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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 27 липня 2024

Оновлено: 29 липня 2024

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1

Lupovitch, Howard. "Neolog: Reforming Judaism in a Hungarian Milieu." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 40, no. 3 (September 12, 2020): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjaa012.

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Abstract This article explores the mentality of Neolog Judaism and how its early proponents fashioned a centrist, non-ideological alternative to both Orthodoxy and German-Jewish style Reform Judaism, an alternative that emphasized Judaism’s inherent compatibility with and adaptability to the demands of citizenship. Early proponents of this Neolog mentality, such as Aron Chorin and Leopold Löw, argued that adapting Jewish practice within the framework and systemic rules of Jewish law, precedent, and custom would not undermine a commitment to traditional Judaism in any way, as Orthodox jeremiads predicted; nor would it require the sort of re-definition of Judaism that Reform Jews advocated. Four aspects of Neolog mentality, in particular, laid the foundation for this outlook: a belief that Judaism has always been inherently malleable and diverse; a willingness to see leniency as no less authentic an option than stringency (in contrast to the “humra culture” that has defined Orthodox Judaism for the last two centuries); a preference for unity over schism (contra the secession of Orthodox communities in Germany and Hungary); and the use of halachic precedent and argumentation as a mandatory part of the rationale for innovation.

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2

Dorff, Elliot N. "Judaism, Business and Privacy." Business Ethics Quarterly 7, no. 2 (March 1997): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857296.

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Abstract:This article first describes some of the chief contrasts between Judaism and American secularism in their underlying convictions about the business environment and the expectations which all involved in business can have of each other—namely, duties vs. rights, communitarianism vs. individualism, and ties to God and to the environment based on our inherent status as God’s creatures rather than on our pragmatic choice. Conservative Judaism’s methodology for plumbing the Jewish tradition for guidance is described and contrasted to those of Orthodox and Reform Judaism.One example of how Conservative Judaism can inform us on a current matter is developed at some length—namely, privacy in the workplace. That section discusses (1) the reasons for protecting privacy; (2) protection from intrusion, including employer spying; (3) protection from disclosure of that intended to remain private; (4) individualistic vs. communitarian approaches to grounding the concern for privacy; and (5) contemporary implications for insuring privacy in business.

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3

Khlebnikova, Luiza. "Intellectuality, Anomality and Future of Reform Judaism in Russia. A review on Elena Nosenko-Stein’s book “Reform Judaism in Russia: Does It Have any Future?”." Oriental Courier, no. 1 (2024): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310030216-5.

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In the Russian academic community, there is a low interest towards researching Reform Judaism, its history and current development. Russian Reform Judaism has been also not on the scientific radar of Russian experts. Dr. Elena Nosenko-Stein’s book “Reform Judaism in Russia: Does It Have a Future?” makes a valuable contribution to Jewish studies in Russia. The author of the book made her own surveys of opinions of members of the community, she also interviewed them, and used the method of participant observation in Moscow Jewish Reform Community Le-Dor Va-Dor to make an analysis more profound. Despite the fact that the Russian Reform Jewish community is extremely small, there are many myths around it. This book review shows that the monograph consistently reveals the features of Russian Reform Jewish denomination. It breaks down the existing myths around Reform Judaism. The book also assesses intercommunal relations between Reform and Orthodox Jews in Russia. And it analyzes the role of Israel in the identity of Russian Jews. In the end of monograph, the author stresses the main challenges that Russian Reform Jews face today.

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4

Afsai, Shai. "Benjamin Franklin’s Influence on Mussar Thought and Practice: a Chronicle of Misapprehension." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 22, no. 2 (September 16, 2019): 228–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341359.

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Abstract Benjamin Franklin’s ideas and writings may be said to have had an impact on Jewish thought and practice. This influence occurred posthumously, primarily through his Autobiography and by way of Rabbi Menachem Mendel Lefin’s Sefer Cheshbon ha-Nefesh (Book of Spiritual Accounting, 1808), which introduced Franklin’s method for moral perfection to a Hebrew-reading Jewish audience. This historical development has confused Judaic scholars, and Franklin specialists have been largely oblivious to it. Remedying the record on this matter illustrates how even within the presumably insular world of Eastern European rabbinic Judaism—far from the deism of the trans-Atlantic Enlightenment—pre-Reform, pre-Conservative Jewish religion was affected by broader currents of thought.

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5

Goldstein, Evan. "“A Higher and Purer Shape”: Kaufmann Kohler's Jewish Orientalism and the Construction of Religion in Nineteenth-Century America." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 3 (2019): 326–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.8.

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AbstractThis article uses the case of Kaufmann Kohler (1843–1926), an intellectual and institutional leader of American Reform Judaism, to explore the relationship between Orientalism and the category of religion in nineteenth-century America. Recent scholarship has shown that the lived religion of nineteenth-century American Jews departs significantly from the ideological hopes of Jewish elites. Connecting the emerging portrait of nineteenth-century Jewish laity with elite arguments for American Judaism, I reconsider Kohler's thought as a theological project out of step with his socioreligious milieu. Kohler is renowned for his theorizing of Judaism as a universal, ethical religion. As scholars have demonstrated repeatedly, defining Judaism as a “religion” was an important feature of Reform thought. What these accounts have insufficiently theorized, however, is the political context that ties the categorization of religion to the history of Orientalism that organized so many late nineteenth-century discussions of religion, Jewish and not. Drawing on work by Tracy Fessenden, John Modern, and Tisa Wenger, I show that Kohler's universal, cosmopolitan religion is a Jewish version of the Protestant secular. Like these Protestant modernists, Kohler defines Reform Judaism as a religion that supersedes an atavistic tribalism bound to materiality and ritual law. Being Jewish, for Kohler, means being civilized; reforming the soul of Judaism goes together with civilizing Jewish bodies and creating a Judaism that could civilize the world in an era in which religion and imperialism were overlapping interpretive projects with racial and gendered entanglements.

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6

Andika, Andika. "ALIRAN-ALIRAN DALAM AGAMA YAHUDI." Abrahamic Religions: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama 2, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/arj.v2i1.12133.

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Judaism is a part of the Abrahamic religion. Abrahamic religions in their development, such as Judaism experienced divisions, giving rise to new schools of Judaism. New schools of Judaism emerged due to differences in views and opinions among the Jews. This study aims to determine the definition of sects in Judaism along with the emergence factors of each sect in Judaism. Some of the schools in Judaism are beginning with Enlightenment Judaism, Reform Judaism, Orthodox Judaism, Conservative Judaism, and Reconstructionist Judaism. Apart from these sects, Judaism is further divided into several sects, including the paris, saduki, readers, writers, essenes, and fanatics or zealots. Among the schools in Judaism, not only differ in terms of background but also in terms of understanding of the teachings in Judaism. Therefore, it is undeniable that there are differences in religious understanding and practice in Judaism in each sect. This study uses a descriptive method through a qualitative approach with literature study. The result of the discussion in this study is to know the definitions, factors, and schools of Judaism. And this study concludes that the Jewish religion in its development has various kinds of flow

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7

Tekiner, Roselle. "Classic Reform Judaism and Zionism." Journal of Palestine Studies 20, no. 3 (1991): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537557.

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8

Tirosh-Samuelson, Hava. "Rabbi Jonathan Sacks: Religious Pluralism and the Partnership of Religion and Science." Kulturní studia 2023, no. 1 (May 1, 2023): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2023.200101.

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Rabbi and Lord Jonathan Sacks (1948-2020) was the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of the Commonwealth from 1991 to 2013. Although he was recognized as the spiritual head of the United Synagogue, the largest synagogue body in the United Kingdom, his authority was not recognized by the Haredi Union of Orthodox Hebrew Congregations, or by non-Orthodox Jewish congregations that belong to Masorti, Reform and Liberal Judaism. Although his authority was limited, Rabbi Sacks was a highly influential public intellectual of global renown and impact. Writing to Jewish and non-Jewish audiences, Rabbi Sacks articulated his views on a range of existential problems and challenges, including the breakdown of the family, religious violence, the loss meaning and the rise of despair, political polarization, and climate change. While speaking in a particularly Jewish idiom and from a Judaic perspective, Rabbi Sacks became a spiritual guide to millions of people worldwide who appreciated his wisdom and the wisdom of Judaism. His contribution to the spiritual dimension of human life was formally recognized in 2016 when he received the Templeton Prize for his life-long contribution to humanity. This essay explores the relationship between Rabbi Sacks’ approach to religious pluralism and his contribution to the dialogue of religion and science. The essay argues that Rabbi Sacks was a post-secular thinker who offered a distinctly Judaic approach to humanity’s current challenges. By “universalizing particularity,” as Rabbi Sacks defined his own project, Rabbi Sacks sought to prevent the clash of civilizations and to heal our divided world.

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9

Maskell, Caleb J. D. "“Modern Christianity Is Ancient Judaism”: Rabbi Gustav Gottheil and the Jewish-American Religious Future, 1873–1903." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 2 (2013): 139–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.2.139.

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AbstractGustav Gottheil was a person of great influence in the development of American Reform Judaism, but his story has been largely forgotten. From 1873 to 1903, he was rabbi at Temple Emanu-El, the largest and wealthiest Reform Congregation on the Upper East Side of Manhattan. A prolific author and public teacher, he was “a striking and dominating figure … in American Judaism at large.” He was also controversial, criticized by some for his perceived openness to the ideals, institutions, and elites of American liberal Christianity. One editorialist wrote that he was “frequently accused of … ogling with Christianity, of servilely fawning upon it.” Another suggested that, when the history of American Reform Judaism was written, “ill-disposed critics [would] deny Gottheil his legitimate place,” judging that he was “dragging the congregation into … un-Jewish paths” based on his warm relations with urban Christian elites.This essay is a study of the complex dynamics of Gustav Gottheil’s relationship to American Christianity. It argues that Gottheil believed America was in profound religious transition. In spite of the fact that American culture was dominated by Christian normativity, liberal Christians who were giving up their Trinitarian dogmas were actuallybecomingReform Jews—“Modern Christianity,” he said in 1885, “is ancient Judaism.” This trajectory left him in no doubt that Reform Judaism was the “only possible religion of the American future.”Throughout his ministry, Gottheil sought to advance the process of the conversion of American Christianity to Judaism. He entered into extensive dialogue and friendship with scores of liberal Christian leaders—the “ogling” and “fawning” for which he was criticized. His strategy was rarely to debate but, rather, to inhabit their vocabulary. He spoke the religious language of the normatively Christian American culture, affirming the cultural impulses of the Christian nationalist vision while creatively renarrating them on Jewish foundations.

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10

Abel, Ernest L., and Michael L. Kruger. "Jewish Denominations and Longevity." OMEGA - Journal of Death and Dying 65, no. 3 (November 2012): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/om.65.3.d.

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This study examined the relationship between affiliation with one of three denominations within Judaism representing a conservative-liberal continuum of Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform Judaism. The criterion for affiliation was burial in a cemetery maintained by these denominations. Longevities of married congregants born 1850–1910 were compared, controlling for birth year. Orthodox Jews had the shortest life spans (77 years); Conservative and Reform Jews had very similar life spans (80.7 years). Differences in years of survival of husbands after death of a spouse did not differ significantly. Reform widows survived longest (16.5 years) after death of a spouse. Conservative and Reform widows did not differ significantly from one another.

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11

Scheiner, Nikki. "Review of What Makes Me Angry: Howls of Rabbinic Rage . . . and Solutions." European Judaism 57, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 167–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2024.570115.

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12

HAGNER, DONALD A. "Matthew: Apostate, Reformer, Revolutionary?" New Testament Studies 49, no. 2 (April 2003): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688503000109.

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Andrew Overman, Anthony Saldarini and David Sim overstate their case when they conclude that the religion of the Matthean community was not Christianity but Judaism. The appeal to 5.17ff. and the exclusivist sayings will not bear the weight of the hypothesis. There is far too much newness in Matthew and the differences with Judaism are too great to conclude that Matthew exhibits mere ‘deviance’ from other Jewish groups. The ‘new things’ involve a radical reorientation of previous perspectives wherein Christ takes central place previously held by Torah. Matthew's community is thus best described as a Jewish form of Christianity.

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13

Abdul Rahim, Adibah, and Zuraidah Kamaruddin. "The Religious Thought of Conservative Judaism: An Analysis." Jurnal Akidah & Pemikiran Islam 22, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/afkar.vol22no1.4.

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Conservative Judaism is the mediating group between Orthodox and Reform Judaism. It claimed to uphold basic traditions, at the same time adjusting to modern life in its effort for reconstruction of religious thought. It also contended that it is necessary to redefine and reinterpret the main concepts of faith in accordance to modern science and knowledge. This paper attempts at highlighting the position of Conservative Judaism on selected issues for reconstruction of religious thought, namely, the interpretation of law, the application of law, and the position of women. The paper concluded that although Conservative Judaism appeared as a mediating group between traditionalists and secularists, it disregarded their scriptures and relied more on human interpretations. They regarded modern knowledge and rational explanations as primary references rather than the scriptures.

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14

Rabkin, Yakov M. "Reform Judaism and the Challenge of Zionism." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 2 (November 2011): 258–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0020.

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15

Kaufman, Debra. "Dana Evans Kaplan on Reform Judaism Today." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 20, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341320.

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16

Kaplan, Dana Evan. "The Educational Crisis in American Reform Judaism." Journal of Beliefs & Values 22, no. 2 (October 2001): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1361670120079488.

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17

Syreeni, Kari. "Separation and Identity: Aspects of the Symbolic World of Matt 6.1–18." New Testament Studies 40, no. 4 (October 1994): 522–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500023973.

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A salient feature of the so-called cult-didache in Matt 6.1–18 is its concern for typically Jewish forms of piety. Almsgiving, prayer, and fasting are discussed in a way which to many commentators suggests an inner-Jewish debate. The provenance of the section would be a reform movement within Judaism with few distinctive Christian emphases. In contrast to this line of interpretation, it will be argued that the traditional cultic section as well as its redaction and incorporation into the Sermon on the Mount belong in a community which had broken its ties with Judaism decisively on a practical level. The community still adhered to the religious symbols of Judaism, but these symbols were filled with new meanings and were designed to legitimate what was basically a rather different symbolic world.

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18

Gribetz, Jonathan Marc. "The PLO’s Rabbi: Palestinian Nationalism and Reform Judaism." Jewish Quarterly Review 107, no. 1 (2017): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2017.0003.

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19

Cohen, A., and B. Susser. "Reform Judaism in Israel: The Anatomy of Weakness." Modern Judaism 30, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjp025.

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20

ABERBACH, DAVID. "Nationalism, Reform Judaism and the Hebrew Prayer Book." Nations and Nationalism 12, no. 1 (January 26, 2006): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2005.00234.x.

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21

Ruben, Bruce. "The Viennese Rite and American Moderate Reform Judaism." American Jewish History 106, no. 2 (April 2022): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2022.0016.

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22

Berkowitz, Stephen. "Progressive Judaism in France." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490103.

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AbstractProgressive Judaism became institutionalized in 1907 with the inauguration of the Union Libérale Israélite synagogue in Paris. During the nineteenth century, although Reform ideas were discussed and in some cases implemented (e.g. use of organ, reduction of piyutim), the Central Consistory prevented the creation of an independent Progressive synagogue. Today, the Progressive movement in France is relatively underdeveloped, with thirteen synagogues, full-time rabbis serving only Parisian congregations and no national movement structure. In recent years, however, there have been some positive developments such as the creation of a rabbinical body of French-speaking Progressive rabbis, an annual summer camp and the Moses Mendelssohn Foundation to promote Progressive Judaism. As French Jewry faces major challenges such as the persistence of a virulent form of anti-Semitism and the departure of thousands of active French Jews each year to Israel, the USA, Canada and elsewhere, Progressive Jews in France ask themselves what the future holds for them.

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23

Kohler, George Y. "“The Pattern for Jewish Reformation”: The Impact of Lessing on Nineteenth-Century German Jewish Religious Thought." Harvard Theological Review 113, no. 2 (April 2020): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816020000073.

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AbstractThe widespread Jewish sympathies for Lessing’s pre-Hegelian, pro-Jewish, progressive Deism from the Education of the Human Race spurred some Jewish authors to return to and discuss Lessing’s religious thought within the theological endeavors of the Wissenschaft des Judentums in nineteenth-century Germany. To be able to rely on Lessing, even retroactively, was welcome proof for Jewish Reformers that the humanistic approach to religious problems that stood at the very center of their project was at once Jewish and universal. It was the spirit of Lessing’s Education that was appropriated here for Judaism rather than Lessing’s letter. With Lessing in the camp of Reform Judaism the intended modernization of Judaism was safeguarded against the accusation of political and social egoism on the part of the Jews. It was the universal idea of religious progress that they shared with Lessing, not just the sloughing off of the yoke of outdated talmudic law.

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24

Greenebaum, Jessica. "Conceptualizing reform judaism in an age of religious pluralism." Contemporary Jewry 24, no. 1 (October 2003): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02961572.

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25

Nisonen Oliver, Miriam. "Assimilationist Messaging in Fromental Halévy’s La Juive." Nota Bene: Canadian Undergraduate Journal of Musicology 15, no. 1 (June 18, 2022): 20–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/notabene.v15i1.15031.

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Fromental Halévy’s grand opera La Juive premiered in 1835 and was notable for its inclusion of Jewish characters. Halévy was not only an operatic composer, but a French Jew in Paris during a time when the Reform Judaism movement was developing, often leading to a more assimilated form of Judaism than traditional movements. This paper aims to analyse the portrayal of Jews in La Juive, through an examination of the differences between the Jew Eléazar and his daughter Rachel, a musical analysis of the Passover seder scene, and a grounding in the cultural zeitgeist of the Jewish communities of France in the nineteenth century. Through this analysis, Halévy’s musical portrayals of Eléazar and Rachel demonstrate the practice of assimilating into gentile society in order to avoid antisemitism.

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26

Ilan, Tal. "The Attraction of Aristocratic Women to Pharisaism During the Second Temple Period." Harvard Theological Review 88, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000030376.

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Unlike Christianity, which regards the word “Pharisee” as synonymous with “hypocrite,” “legalist,” and “petty-bourgeois,” Jews have always understood Pharisaism as the correct and trustworthy side of Judaism. Since the eighteenth century, all disputants who participated in the great controversies and schisms within Judaism have claimed to represent the true heirs of the Pharisees. For example, adherents of the strong anti-Hasidic movement initiated by R. Eliyahu of Vilna in the second half of the eighteenth century, who are usually referred to in literature by the negative appellation “opposers” (םירננחמ), referred to themselves by the positive title “Pharisees” (םישורפ). When the Reform movement was founded in Germany in the first half of the nineteenth century, with the goal of reforming the Jewish religion to make it more “modern” and acceptable to its neighbors, the reformers perceived themselves as the true heirs of the Pharisees. In his important study of the Pharisees and Sadducees, Abraham Geiger, one of the founders, ofWissenschaft des Judentumsand an important spokesman for the radical wing of the Reform movement, formulated the view of the flexible open-minded Pharisees, who reformed Judaism to the point of contradicting the laws set out in the Pentateuch, in order to accommodate them to their changing needs. Geiger's opponents easily produced evidence that negated his findings and proved beyond doubt that they, in their conservative strain, were the real heirs of Pharisaism. To his opponents, Geiger was a representative of the detestable Sadducees or their later counterparts, the Karaites.

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27

Lupovitch, Howard N. "Navigating Rough Waters: Alexander Kohut and the Hungarian Roots of Conservative Judaism." AJS Review 32, no. 1 (April 2008): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009408000032.

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With these words, Alexander Kohut engaged the radical Reform stance of Kaufman Kohler in the spring of 1885. The exchange with Kohler crystallized Kohut's raison d'être for Conservative Judaism: an authentic alternative to what he termed “stupid Orthodoxy and insane Reform.” Kohut articulated a fully developed version of this view in Ethics of the Fathers, a compilation of his polemics against Kohler that he published a few months later. This earned Kohut a place among the Conservative movement's pantheon of nineteenth-century founders, along with Sabato Morais, Benjamin Szold, and Marcus Jastrow.

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28

Siluk, Avraham, and Rebekka Voß. "The 18th Century as a Time of Religious Renewal and Reform." Zutot 16, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-12161001.

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Abstract Varied initiatives for religious revival and reform emerged throughout the 18th century in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam; each had a significant impact on its religious community and also contributed to lasting cultural, social, and political change. This introductory essay argues for the importance of early modern religious renewal for understanding transformations in 18th-century life, culture, and thought. Due to their critical roles in society, religious renewal and reform should be considered as key factors for change at the threshold of modernity rather than counters to modernization.

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29

Nothaft, C. Philipp E. "Duking it Out in the Arena of Time: Chronology and the Christian–Jewish Encounter (1100–1600)." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 1-3 (May 23, 2016): 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342222.

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This article surveys the historical points of intersection between the study of chronology and the polemical encounter with Judaism in medieval Latin Christendom. Particular attention will be paid to the work of Roger Bacon, who viewed chronology as a tool that could furnish proof for Christianity, e.g., by supporting a Christological interpretation of the prophecies in the book of Daniel. A second focus will be on the reception and study of the Jewish calendar among Christian scholars and how it both influenced exegetical thought about the chronology of the Last Supper and informed efforts to improve the ecclesiastical calendar. With regard to the latter, it will be argued that the competition with Judaism and the Jewish calendar was an important motivating factor in the debates that led to the Gregorian calendar reform of 1582.

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30

Kohler, George Y. "Rabbi Max Joseph: Between Reform and Zionism." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 19, no. 1 (February 12, 2016): 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341295.

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The essay analyses the exceptional life and thought of the German Rabbi Max Joseph (1868–1950), who was at the same time an ardent Zionist and the follower of a non-orthodox, academic approach to Judaism. It shows that Joseph anticipated most formative elements of Jewish thought during the twentieth century and that his claim about the Jewish religion, depending on Zionism for its very survival in modernity, is a powerful and original statement until this day. Joseph was convinced that striving for Jewish national interests would actually create religiosity and not suppress it, and that, reversely, modern secular culture is absolutely essential for a Jewish national renaissance.

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31

Herrmann, Klaus. "Translating Cultures and Texts in Reform Judaism: The Philippson Bible." Jewish Studies Quarterly 14, no. 2 (2007): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/094457007781859637.

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32

Fishman, Donald. "Reform Judaism and the anti‐Zionist persuasive campaign, 1897–1915." Communication Quarterly 46, no. 4 (September 1998): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01463379809370110.

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33

Carpenter, Karen, and Dana Evan Kaplan. "Non-marital Sex in Reform Judaism: Reconciling Theory with Reality." Sexuality & Culture 19, no. 4 (July 11, 2015): 916–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12119-015-9294-1.

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34

Von Braun, Christina. "A Renaissance of Jewish Studies in Contemporary Germany." Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 31, no. 1 (May 20, 2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.89060.

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This paper provides an overview of the development of Jewish studies in Germany since reunification. After a brief historical review of the subject in the nineteenth century with the development of modern Reform Judaism and the science of Judaism (Wissenschaft des Judentums) created by Jewish religious and secular scholars, it focuses on the development of the past thirty years, in which not only the Jewish community but also Jewish studies have increased in importance. The growth of the Jewish community was largely due to immigration from the Soviet Union, but also partly to young Israelis who moved to Berlin. In line with these different backgrounds, a new interest in diaspora research emerged. The paper also deals with the difference between German Jewish studies (necessarily shaped by the Holocaust) and those of most other countries, where Jewish studies are mainly designed by Jewish scholars.

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35

Tekiner, Roselle. "Classic Reform Judaism and Zionism: Jews against Zionism: The American Council for Judaism, 1942-1948. . Thomas A. Kolsky." Journal of Palestine Studies 20, no. 3 (April 1991): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1991.20.3.00p0254n.

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36

Hirsch, Richard G. "The Ninetieth Anniversary of the World Union for Progressive Judaism." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490110.

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AbstractThe ninetieth anniversary of the World Union enables us to highlight our achievements. In 1973 we moved the international headquarters from New York to Jerusalem and built a magnificent cultural/educational centre there. We pioneered the development of a dynamic Reform/Progressive movement in Israel consisting of congregations, kibbutzim, an Israel religious action centre and educational, cultural and youth programmes. We became active leaders in the Jewish Agency for Israel and the World Zionist Organization. We established synagogues and educational programmes in the Former Soviet Union, Europe, Latin America and the Far East, thus fulfilling our mandate to perpetuate Jewish life wherever Jews live. We formulated an ideology of Reform Zionism as an antidote to the contracting Jewish identity induced by contemporary diaspora conditions. Whereas we encourage aliyah for Jews who want to live in Israel, we are adamantly opposed to those who advocate aliyah as a positive response to anti-Semitism. Instead, we demand that European democracies guarantee equal rights and full security to Jews as well as to all other groups in society.

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37

Avrutin, Eugene M. "Returning to Judaism after the 1905 Law on Religious Freedom in Tsarist Russia." Slavic Review 65, no. 1 (2006): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4148524.

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As a consequence of the 17 April 1905 law on religious freedom, hundreds of baptized Jews petitioned to return to Judaism. While the law paralleled the liberalization of the attitudes and values regarding religious differences that occurred in European societies between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries, the reform also helped destabilize traditional social boundaries and religious identities in the empire. On one level, this essay examines the conflicts and problems authorities faced in categorizing a Jewish population that continually resisted conventional assumptions. In the context of rapid population movements, political and religious reforms, and increased acculturation, what it meant to be “Jewish” was redefined, and administrators needed to establish an acceptable criterion by which (baptized) Jews could be classified. On another level, this essay draws on individual petitions and government correspondence to analyze the personal choices and social dilemmas that baptized Jews faced when they attempted to return to Judaism.

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38

Wynn, Natalie. "Liberal Judaism and Local Jewish Identity: The Dublin Jewish Progressive Congregation (DJPC), 1946–1967." European Journal of Jewish Studies 15, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 123–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-bja10019.

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Abstract As a minority within a minority, the Dublin Jewish Progressive Congregation (DJPC) barely features in the history of either Irish Jewry or Britain’s Liberal Judaism (LJ) movement. Any discussions of the congregation have been superficial; it is dismissed as religiously lax in the orthodox-led, largely anecdotal Irish Jewish historiography, but as conservative in the LJ context. This article critically examines the DJPC in its own right and “from within” for the first time, drawing on local memory and a range of material, personal and archival. I begin by querying exactly what the synagogue’s founders were seeking to achieve in establishing an Irish outpost of Jewish reform. The incremental development of a distinctive Irish brand of progressive Judaism is then investigated through the formative influence of the DJPC’s primary institutional relationships: that with the local orthodox community, and that with the Union of Liberal and Progressive Synagogues (ULPS) in London.

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39

Bayfield, Tony. "Liberale Judentum and British Reform Jews." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490116.

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AbstractTwo narratives dominate British Jewry: (1) Do not get too close to wider society or you will assimilate physically and theologically; and (2) The only future for Jews is in Israel. Ned Curthoys in The Legacy of Liberal Judaism identifies the German Liberale tradition as offering a third option – engagement. First, engage both to learn from wider society and contribute distinctively to it. Second, question the justice of society out of the Jewish experience of injustice. Third, include uncomfortable minorities and subversive voices; do not create pariahs. Fourth, maintain a cautious optimism about collaborating beyond narrow nationalisms to create a better society. It is possible this alternative has been proven vain by history but we have no alternative but to try again. It is not a comfortable place but it is a good place to be.

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40

Hecht, Louise. "Zunz in Prag: Ein vergessenes Kapitel in der jüdischen Kultreform." Aschkenas 31, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 345–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2021-0009.

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Abstract The paper addresses an under-researched chapter in the history of the Jewish Reform movement which is at the same time a commonly overlooked period in the biography of Leopold Zunz (1794–1886), one of the founding members of Wissenschaft des Judentums. By placing his eight-month appointment as a preacher to the Reform synagogue in Prague in its socio-political and biographical contexts, the article sheds new light at Zunz’s commitment for the religious renewal of Judaism. A schematic comparison between the development of the Reform movement in the German lands and the Habsburg Monarchy, at the beginning of the nineteenth century highlights the role of state involvement into internal Jewish affairs. Finally, the analysis of Zunz’s Synagogenordnung from 1836, according to the original manuscript from the National Library of Israel, allows a re-evaluation of the (Reform) synagogue as an institution for social disciplining of its members.

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41

Berman, Myron, and Michael A. Meyer. "Response to Modernity: A History of the Reform Movement in Judaism." Journal of American History 76, no. 1 (June 1989): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908382.

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42

Vital, David, and Michael A. Meyer. "Response to Modernity: A History of the Reform Movement in Judaism." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162962.

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43

Kraus, Matthew. "The New Reform Judaism: Challenges and Reflections by Dana Evan Kaplan." American Jewish History 99, no. 1 (2015): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2015.0011.

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44

Frost, Jonathon K., and Norman E. Youngblood. "Online Religion and Religion Online: Reform Judaism and Web-Based Communication." Journal of Media and Religion 13, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15348423.2014.909190.

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45

Meyer, Michael A. "Abba Hillel Silver as Zionist within the camp of reform Judaism." Journal of Israeli History 17, no. 1 (March 1996): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531049608576072.

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46

Magonet, Jonathan. "Editorial." European Judaism 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2000.330101.

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Reform Judaism in the UK owes its origins to both Sephardi and Ashkenazi elements. When nineteen Sephardim and five Ashkenazim signed a declaration on 15 April 1840 that led to the creation of the West London Synagogue of British Jews it represented a coming together of the two traditions. The list of Sephardi names on the table of past presidents and chairmen of the congregation attests to the lingering presence of those early families till today over 150 years later. The prayerbooks that originated in the new congregation, up to the most recent ones that serve the British Reform movement as a whole, remain influenced by both traditions. However, because of the impact of refugees from Germany and the dominant East European Ashkenazi culture of British Jewry, the ethos of British Reform is today well within the Ashkenazi fold.

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47

Ioniţă, Alexandru. "The Increasing Social Relevance of the Catholic Liturgical and Theological Reform Regarding Judaism (Nostra aetate 4): an Orthodox Point of View." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 9, no. 2 (August 1, 2017): 258–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ress-2017-0018.

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Abstract One of the smallest and most influential documents of Vatican II is the Nostra aetate (declaration. The dynamic of the discussions as it was formulated and the subsequent arduous process of and reception application on local church level proved that the reconsideration of the attitude of the Roman-Catholic Church towards Judaism was concealing unforeseen consequences at the moment of the promulgation. Not only that Nostra aetate has been a turning point for the relationships between Catholicism and Judaism, but it has opened and encouraged – of course, along other documents of the council – a whole new perception of one another and of the ecumenical dialogue. The Jewish response to the 50 years Jubilee of Vatican II confirms the ultimately social relevance of the possible collaboration between Christians and Jews in ethical issues. This paper puts at the fore the Nostra aetate as example for the Orthodox Church as well, and draws attention to the many benefits that may follow such responses.

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48

Yedidya, Asaf. "Ephraim Elimelech Urbach and the Movement for Torah’s Judaism 1966–1975—An Attempt to Reestablish the Breslau School in Israel." transversal 14, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tra-2016-0011.

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AbstractIn 1966, Ephraim Elimelech Urbach and a group of religious intellectual figures established the Movement for Torah’s Judaism, in order to change some elements in the religious life in Israel. The hegemony of religion in Israel belonged at that time to Orthodox Judaism and its political parties, especially the Lithuanian Yeshivot circles. The new movement challenged the “gap between the people and the Torah and the gap between the halacha and the political, economic and social reality”, and called “to revive the halacha through the clear assumption, that the problems of the State are included again in the field of Torah”.Urbach’s movement was an attempt to establish a Jewish “midstream movement”, and actually to reestablish the Breslau School, in Israel. The movement opposed the domination of Lithuanian orthodoxy in Israel’s religious life, as well as the very way of neo-orthodoxy, which represented the idea of “a technologist with the permission of the Torah”. They were also opposed to Reform Judaism. Although they opposed the secular way, they were obligated to cooperate with the secular majority in all the national-public missions. Their three main motions for the agenda were: the method of ruling halacha; changing problematic prayers; and establishing a modern rabbinical seminary.After the establishment of the movement, only a few hundred members joined it. The movement did not succeed in influencing large audiences. The movement also failed in establishing the rabbinical seminary. After a decade, the movement ceased its activities.

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49

Lohmann, Uta. "Einweihungszeremonien als Übergangsriten in jüdischer Aufklärung und Reformbewegung. Drei Fallbeispiele." Historia scholastica 8, no. 2 (December 2022): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2022-2-004.

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The opening of the Jewish Wilhelm School in Breslau (Wroclaw) in 1791 was celebrated with a large public ceremony, which was attended not only by the newly admitted pupils, their parents and teachers, but also by high state officials and well-known scholars. Similar large-scale and publicly announced celebrations took place in 1810, when the first German Reform synagogue, the so-called Jacobs Temple, was solemnly inaugurated in Seesen. Two years before this event, the Westphalian Consistory of Israelites in Kassel had been opened also with a public celebration. Both institutions now held “confirmations,” which replaced the traditional bar mitzvah. The admission to the Wilhelm School in Breslau and the participation in the Reform services in Seesen and Kassel meant for the Jewish pupils and “confirmands” not only the transition into another phase of life. These entries also marked the transition from traditional Judaism to a Judaism of modernity. Accordingly, these newly created institutions were primarily concerned with forming entirely ‘new humans’. The Breslau School aimed at a balanced perfection of the intellect, emotions and morality of its pupils. Analogously, the worship services and confirmations in Seesen and Kassel were directed toward “thinking, feeling, and acting religiously”. Drawing on the descriptions of the opening ceremonies and the inauguration speeches in Breslau, Kassel and Seesen, the rites of transition, the terminology associated with the transition and the conceptual content of the envisaged new type of education and instruction are outlined.

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50

Cohen, Judah M. "A Holy Brother’s Liberal Legacy: Shlomo Carlebach, Reform Judaism, and Hasidic Pluralism." American Jewish History 100, no. 4 (2016): 485–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2016.0057.

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