, parliamentary and governmental arenas. Secondly, institutional change is likely to occur, if nationality claims are accommodated by mainstream parties that are ideologically open to political decentralisation and the recognition of regional nationalism and if the question of territorial autonomy has a broader resonance for political competition between mainstream parties. Finally, institutional change is likely to occur, if the government undertaking reforms is cohesive and there is no ideological opposition by any partisan veto players to those reforms. These arguments are examined through a comparative-historical analysis of political decentralisation in Great Britain, Spain and Belgium, over a time period spanning the late 1960s to the late 1990s. Each case study is disaggregated into time periods that represent moments in the process of territorial restructuring, bounded by significant changes in the assertiveness of regional nationalist parties and the occurrence of territorial reform. Within each period, the process tying the claims of regional nationalist parties to institutional change is examined. Theses different observations are used as evidence for undertaking a comparison of the accommodation of nationalism across space and time. The thesis finds that regional nationalist parties exert a strong influence on the creation of decentralised state structures when they can set the political agenda. It is also necessary for nationality claims to be accommodated by mainstream parties that are open to the accommodation of nationalism and for them to feature as a salient issue of party competition, and for constitutional reforms to be undertaken by a cohesive centre-left government. The ideological opposition of a partisan veto player in government to institutional change is sufficient for bringing about the failure of reform. The second finding is that the configuration of factors producing reforms tends to diversify with the development of restructuring. During the empowerment of regional governments, regional nationalist parties can set the political agenda and their claims may feature as an issue of party competition, but the reforms must be undertaken by centre-left governments. The subsequent deepening of territorial autonomy is stimulated by regional nationalist demands but undertaken by governments of different ideological persuasions whose mainstream parties may compete on the territorial dimension.
Šimková, Veronika. "Analýza regionální politiky EU se zaměřením na dosažené výsledky." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-321920.
Повний текст джерелаHARGUINDEGUY, Jean-Baptiste. "L'Europe par les frontières? : la mise en oeuvre de l'initiative communautaire INTERREG III A en faveur de la coopération franco-espagnole." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5145.
Повний текст джерелаExamining Board: Michael Keating, European University Institute, Florence ; Colin Crouch, Institute of Governance and Public Management, Warwick Business School ; Francesc Morata, Institut Universitari d'Estudis Europeus, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona ; Andy Smith, Centre d'Etude et de Recherche sur la Vie Locale, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Bordeaux
TRPÁKOVÁ, Olga. "Místo a úloha krizového managementu v oblasti veřejné správy v Jihočeském kraji." Master's thesis, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-47893.
Повний текст джерела