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Статті в журналах з теми "Reformatories"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 4 червня 2021

Оновлено: 1 серпня 2024

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1

Tsui, Brian. "Reforming Bodies and Minds." positions: asia critique 28, no. 4 (November 1, 2020): 789–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8606497.

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This article revisits reformatories set up under Nationalist China from 1928–37 to transform former Communists into loyal nationalist subjects. By examining confessions attributed to inmates and scandalous tales of Communists published by reformatories, it argues that these institutions were more than devices to suppress political dissent. Instead, reformatories played productive functions for the Guomindang state. First, reformatories’ in-house magazines conjured up an anticommunist figure of the Communist that combined the excesses of urban capitalism and the residues of China’s “superstitious” sect. Communist cadres, articles written by political converts suggested, were puerile, capricious, and alienated from traditional moral norms. At the same time, the Communist movement was attributed qualities of an evil cult preying on the ignorant and the irrational. Second, by publicizing the overcoming of the sins attributed to Communists, the reformatories created, with contributions by former Communists, a textual economy in which the Chinese populace as a whole turned away from left-wing politics and acquired a new subject position. More than converting individual Communists into “proper” nationalists, reformatories were supposed to bring about, if only in allegorical terms, mass conversion to the sobriety, obedience, hierarchical order, and organic unity that the nation was supposed to entail.

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2

Porembska, Marta, and Aleksandra Dziełak. "The process of becoming independent juveniles from correctional facilities." Special School LXXXIV, no. 4 (October 31, 2023): 276–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.2507.

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This article is devoted to the process of becoming independent wards of reformatories. Theintroduction describes the concept of independence and presents the process of becoming independentwards of reformatories in the light of the law. The study using the diagnostic surveymethod included forty-five men staying in six reformatories in Poland. The research results revealedthat most wards believe that their stay in the facility has prepared them for independentlife, and they perceive self-dependence in terms of financial and material independence, takingup paid work, meeting their own life needs and independence from others. More than half ofwards of reformatories declare that they have created an independence plan with the help ofa caregiver. The people indicated by the wards as playing a key role in their process of becomingindependent included mainly employees of the reformatory (educator, pedagogue, director).

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3

Jablonka, Ivan. "Un discours philanthropique dans la France du XIXe siècle : la rééducation des jeunes délinquants dans les colonies agricoles pénitentiaires." Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 47, no. 1 (2000): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rhmc.2000.2004.

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The system of French agricultural reformatories, set up in the second part of the nineteenth century, aims both at bringing up children in a rustic setting far away from prisons and corrupting cities, and at training them by exposing them to a strict discipline and panoptic procedures. In practice, the reformatories' managers intentionally abandoned the former aim, a goal inspired by a paternalistic philanthropy, to implement the repressive and more lucrative latter strategy, which eventually failed. Therefore, French agricultural reformatories belong, in an ambiguous way, to the disciplinary system depicted by Michel Foucault.

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4

Nuq, Amélie. "Staying in Control? Youth Reformatories, Social Fears and Social Change Under Francoism." European History Quarterly 54, no. 1 (December 28, 2023): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231216298.

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This article explores continuity and change in Spain's reformatories. Looking at legal and normative documentation, we could argue, on the one hand, that the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975) found little need to change how the reformatories worked. The juvenile court system, on which they depended, displayed strong similarities to those operating elsewhere in the West, and my empirical study of 2,300 personal and administrative records indicates that the reformatories were always characterized by archaic practices and were chronically underfunded throughout Francoism. On the other hand, after analysing the evolving profiles of adolescents confined under Francoism, we can see the connections with both specific processes of regime-sanctioned change from the end of the 1950s – in particular massive, accelerated, internal rural-to-urban migration – and the goal of the dictatorship of preserving a particular form of social order by maintaining tight control of those sectors of the population it considered a danger (i.e., predominantly marginalized, male adolescents living on the edges of Spain's cities – in the shanty towns ( chabolas) or poor suburbs ( banlieues)). The article also looks at how families from different social classes interacted with the reformatories to achieve their own goals, which overlapped with the dictatorship's while remaining partly distinct.

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5

Jablonka, Ivan. "Un discours philanthropique dans la France du XIXe siècle: la rééducation des jeunes délinquants dans les colonies agricoles pénitentiaires." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 47-1, no. 1 (February 1, 2000): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.g2000.47n1.0131.

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Résumé Le système des colonies agricoles pénitentiaires, mis en place dans la deuxième moitié du XKe siècle, entend tout à la fois éduquer les enfants dans un cadre champêtre, loin des prisons et des villes corruptrices, et les dresser en les soumettant aux effets de pouvoir d'une discipline rigoureuse. Dans les faits, le premier objectif, inspiré d'une philanthropie paternaliste, a été intentionnellement délaissé par les responsables des colonies, au profit de l'autre, répressif et plus lucratif, qui n'a pourtant pu être atteint. Les colonies agricoles appartiennent donc de manière anbiguë au système disciplinaire décrit par Michel Foucault. The System of French agricultural reformatories, set up in the second part of the nineteenth century, aims both at bringing up children in a rustic setting far away from prisons and corrupting cities, and at training them by exposing them to a strict discipline and panoptic procédures. In practice, the reformatories' managers intentionally abandoned the former aim, a goal inspired by a paternalistic philanthropy, to implement the répressive and more lucrative latter strategy, which eventually failed. Therefore, French agricultural reformatories belong, in an ambiguous way, to the disciplinary System depicted by Michel Foucault.

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6

Belova, Nadezhda A. "Vologda reformatories for juvenile delinquents (1918 – the 1920s)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 4 (2021): 1143–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-4-3.

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Based on the analysis of archival documents and scientific literature, the article discusses issues related to the formation and functioning of various types of reformatories for juvenile delinquents (school and shelter, probation and supervision station for morally defective children, reception center, children’s home, juvenile colony for difficult children, et al.) that operated in the territory of Vologda Governorate during the initial period of the Soviet era. The data on the location of these institutions, specific features of their management, and the number, composition and confinement conditions of the inmates were clarified. When characterizing the activities of these institutions, along with positive experience, the problems, difficulties and shortcomings in their work were considered and attention was paid to the measures taken to eliminate the latter. The author came to the conclusion that the history of the Vologda juvenile reformatories in 1918 – the 1920s was a reflection of the national policy of the Bolsheviks implemented at the regional level that was aimed at combating homelessness, neglect, and juvenile delinquency, at developing effective measures to eradicate and prevent these negative phenomena, and at searching for an optimal model of an institution for correcting difficult teenagers.

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7

Ericsson, Kjersti. "The Punitive Repertoire of Children's Homes and Reformatories." Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 13, no. 2 (December 2012): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14043858.2012.729354.

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8

Kumar, Sanjay. "Performing on the Platform: Creating Theatre with India's Platform Children." TDR/The Drama Review 57, no. 4 (December 2013): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00305.

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Young, trained, middle-class facilitators from pandies' theatre of Delhi enable impoverished boys—rescued from India's railway platforms and incarcerated in NGO-run shelters or state reformatories—to create theatre based on their lives. The resulting performances—which re-perform sagas of violence, rape, drug abuse, prostitution, and death—question the very premises of social amelioration.

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9

Zdzisław Lorek. "Stosunek wychowanków zakładów poprawczych do religii." Archives of Criminology, no. XVIII (August 19, 1992): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7420/ak1992e.

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Religious services were introduced to reformatories and hostels for detained juveniles by force of an ordinance of Minister of Justice of September 10, 1981 on religious practices and services in reformatories and hostels for detained juveniles (Official Gazette of the Ministry of Justice No 5, item 24). ln 1990, a study of 200 wards of 6 reformatories was carried out which concerned their attitude towards religion. A specially constructed questionnaire was used; besides, the study involved observation and interviews with the wards and staff. The findings show first of all the attitudes towards religion as declared by the respondents. The largest group in the sample of 200 juveniles were those aged 15–19 (86% of the sample). Those going to elementary school constituted 61,5%. Nearly a half of respondents had been confined to a variety of readjustment centers for at least two years. The families of most boys (85%) belonged to working classes. Every second respondent followed the norms of delinquent and prison subculture (i.e. was member of a group called git-ludzie). The questionnaire survey made it possible to divide the sample into three subgroups: those who declared themselves practising believers (43%); those who stated they were Catholics but not church-goers (42%); and the wards who said they were irreligious (15%). Of the 170 believing wards, 166 (97,6%) were Roman Catholics. Most wards attended the Mass at the reformatory (18% did that regularly, and 62% – occasionally). Yet as few as 15% attended religion classes regularly, and 22,55% occasionally. As for saying prayers, 25,5% did that regularly, and 41,5% – from time to time. Nearly a half of respondents owned religious objects, mainly pictures, the Bible, crosses, prayer books, holy medals, rosaries. The wards reformatories usually consider their friends to be mostly believers but not church-goers. For most respondents (72,5%) the problems of religion do not influence their choice of friends. What is astonishing, though, is the slight proportion of those among the respondents who would like a non-believer for a friend (2,5 %). Over a half of the sample (64%) think that religion can change a person for the better. At the same time, next to none (2) consider its influence to be negative. Choosing a wife in the future, 5l% of the iuvenile intend to take the question of religion into consideration. The rest of the sample consider their future wife’s religion unimportant. As regards the upbringing of children, as many as 72,5 respondents declare for the Catholic faith. In the sphere of the perception of the others in the categories of religion vs. irreligion, significant differences were found between practising believers and non-believers. Some social conditions of the declared religious attitudes were investigated. The wards who described themsleves as practising believers were found to come mainly from the families where also both parents (guardians) as well as siblings were believers. The practising believers used to have mainly believing friends in the past as well. The question whether the respondents’ parents (guardians) had induced them to perform religious duties was most frequintly answered in the affirmative by the practicising believers. Following placement in the reformatory, the number of practising believers among the juveniles dropped on the whole, and that of believers who do not go to church and of unbelievers went up. The hypothesis that religious wards of reformatories are better-behaved while in those institutions than their irreligious friends could not be confirmed. According to the established practice and internal regulations, leaves are granted to the well-behaved wards. It was found, though, that most leaves had been granted to believers but not church-goers, while prictising believers had won that award the least often. It turned out also, against expectations, that the greatest proportion of members of the delinquent subculture could be found among the practising believers, and the smallest one – the group of unbelievers. According to most respondents (83,5%), the wards of Polish reformatories enjoy a full freedom of religious practices. Yet as many as 44% rcspondents would like to be placed in an institution run by the clergy, and 69% – to go out of the reformatory to hear the Mass. The latter, however, were mainly believers but not church-goers. It seems, therefore, that the wish to hear masses said outside the institution not always follows from religious reasons. The controversial question whether the staff should induce the wards to practice religion was asked in the negative by 79% of the sample. The findings of the questionnaire survey show that, in principle, the juvenile wards of reformatories, have religious attitudes similar to those of the whole of young persons in the same age brackets. No relationship was found between the juveniles’ religious attitudes and their behavior in the institution. The respondents stated that the religious services offered by the reformatory generally satisfied the needs in that sphere.

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10

Tremblay, Pierre, and Guy Therriault. "La punition commune du crime : la prison et l’amende à Montréal de 1845 à 1913." Criminologie 18, no. 1 (August 17, 2005): 43–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017207ar.

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Common jails “produce” more punishment than either penitentiaries or reformatories for juvenile delinquents. Students of incarceration, however, have hitherto overlooked the significance of what could be called “petty” or minor punishment. Montreal's penal archives (1845-1913) have been systematically analyzed so as to permit a preliminary theory of such petty punishment institutions, their junction in the general penal economy and their evolution over time.

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11

Mayernick, Jason. "Segregated Young Men's Reformatories in Maryland during the Great Depression." Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 15, no. 1 (2022): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcy.2022.0001.

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12

Vehkalahti, Kaisa, and Susanna Hoikkala. "Gender and Discipline in the Finnish Reformatories of the 1920s." Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 6, no. 3 (2013): 457–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcy.2013.0044.

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13

Moody, Zoe. "Des droits de protection aux droits humains des enfants Mirjam Janett, Vormundschaft und Fremdplatzierung in der Schweiz im 20. Jahrhundert. Ein Einblick in die neuere Forschung." Didactica Historica 10, no. 1 (2024): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2024.010.01.57.

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In the 20th century, tens of thousands of children grew up in care homes, reformatories or foster families in Switzerland. The article provides an insight into the most important findings of recent research on the out-of-home placement of children and adolescents. It shows how family became an element of social control in the 20th century. The out-of-home placement of minors from precarious families was part of a repressive welfare policy aimed at enforcing bourgeois ideas of order and making children « socially acceptable ». However, inclusion often led to exclusion

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14

Kim, Hyeok. "Treatment of Juvenile Reformatories and Protection of Human Rights in Japan." Korean Juvenile Protection Review 35, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35930/kjpr.35.1.1.

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15

Park, Jeong-Mi. "When Women Encountered Protection: Exploring Female Reformatories Through Documents and Testimony." Journal of Asian Women 60, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 41–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14431/jaw.2021.04.60.1.41.

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16

Sangster, Joan. "Reforming Women's Reformatories: Elizabeth Fry, Penal Reform, and the State, 1950-1970." Canadian Historical Review 85, no. 2 (June 2004): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.85.2.227.

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17

Hunt, G., J. Mellor, and J. Turner. "Wretched, Hatless and Miserably Clad: Women and the Inebriate Reformatories from 1900-1913." British Journal of Sociology 40, no. 2 (June 1989): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590271.

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18

Orazi, Veronica. "L’insospettata prossimità della memoria storica: Descarriadas (2018) di Laila Ripoll." Caietele Echinox 44 (June 1, 2023): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2023.44.25.

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Descarriadas is a monologue about an atrocious legacy of Francoism: the internment in the centres of the Patronato de Protección a la Mujer (1941-1984) of girls considered descarriadas, that is, stragglers. To end up in these reformatories, it was enough to deviate even slightly from the morals imposed by the regime and to be reported by supervisors in charge of this type of control. Among the shocking aspects of the story, the continuation of this practice and the existence of the centres until the mid-1980s stands out. Over a period of forty years, this phenomenon involved thousands of girls: another example of a silenced intra-history that the play transforms into a cry, giving voice to the victims.

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19

Sokalska, O. "The transformation of carceral practices in Pennsylvania: from William Penn's Great Law to the Penitentiary House at Walnut Street Prison." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 74 (January 31, 2023): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.74.7.

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The article analyzes the transformation of carceral practices in Pennsylvania (1682–1790) in the context of changes in criminal laws: from the formal consolidation in the Code of Laws of 1682 of reformatories with hard labor to the organization in Philadelphia in 1790 of the first penitentiary house with a regime of solitary confinement. It is defined that before the states gained independence, correctional houses, if they functioned in some cities, then as institutions of forced labor and the purpose of correction was not before them. The Revolutionary War for Independence had a decisive impact on the reform of the penal system, which resulted in the adoption of the state constitution, which contained a prescription to revise the penal system. The Criminal Law of 1786 established the main punishment for serious crimes as imprisonment combined with hard labour, but the regime of imprisonment did not change in any way, and public hard labour was recognized as ineffective. It is established that the main actors in the further search for a model of serving a sentence of imprisonment in Pennsylvania were members of the Philadelphia Society for Alleviating the Miseries of Public Prisons. The main steps of the reformers in 1788-1790 were aimed at introducing legislative changes in the field of execution of punishments with an emphasis on solitary confinement based on the practical experience of reformatories in England and prison theory. As a result of the Society's initiatives, in 1790, An Act to reform the penal laws of the state was adopted, in which the main elements of the sentencing regime were hard labor and unremitted solitude in order to correct criminals and prevent new crimes. For this purpose, it was prescribed to build a separate building with single cells in the yard of Walnut Street Prison for the detention of dangerous criminals. The law established a mechanism for control and supervision of the prison, as well as regulated the regime principles of serving the sentence, which were largely borrowed from the experience of English workhouses.

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20

Van Ruyskensvelde, Sarah, and Laura Nys. "Folded Files, Unfolding Narratives: Psycho-Pedagogical Observation in the Belgian Juvenile Reformatories, 1912–1945." History of Education 49, no. 3 (May 3, 2020): 398–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0046760x.2020.1739757.

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21

Wan, Sim Hinman. "Disciplining Otherness in the Tropics." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 81, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 420–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2022.81.4.420.

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Abstract During the seventeenth century, philanthropy offered the Dutch a self-disciplinary opportunity to expend their globally attained fortunes. As Janus-faced emblems of the wealth and poverty generated by a merchant society, monumentally scaled almshouses, hospices, orphanages, and reformatories in both the Dutch Republic and its colonies commemorated leadership that privileged moderation over extravagance. In Disciplining Otherness in the Tropics: Dutch Philanthropic Sites and the Urbanization of Indonesian Ports, 1640–1730, Sim Hinman Wan considers buildings for organized philanthropy as integral to the Dutch settlement of Batavia and Amboina in Indonesia, arguing that the presence of philanthropic establishments in the peripheral territories of Asian inhabitants served to subject these neighborhoods to colonial power. Dutch builders configured architecture and urban space in these cosmopolitan port cities to reinforce an ethnoculturally determined social hierarchy.

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22

Gavin, Amanda. "Casualties of Industrialisation in Glasgow." Groundings Undergraduate 10 (November 1, 2017): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36399/groundingsug.10.185.

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The Victorian era saw the colossal growth of Glasgow as an industrial city; some prospered but many more suffered the ravages of industrial capitalism. This paper will focus on a figure that came to symbolise the social dislocation of this era - the ‘prostitute’. The definition of the ‘prostitute’ far exceeded a meaning of ‘sex worker’ and encompassed a meaning of a working class woman who subverted middle class norms without necessarily being sexually active. We will explore who the ‘prostitute’ was in practise and argue that ‘juvenile delinquents’ were politically ‘prostitutes’. We will draw parallels between preventative industrial schools and adult reformatories such as Magdalene Homes, arguing that they had the same functionality. The paper aims to highlight the resistance of working class women to these attempts at social control and ultimately concludes that they retained a morality that was distinctly their own.

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23

Kealey, Linda. "Shaped By Silence: Stories from Inmates of the Good Shepherd Laundries and Reformatories. Rie Croll." Canadian Historical Review 102, no. 2 (June 2021): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-2-br15.

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24

Dekker, Jeroen J. H. "THE ROLE OF TEMPORARY MARGINALIZATION. REFORMATORIES AND INSANE ASYLUMS: THE NETHERLANDS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY." Paedagogica Historica 26, no. 2 (January 1990): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0030923900260207.

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25

Curtin, Geraldine. "‘The Child Condemned’: The Imprisonment of Children in Ireland, 1850–19081." Irish Economic and Social History 47, no. 1 (July 2, 2020): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489320934588.

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In the 1850s, tens of thousands of children were imprisoned in Ireland. At that time there was a growing concern internationally that incarceration of children with adult criminals was inappropriate. This concern resulted in the passage of legislation in 1858 which facilitated the opening of reformatory schools in Ireland. By 1870, ten reformatories had opened, yet, as this article argues, three quarters of children given custodial sentences in that year were sent to prison and not to the new institutions. In the second half of the nineteenth century, there were attempts to improve conditions for children in prison; however, as the century drew to a close, there was a general agreement that any form of imprisonment was unsuitable for children. New laws, culminating in the Children Act of 1908, gradually brought about the removal of children from prisons, so that by 1912 there were only five children imprisoned in Ireland.

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26

Ludbrook, Robert. "Juvenile Justice - New Zealand’s Family Oriented Approach." Children Australia 17, no. 4 (1992): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200012657.

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Our perceptions of children tend to vacillate between a romanticised view of them as young innocents whose unacceptable behaviour should be excused because of their youth, immaturity and impressionability and the contrasting view that they are uncivilised barbarians who, for their own good, must be treated firmly, even severely, so they may leam to distinguish right from wrong and to behave properly.The ‘child correction’ approach was favoured by the early British settlers in Aotearoa New Zealand. Soon after colonisation there were moves to establish child reformatories on the English model and children were often more harshly treated than adults. It was accepted that the most effective way of correcting children was to hit them with a cane or a whip. Some early observers noted the warmth and affection with which the indigenous Maori people treated their children and contrasted this with the stern and strict attitudes of the Anglo-Saxon colonisers.

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27

Barbara Stańdo-Kawecka. "Neutralization of the Rule „DO NOT STEAL” in the Origin of Juvenile Delinquency." Archives of Criminology, no. XX (August 1, 1994): 21–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7420/ak1994b.

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The paper discusses the findings of a study aimed at an empirical verification of a well-known criminological concept: the Sykes and Matza concept of neutralization techniques from the classical trend of positivist criminology. What Sykes and Matza see as the factor of juvenile delinquency are mechanisms of justification of one’s own delinquent behavior. Reverting to functionalim, the authors assume a social consensus on the basic values and norms of behavior. Juvenile delinquents generally recognize the same values and norms as non-delinquent youth but, unlike that youth, they grow proficient in neutralizing those norms so as to prevent them from influencing their behavior. According to Sykes and Matza, norms are neutralized through finding and accepting justifications for one’s own deviant behavior. Five types of such neutralization techniques heve been distinguished according to the contents of those justifications: denial of responsibility, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners, and appeal to higher loyalties. In their conception of neutralization techniques, G.M. Sykes and D. Matza mainly describe and classify the ways of excusing one’s own deviant behavior and provide but a perfunctory discussion of the mechanizm of neutralization itself. L. Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance proves useful in explaining the psychological mechanizm of neutralization of recognized norms. Assumptions of the conception of neutralization techniques and the theory of cognitive dissonance provided the grounds for hypotheses which were subsequently submitted to empirical verification. The subject was limited to neutralization of the rule “do not steal” interpreted as a ban appropriation on theft and a rule of respect for another person’s property. Criminologists have long questioned the desing of empirical study where achool youth are treated as non-delinquent and examined as a control group oppesed to juvenile delinquents in houses of correction or educational institutions. In the present study, three groups were examined: ‒ juvenile delinquents confined to a reformatory or home for detained juveniles by a judicial decision as perpetrators of offences against property (84 persons); ‒ school youth not involved in acts against another person’s property, called non-delinquent youth (70 persons); ‒ school youth involved in acts againts another person’s property, called actually delinquent (37 persons); The groups of “non-delinquent” and “actually delinquent” persons were distinguished from school youth by means of a self-report survey. Of the original hypotheses, only one was confirmed by the findings. The exemined groups appeared to differ significantly in their approval of the techniques of neutralization of the norm of honesty, the differences trending as expected. The lowest approval of statements expressing various excuses for breaches of another person’s property was found among the non-delinquent youth. The group that most often approves ot such excuses are wards of reformatories and juvenile homes; however, they do not differ much in this respect from the actually delinquent youth. All of the examined groups have similar priorities as to the separate types of excuses. The type accepted most often is “condemnation of the condemners”. In particular, a statement that “the police and judges are corruptible and malicious”enjoys great popularity. The types accepted least often, instead, are excuses consisting in “denial of injury” and “appeal to higher loyalties”. What could not be conformed are hypotheses as to absence of differences between the groups with respect to appraisal of one’s own honesty and acceptance of the rule “do not steal”. Non -delinquent youth appraise themselves much higher in terms of honesty than the remaining two groups. Wards of reformatories and juvenile homes, instead, appraise themselves somewhat lower than the actually delinquent youth. The non-delinquent youth show the strongest acceptance of the norm of honesty. The degree of acceptance of that norm among wards of reformatories is similar to that among actual delinquents, the former showing a somewhat stronger acceptance of the rule “do not steal” than the actually delinquent group. Another hypothesis that was not confirmed concerned a tendency to neutralize the rule “do not steal” once it has been violated; the method used here was projection where the respondents were to complete unfinished stories. Against expectations, the tendency to neutralize that norm once it has been violated appeared to occur much more often among school youth than among wards of reformatories and juvenile homes. Of the various methods of reducing the anxiety resulting from a breach of another person’s property, both groups of school youth most often suggested neutralization of the norm of honesty. Wards of institutions, instead, much more often mentioned methods other than neutralization of the violated norm: e.g., focus on the derived or potential profit, or focus on the absence of threat with any negative consequences from without. The study questioned the role of delinquent neutralizations as conceived by Sykes and Matza in the origin of juvenile delinquency. Unforfunately, the findings could not be interpreted explicitly. According to the theoretical assumptions made, a number of possible explanations of the findings can be suggested which at least party exclude one another. A new empirical study would be necessary to verify those explanations.

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Strange, Carolyn. "The Undercurrents of Penal Culture: Punishment of the Body in Mid-Twentieth-Century Canada." Law and History Review 19, no. 2 (2001): 343–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744133.

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In the wake of Foucault's provocative philosophical contributions to the study of discipline and punishment, social and legal historians no longer narrate penal history as a straightforward tale of moral and political progress. In its place is a schematic picture of a large-scale retreat from the body to the prison as the prime site of punishment. Historiographical proclivities perpetuate that image: early modernists tend to concentrate on the Bloody Code and similar régimes of terror, whereas historians of the twentieth century specialize in studies of regulatory modes of punishment and “normalization.” These latter works include histories of reformatories, family courts, social workers, psychiatric experts—in short the institutions and agents that best instantiate the reorientation toward disciplining the soul and governing the self. Scholars who study corporal and capital punishment in the twentieth century would seem to have nothing to add, other than to remark that there were exceptions in the wider history of penal change.

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Smith, Aminda M. "Thought Reform and the Unreformable: Reeducation Centers and the Rhetoric of Opposition in the Early People's Republic of China." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 937–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001654.

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This essay explores records from Beijing's efforts to intern and reform the city's “lumpenproletariat” after 1949. Connecting these reports to central government directives about national thought reform policy, I show that reeducators and their superiors discoursed in detail about the existence of resisters, who opposed and defied the government, but whom reformatory staff explicitly labeled as non-enemies. The case of Beijing reformatories suggests that anti-state, but non-counterrevolutionary resistance was an important symbolic and rhetorical category, central to the Chinese Communist Party's articulation of its own purpose. In the context of reeducation, opposition to the party-state constituted evidence of a founding “truth”: feudal, imperialist, and capitalist oppression had so damaged the Chinese nation that only a radical and revolutionary transformation could save it. Over the course of the 1950s, reading and analyzing resistance in this way led policy makers to redefine “The People” as well as the social place of individuals accused of activities like prostitution, begging, and petty crime.

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30

Carpenter, Peter K. "Rev Harold Nelson Burden and Katherine Mary Burden: Pioneers of Inebriate Reformatories and Mental Deficiency Institutions." Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 89, no. 4 (April 1996): 205–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014107689608900409.

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31

Myers, Martha A., and Mark Colvin. "Penitentiaries, Reformatories, and Chain Gangs: Social Theory and the History of Punishment in Nineteenth-Century America." American Journal of Legal History 42, no. 4 (October 1998): 441. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846058.

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32

Glenn, Myra C., and Mark Colvin. "Penitentiaries, Reformatories, and Chain Gangs: Social Theory and the History of Punishment in Nineteenth-Century America." American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (December 1998): 1697. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650127.

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Donnelly, Michael, and Mark Colvin. "Penitentiaries, Reformatories, and Chain Gangs: Social Theory and the History of Punishment in Nineteenth-Century America." Social Forces 77, no. 4 (June 1999): 1648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3005902.

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34

Keve, Paul W., and Mark Colvin. "Penitentiaries, Reformatories, and Chain Gangs: Social Theory and the History of Punishment in Nineteenth-Century America." Journal of American History 85, no. 2 (September 1998): 693. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567830.

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35

Davie, Neil. "Corps et délinquance juvénile en Angleterre dans les années 1830-1865 : le milieu remis en question ?" Revue d’histoire de l’enfance « irrégulière » N° 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2006): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhei.008.0049.

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Cet article montre comment le débat sur le « problème de la délinquance juvénile » en Grande-Bretagne dans la période 1830-1865 puisait dans les stéréotypes très enracinés et durables de l’existence d’un « corps criminel ». L’historiographie traditionnelle, tout comme la critique foucaldienne, a eu tendance à limiter son analyse aux écrits d’un petit nombre de réformateurs humanistes. Ces derniers mettaient en exergue une explication de la criminalité juvénile fondée sur le milieu et préconisaient la mise en place d’un système de maisons de redressement (« reformatories ») qui devait permettre de libérer les jeunes des mauvaises influences de leur environnement. En réalité, le débat fut beaucoup plus complexe. Le type d’explications innéistes du comportement criminel des adultes (en particulier des récidivistes) que l’on rencontre couramment dans les écrits de l’époque, trouve son écho dans le débat sur la délinquance juvénile. Cet article met en évidence l’existence, pendant toute la période, d’un discours, trop souvent occulté, inspiré par les théories de la physiognomonie, de la phrénologie et de l’anthropologie, qui affirmait que des tares physiques « prouvaient » l’existence de pulsions criminelles innées.

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36

Baka, Lukasz, Romuald Derbis, and Molly Maxfield. "The Anxiety-Buffering Properties of Cultural and Subcultural Worldviews: Terror Management Processes among Juvenile Delinquents." Polish Psychological Bulletin 43, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10059-012-0001-x.

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The Anxiety-Buffering Properties of Cultural and Subcultural Worldviews: Terror Management Processes among Juvenile Delinquents Terror management research indicates that people reminded of mortality strongly affirm values and standards consistent with their cultural worldview and distance themselves from values and standards inconsistent with it. However, limited research has addressed how individuals holding beliefs inconsistent with the dominant worldview cope with death-related anxiety. The present article aims to determine which worldview subcultural groups rely on when reminded of mortality: mainstream or subcultural? Juvenile delinquents living in residential reformatories in Poland were invited to participate in a terror management study examining the anxiety-buffering strategies of individuals belonging to a group largely outside mainstream culture. Following reminders of mortality, juvenile delinquents increased support for values consistent with the mainstream cultural worldview and decreased support for values consistent with the subcultural worldview, as compared to control conditions. The present results suggest that when faced with existential threat, the subcultural worldview does not provide an adequate anxiety buffer, leading members of this subcultural group to display increased identification with mainstream cultural values. Additionally, participants' state anxiety following death reminders was mediated by mainstream cultural worldview defense.

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37

Wan, Sim Hinman. "A Spectral Spectacle." Early Modern Low Countries 5, no. 2 (December 23, 2021): 332–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.51750/emlc11337.

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After Amsterdam’s late medieval Catholic monasteries were surrendered to the Protestant government in 1578, four of these properties were converted into an orphanage, mental asylum, and gender-specific reformatories respectively before the turn of the century. Portals with Dutch Mannerist expressions were installed at the principal entrances as a publicly visible feature of modernisation for the repurposed complexes. This essay is a study of these architectural objects and their socio-political value for the city’s philanthropic campaign that affirmed middle-class power. It argues that the portals, completed with narrative relief panels and didactic inscriptions, were a means for Amsterdam’s authorities to redefine the spectacle of social marginality. Once a concrete sight of panhandlers and vagrants occupying the urban landscape, to the general population underclass visibility became an abstract image of civic discipline. Such an image enabled sequestered and disappeared lives to reappear, with a spectral quality integral to Foucault’s analysis of modern society’s compulsion to stow away indigent bodies. Considering the seventeenth-century Dutch moral geography of moderating wealth through philanthropy, such a ‘spectral spectacle’ paralleled the Baroque theatricality of Counter-Reformation Rome as a spatial experience that advanced a more secular mode of devotion to the community.

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38

Sheley, Joseph F. "Drug Activity and Firearms Possession and Use by Juveniles." Journal of Drug Issues 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 363–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269402400301.

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Despite considerable public attention to the issue, little has occurred in the way of a systematic assessment of the gun-possession and gun-use profiles of young persons involved in the use and distribution of drugs. This article reports the results of an analysis of survey data collected from juveniles incarcerated in maximum security reformatories. The data pertain to firearms possession, carrying, and use, use of heroin, cocaine, and crack, the sale of drugs, and involvement in armed robbery. The findings offer no evidence of a progressive, linear relationship between level of drug use and gun possession (including number of guns owned and the routine carrying of guns) and use. However, disregarding level of drug use, when nonusers were compared with users who did not sell drugs, significant differences in involvement in gun possession and use did appear. Also, when we separated users who did not sell drugs from users who did, the latter generally displayed higher involvement in gun possession and use. Drug selling clearly increased gun-related behavior. Finally, drug users who also committed robberies exceeded drug users who did not in involvement in gun possession and use. Drug sellers who robbed similarly were higher in the same activities than sellers who did not.

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39

MACRAILD, DONALD M., and FRANK NEAL. "Child-stripping in the Victorian city." Urban History 39, no. 3 (June 13, 2012): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926812000211.

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ABSTRACT:During the nineteenth century, police, magistrates, reformers and the press noticed a rising tide of juvenile crime. Child-stripping, the crime of stealing young children's clothes by force or deception, was an activity of this type which caused alarm among contemporaries. As the century progressed, improved policing, urbanization and Irish migration, allied to growing social concern, caused more cases of child-stripping to be noticed. Accounts by Dickens, Mayhew and others characterized child-stripping as an activity indulged in by old women who were able to make money by victimizing the weakest strata of society. However, research in the British Library's digitized newspaper collections as well as in parliamentary papers conclusively demonstrates that child-stripping, far from being the domain of Dickensian crones, was actually perpetrated by older children, notably girls, against children even younger than themselves. Despite widespread revulsion, which at times approached a ‘moral panic’ prompted by the nature of the crime, progressive attitudes largely prevailed with most child-stripping children being sent to reformatories or industrial schools in the hope of reforming their behaviour. This article thus conforms with Foucauldian notions of the switch from physical to mental punishments and aligns with the Victorians’ invention of children as a category of humanity that could be saved.

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40

Le, Ha Thi Thu, Truong Vuong Vu, Long Thanh Phan, and Hang Thi Thuy Vu. "Investigating the elements influencing the psychological issues of reform school students." Journal of Education and e-Learning Research 10, no. 2 (February 20, 2023): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20448/jeelr.v10i2.4485.

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Reformatory students are those whose deviant behaviors and habits prevent them from receiving education under normal educational conditions. These students frequently lead a careless, undisciplined lifestyle, being unwilling to work and learn eager to play and demanding. Therefore, when they are admitted to reformatories with severe study and lifestyle requirements, they have great psychological difficulty adjusting to their new environment. Students’ psychological issues in adapting to reformatory learning and living regimes are difficult and psychological deficits make it challenging for students to adapt to reformatory learning and living conditions. In Vietnam, 665 students from reformatory schools were polled to determine the causes of psychological issues. According to the findings, a variety of elements contribute to students’ psychological difficulties. Individual student conditions such as health, awareness, attitudes and actions as well as inappropriate habits, living without goals or aspirations, etc. are on the subjective side of the equation. On the objective side are the students’ conditions, family, education and psychological obstacles brought on by less-than-ideal circumstances which will make it more difficult for community students to adapt. Both the new school and society must pay more attention to reformatory students in order to establish the conditions necessary for successful integration into the new school and ultimate readmission into society for these students.

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41

Urbonavičius, A. "Žmogaus „antrojo sukūrimo“ programa Oksfordo reformatorių filosofijoje." Problemos 48 (September 29, 2014): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.1995.48.7021.

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Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Anglijos renesansinės filosofinės minties raida aptariant Oksfordo universiteto humanistų (J. Coleto, Erazmo Roterdamiečio, T. More‘o) kūrybą. Oksfordo reformatoriai, norėdami pagrįsti klasikiniame Renesanse sukurtą antropocentrinį mitą, vieni pirmųjų atgaivino patristinę filosofiją. Aiškinant pasaulio sandarą, grįžtama į teocentrizmą. Žmogui skiriama vieta paskutinėje hierarchiškai griežtai sutvarkytos būties pakopoje, bet jis apdovanojamas dieviškosiomis galiomis – laisva valia ir protu. J. Coletas, pagrįsdamas savo mokymą apie pasaulio sąrangą, suformulavo žmogaus „antrojo sukūrimo“ programą: ja vadovaudamasis, nuolat tobulindamasis ir puoselėdamas savo dvasią, žmogus galįs atgimti. Iš tokių pasikeitusių, dvasingų žmonių atsirasianti galimybė sukurti naują, dvasingą, socialiai pertvarkytą, netradicinę žmonių bendriją, idealų mistinį kūną. Ši programa sujungė visas atskiras kryptis, kurias netrukus išplėtojo Oksfordo reformatorių krikščioniškasis humanizmas. Aptariama Erazmo Roterdamiečio naujos humanistinės bendruomenės (Kristaus kariaunos, t. y. idealios žmonijos) samprata. T. More‘as projektavo pakeistos žmonių bendrijos idėją socialinėje idealios valstybinės santvarkos plotmėje.

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42

Orzechowski, Marcin, Maximilian Schochow, and Floria Steger. "Combatting Venereal Diseases as an Instrument of Politicised Medicine: Analysis on the Example of the Soviet Occupation Zone in Germany, the German Democratic Republic, and the Polish Peoples’ Republic." Acta medico-historica Rigensia 13 (2020): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/amhr.2020.xiii.04.

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The programme for combatting venereal diseases in the Soviet Occupation Zone of Germany (SOZ), the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Polish Peoples’ Republic (PPR) after the Second World War was adopted from the Soviet healthcare model. In order to maintain the spread of infections, both countries introduced specific legislation. The analysis of the regulations shows several similarities, such as establishment of easy access to anti-venereal health services, interruption of the chain of infection, and special treatment of individuals who constituted a danger of spreading the infection through compulsory hospitalisation. However, some differences are also visible. In the PPR, the decision about compulsory hospitalisation was left to individual evaluation of the attending physician. Closed venereology facilities or reformatories for treatment of venereal diseases, which existed in the GDR, were not established through legal regulations in the PPR. Since 1964, Polish law specifically targeted prostitutes and alcoholics as sources of spreading venereal diseases. These groups were not mentioned in the German legal acts. Analysis of praxis of compulsory commitment in the SOZ and GDR shows that mostly young women characterized as “drifters” were sent to closed venereology wards with breach of legal regulations. The number of prostitutes constituted only a very small fraction. In the PPR, the data from contemporary literature also indicates a considerable number of young women, the so-called “drifters”, committed to venereology ward.

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43

Santos, José Luis de las Heras. "Women's Reformatories and Prisons in the Early Modern Age: Morality, Welfare and Repression of Women in the 17th and 18th Century." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 161 (December 2014): 176–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.12.109.

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44

Chacón-Jara, Lauro Aquilino, Cecilia Ivonne Narváez-Zurita, Juan Carlos Erazo-Álvarez, and Diego Fernando Trelles-Vicuña. "Derecho a la igualdad de los extranjeros residentes en el Ecuador." IUSTITIA SOCIALIS 5, no. 2 (June 13, 2020): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.35381/racji.v5i2.747.

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Ecuador es un Estado constitucional; en su carta magna consagra la equidad, igualdad y no discriminación, en los últimos años a consecuencia del flujo migratorio de los países andinos se ha evidenciado la transgresión de estos derechos en el país de manera particular con las personas extranjeras, siendo el objetivo de investigación proponer una reformatoria a la Ley Orgánica de Movilidad Humana a fin de garantizar el derecho constitucional de igualdad a los extranjeros residentes en el país. El estudio tuvo un enfoque mixto. En solución al problema estudiado, se elaboró un proyecto de ley reformatorio a la Ley Orgánica de Movilidad Humana, en los artículos 2, 3 numeral 4 y 58 inciso primero, con el objeto de cubrir el vacío que presenta dicho marco legal, garantizando la aplicación correcta de los derechos a las personas en movilidad humana, conforme manda la Constitución y los Convenios Internacional de derechos humanos.

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45

Donnelly, M. "Penitentiaries, Reformatories, and Chain Gangs: Social Theory and the History of Punishment in Nineteenth-Century America. Mark Colvin. St. Martin's Press, 1997. 294pp. Cloth, $45.00." Social Forces 77, no. 4 (June 1, 1999): 1648–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/77.4.1648.

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46

Jaynes, Jeff, and Thomas Kaufmann. "Reformatoren." Sixteenth Century Journal 31, no. 2 (2000): 630. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671727.

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47

YAMAZAKI(ITO), Yukari. "Children with Disabilities in Reformatories : From Establishment of the National Reformatory (1919) to Enactment of the Law on Facilities for the Training and Education of Juvenile Delinquents (1933)." Japanese Journal of Special Education 37, no. 2 (1999): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.6033/tokkyou.37.1_2.

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48

Singh, S. "The historical development of prisons in South Africa: A penological perspective." New Contree 50 (November 30, 2005): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v50i0.438.

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President Nelson Mandela commented during his time of incarceration1 “Prison not only robs you of your freedom, it attempts to take away your identity. It is by definition a purely authoritarian state that tolerates no independence and individuality. As a freedom fighter and as a man, one must fight against the prison’s attempt to rob one of these qualities.” Historically, the characteristic feature of the development of South African prisons was its resemblance to the mine compound. Such compounds housed mine workers, of whom many were convicts supplied by the prison system. Even by 2006 these remnants of the past are distinct in the large communal cells crammed with rows of beds in which prisoners are housed. It is currently assumed that institutional confinement has always been employed as the usual method of dealing with offenders throughout history. This has been assumed, almost universally, because presently offenders are confined within penal institutions, such as, prisons, reformatories, reform schools and jails. However, the use of institutions for the extended confinement of offenders, as the prevailing method of punishment, is a relatively contemporary innovation and was primarily a product of American influences. The use of the prison as an institution for the detention of offenders for the period of their sentence is approximately two hundred and fifty years old. The suffering and anguish of living conditions to which inmates are subjected in overflowing prisons cannot be calculated in figures and graphs. The consequences of housing too many people in too little space means that inmates are doubled-bunked in small cells designed for one, or forced to sleep on mattresses in unheated prison gyms, temporary housing, hallways, or basements. In this article a review of the origin and development of prisons in South Africa will be given. A historical look into the Department of Correctional Services in South Africa and the change in direction of the penal system during the past century will also be reviewed. An assessment of the overcrowding of penitentiaries over the decades together with the problems experienced will be discussed.

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49

Courtless, Thomas F. "Book ReviewPenitentiaries, Reformatories, and Chain Gangs: Social Theory and the History of Punishment in Nineteenth‐Century America.By Mark Colvin. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997. Pp. x+294. $45.00." American Journal of Sociology 104, no. 2 (September 1998): 592–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/210080.

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50

Kaufmann, Thomas. "Reformatoren als Konvertiten." Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 114, no. 2 (2017): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/004435417x14901018509969.

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