Статті в журналах: "Red-Figure vases"

1

Saunders, David. "Warriors’ Injuries on Red-Figure Vases." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 10, no. 1 (2010): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2010.0020.

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2

Sutton, Robert F., and Martin F. Kilmer. "Greek Erotica on Attic Red-Figure Vases." American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 2 (April 1997): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506525.

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3

Oakley, John H., and Martin F. Kilmer. "Greek Erotica on Attic Red-Figure Vases." Phoenix 49, no. 1 (1995): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088372.

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4

Sanev, Goran. "Red-figure vases in the FYR Macedonia." Revue archéologique 55, no. 1 (2013): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arch.131.0003.

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5

HERRING, EDWARD. "APULIAN VASE-PAINTING BY NUMBERS: SOME THOUGHTS ON THE PRODUCTION OF VASES DEPICTING INDIGENOUS MEN." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00067.x.

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AbstractThis paper examines the place of vases depicting indigenous men in the wider context of Apulian red-figure pottery production. Through an analysis of 13,577 vases, it is shown that those depicting indigenous men were only ever a tiny part of the overall output. The overwhelming majority of surviving Apulian vases lack a proper archaeological provenance, but although this limits certainty, the evidence suggests that the vases in question were primarily used in Central Puglia. The iconography of the vessels shows indigenous men in a positive light, as successful warriors who participated in banqueting and religious rituals. The scenes all have direct parallels in the wider iconography of Apulian red-figure, where Greek men are shown engaged in a similar range of activities. The paper considers why this idealized representation of indigenous male lifestyles is so indebted to Greek culture and argues for the continued importance of local identities.

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6

Carpenter, T. H. "The Native Market for Red-Figure Vases in Apulia." Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 48 (2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4238802.

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7

Herring, Edward. "More than just pretty pictures: red-figure pottery production beyond Athens." Antiquity 89, no. 348 (December 2015): 1500–1502. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2015.137.

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Red-figure pottery first achieved prominence in the modern world through antiquarianism and the collection of souvenirs on the Grand Tour. This fundamentally shaped the scholarship of this class of pottery. Vases were valued for their completeness, their iconography—scenes depicting Greek myth and literature being particularly prized—and their aesthetic qualities. Famous private collections were formed, many of which subsequently entered the world's great museums. Less value was placed upon the vessels as archaeological objects. The contexts in which they were found, their associations with other objects and their roles in ancient society were given little consideration. The pursuit of intact vases led to a focus on cemeteries, and many discoveries were, and indeed continue to be, the result of looting. Thus, most museum collections are dominated by vessels without proper provenance. Moreover, collections are skewed towards funerary and, to a lesser extent, sanctuary evidence, and away from material used in domestic contexts. The importance of iconography and aesthetics means that museums tend to display the most varied and beautiful vessels, ignoring much of the output of ancient workshops.

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8

Minollari, Katarzyna. "Red-figure vases from Durres – A reflection of a local culture?" Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 21 (October 2018): 1025–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.12.007.

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9

Pöhlmann, Egert. "Reading and Writing, Singing and Playing on Three Early Red-Figure Vases." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 7, no. 2 (August 20, 2019): 270–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341350.

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Abstract The tools for reading and writing, the writing tablets and the papyrus scroll, were inherited by Greece from the East together with the Phoenician alphabet. The oldest papyrus scroll and writing tablets with Greek text were found in the tomb of a musician in Daphne dated to 430 BC. After 700 BC writing tablets were ubiquitous in Greece. However, black figure vases do not depict them. The first writing tablet appears on a red figure kylix of the Euergides Painter from Vulci (520). The first papyrus scrolls appear, together with writing tablets and the lyre, on a kylix from Ferrara (c. 480-70). Papyrus scrolls, writing tablets, the lyre and aulos appear together on the famous Berlin kylix of Douris from Caere (480).

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10

Peirce, Sarah. "Visual Language and Concepts of Cult on the "Lenaia Vases"." Classical Antiquity 17, no. 1 (April 1, 1998): 59–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011074.

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"Lenaia vases" is the traditional title given to a group of some seventy fifth-century Attic vases, black- and red-figure. These vases have in common that they show a cult-image of Dionysos, consisting of a mask or masks on a column, in combination with the conventional Attic imagery of the revelling ecstatic female worshippers usually called "maenads." The vases are important and their meaning much debated because they seem to hold out the promise of providing otherwise unavailable information about historical bacchic religion. There is no consensus on the character of the historical information of these scenes. In an older view the imagery records the appearance of enacted ritual; in a newer view, the imagery "discusses," in a fashion analogous to language, concepts about Dionysiac religion. This paper proposes a reinterpretation of a coherent subset of the "Lenaia vases," based on a linguistic reading of the imagery. This subset consists of twenty-eight red-figure stamnoi, a group that has traditionally been the focus of studies of the "Lenaia vases." I analyze the vases as describing, in conventional visual terms of reference, a rite of theoxenia celebrated by ecstatic female worshippers. The imagery says that these worshippers perform a thysia, offer Dionysos a banquet of meat and wine, and celebrate a symposion and komos. It also comments on the practice of such rituals by women, saying that they derive honor from these actions. These rituals find parallels in historical evidence for Dionysiac theoxenia and banquets; the scenes thus may provide additional evidence that Dionysiac celebrations took this form. The scenes, however, are not about the historical enactment of such rituals, and still less a visual record of such enactments. Rather, their message, conveyed by the interweaving of mythical and social references, is that for the worshipper of Dionysos the worlds of myth and of the polis are one.

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11

Laferrière, Carolyn M. "Dancing with Greek Vases." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 9, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341378.

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Abstract As gods dance, women twirl in choruses, and men leap in kōmos revels on Athenian red-figure vases, their animate bodies must be made to conform to the rounded shape of the vessels. Occasionally, these vases are even included in the images themselves, particularly within the kōmos revel, where the participants incorporate vessels into their dance as props, markers of space, and tools to engage new dance partners. Positioning these scenes within their potential sympotic context, I analyze the vases held by the dancers according to the ancient viewer’s own possible use of these physical vessels. The symposiasts’ own dextrous interaction with the objects echoes the dancers’ behaviors, so that human and ceramic bodies come together in shared movement. The handling of vases thus suggests a tactile, embodied experience shared between dancers and viewers; by evoking viewers’ familiarity with handling similar vessels, the vase-paintings invite viewers to join in the dance.

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12

GOOSSENS, E., and S. THIELEMANS. "The Popularity of Painting Sport Scenes on Attic Black and Red Figure Vases." BABESCH - Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 71 (December 1, 1996): 59–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bab.71.0.2002274.

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13

Morgan, Janett. "A Greek tragedy? Why ‘Dillwyn’s Etruscan Ware’ failed*." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 63, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbaa007.

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Abstract Between 1847 and 1850, the Cambrian Pottery in Swansea made ‘Dillwyn’s Etruscan Ware’, a range of vases copying the designs of red-figure vases found in south Italian and Sicilian tombs. The vases were made for sale to ‘humble homesteads’, but they did not attract buyers and were discontinued. This article explores the economic and commercial milieu in which the Swansea ‘Etruscan’ ware vases were designed and made. It examines relationships between manufacturers’ design choices and their perceptions of the social, cultural, and political aspirations of intended buyers. It establishes the identity of the Cambrian Pottery’s intended customers and shows how practical issues, such as space, display, and utility, could influence buyers’ choices as well as design. Finally, it explores the influence of social, cultural, and religious ideals on domestic decoration in working-class households, and it offers an explanation of why ‘Dillwyn’s Etruscan Ware’ failed.

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14

Akamatis, Nikos. "DISCOVERING MACEDONIAN RED-FIGURE POTTERY: A NEW PELIKE ATTRIBUTED TO THE PELLA WORKSHOP." Annual of the British School at Athens 109 (November 2014): 223–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245414000161.

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The question of the appearance, operating conditions and diffusion of the products of local red-figure pottery workshops in the fourth centurybc, in conjunction with the spread of Attic red-figure ware and its influence on local potteries, has been a focus of research in recent years. The result has been the recognition of a number of local workshops all across Greece, including those of Chalcidice, Boeotia, Euboea, Corinth, Elis, Sparta, Crete and the Agrinion Group. This article examines a red-figure pelike made by a previously unknown local workshop that was very likely located in Pella, the capital of the Kingdom of Macedonia. This vessel was in storage in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki and is one of the best-preserved examples from that Macedonian workshop. In shape and decoration it recalls Attic vases of the second half of the fourth centurybc, and particularly the work of Group G and the Amazon Painter. The pelike dates fromc.320bcand is attributed to the Pella B Painter.

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15

Gill, David W. J. "METRU.MENECE: an Etruscan painted inscription on a mid-5th-century BC red-figure cup from Populonia." Antiquity 61, no. 231 (March 1987): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00072574.

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Pottery is so ubiquitous among the material we have surviving from later periods that it is easy to think that ancient people occupied a world which was as stuffed with broken sherds as the layers we excavate; and ceramics seem especially important when they are as handsome and archaeologically informative as classical vases. Starting with a single sherd from Populonia, David Gill takes a different view of pottery, and its commercial transport, in the classical Mediterranean.

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16

Gilotta, Fernando. "Chiusi e il Clusium Group. Un nuovo documento dagli scavi di Orvieto." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 3 (November 2010): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-03-08.

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This note deals with sherds of a very important “new” Etruscan red-figure cup from Orvieto (Excavations Campo della Fiera, 2006), showing a fragmentary group of Fufluns/Satyr and a winged female goddess. The poorly preserved paintings, close to the “Clusium Group” as far as the central medaillon is concerned, are reminiscent of older “tiberine” vases, such as the Casuccini stamnos and related pottery, and at the same time show intriguing links with later Faliscan and Campanizing red-figure. This combination of stylistic and workshop relationships sheds light on the milieu from which the Clusium Group (possibly) emerged around the middle of the fourth century BC. As for the kylix, a date toward the third quarter of the fourth century BC is suggested.

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17

Mirti, P., M. Gulmini, M. Pace, and D. Elia. "The Provenance of Red Figure Vases From Locri Epizephiri (Southern Italy): New Evidence by Chemical Analysis." Archaeometry 46, no. 2 (May 2004): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4754.2004.00152.x.

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18

Balachandran, Sanchita. "Bringing Back the (Ancient) Bodies: The Potters’ Sensory Experiences and the Firing of Red, Black and Purple Greek Vases." Arts 8, no. 2 (June 4, 2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020070.

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The study of Athenian black-figure and red-figure ceramics is haunted by nearly a thousand “hands” of the artisans thought to be responsible for their painted images. But what of the bodies attached to those hands? Who were they? Given the limited archaeological and epigraphic evidence for these ancient makers, this study attempts to recover their physical bodies through the ceramics production process—specifically the firing of vessels—as a communal activity potentially including a large cast of participants including craftsmen and craftswomen, metics, freed people and slaves. Using an experimental archaeology approach, I argue that we can begin to approach the sensory experiences of ancient potters and painters as they produced all the colored surfaces (and not only images) that endure on Greek vases. I propose a four-stage sensory firing in combination with the three-stage chemical firing process known for the production of Athenian ceramics, suggesting that each stage—and the colors produced at each stage—had their own “sensory signatures.” Examining extant vases with this awareness of the bodily experience of their ancient makers has the potential to bring back these ancient bodies, moving us beyond the limiting narrative of a single hand wielding a paint brush.

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19

Chevitarese, André Leonardo. "Woman and fruit harvest in the Athenian pólis: iconographic analisys of the Athenian black and red figure vases." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 10 (December 22, 2000): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2000.109385.

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Ao fazer um levantamento sistemático das cenas de colheita de frutas nos vasos áticos de figuras negras e vermelhas, constata-se uma relação direta entre o desempenho dessa atividade agrícola e as mulheres. Pretende-se com este trabalho estabelecer possíveis explicações dessa associação, a priori pouco comum para os padrões da cultura ateniense, a partir do exame dos vasos atenienses e da tradição literária.

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20

Shapiro, H. A. "Lost Epics and Newly Found Vases: Sources for the Sack of Troy." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 16, no. 1 (November 13, 2015): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2014-0013.

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Abstract The Ilioupersis was a component of the Epic Cycle that is lost to us but for some fragments and later re-workings such as Euripides’ Troades. But the visual tradition of the Sack of Troy starts very early, with the famous relief pithos found on Mykonos in the 1960’s and dated to the early seventh century, probably close in date to the epic. This paper focuses on an Attic red-figure cup that came to light in the 1980’s and gives us the fullest panorama of many episodes that comprised the Sack. It was made at a time when the Ionian Revolt and the Persian threat to Greece gave the story a new currency in Athens.

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21

Schaus, Gerald P. "The beginning of Greek polychrome painting." Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (November 1988): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632634.

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About the mid-seventh century, polychrome styles of vase painting appeared in five different Greek wares, and in a sixth ware a short time after. By polychrome here is meant the use of a light brown or reddish brown paint for male flesh in human figure scenes, to go with the normal colours found on seventh-century Greek vases, black, red and white. The use of this light brown or reddish brown paint may have begun a little earlier, e.g. for parts of animals, but it would be confusing to call this partial polychrome and to regard this as a preliminary step towards the distinctive use of brown for male human flesh. The six wares in which polychrome vases appear are Protocorinthian, Protoattic, Argive, Naxian, ‘Melian’ (likely from Paros), and a ware found at Megara Hyblaea. Except for ‘Melian’ polychrome which continues to the end of the seventh or early sixth century, each of these polychrome styles flourishes for a brief time and then disappears.

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22

Harris, A. L. "Recent Acquisitions and Conservation of Antiquities at the Ure Museum, University of Reading 2004–2008." Archaeological Reports 54 (November 2008): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400001009.

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The Ure Museum of Greek Archaeology, in the Department of Classics at the University of Reading, has experienced something of a renaissance in the 3rd millennium. It acquired status as a registered museum in 2001 and accreditation in 2008. It has boasted a bespoke web-accessible database since 2002 and a professionally designed website since 2004 (www.reading.ac.uk/ure). Finally, in 2005 its physical display was completely redesigned. While the existence of the Museum and some of its collections have long been well known to scholars of Gr vases – thanks to the tireless efforts of Percy and Annie Ure in the first half of the 20th Ct, including their 1954 publication of Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Great Britain 12. University of Reading (London, Oxford University Press, 1954), AR 9 (1962–1963) and some listings in Beazley and Trendall's volumes (see J.D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-painters, 2nd ed. [Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1963], A.D. Trendall and A. Cambitoglou, The Red-figured Vases of Apulia [Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1978–1982], A.D. Trendall, The Red-figured Vases of Lucania, Campania and Sicily (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1967) – much of the collection remains unknown. Even in the 1960s, after all, the publication of fragments, lamps and Cypriote ceramics remained unfashionable. And the Ures, experts in Gr pottery, were little interested in publishing the Egyptian artefacts (approximately a 5th of the displayed collection) and other non-ceramic artefacts. As part of the Ure Museum's renaissance, University of Reading staff and students are researching and gradually publishing its hidden treasures: A.C. Smith, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Great Britain 23. Reading Museum Service (Reading Borough Council) (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007) documents more than 150 vases, most in the Ure Museum, from the Reading Museum Service (Reading Borough Council); a forthcoming fascicule of the Corpus of Cypriote Antiquities will catalogue the Cypriote holdings in the Ure Museum; and another volume of Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum will detail approximately 200 holdings of the Ure Museum that are hitherto unpublished. The items discussed below, however, are those that have been acquired by the Ure Museum since 2004, as well a sample of the 19 Coptic textile fragments, which have been brought out of storage, conserved by the Textile Conservation Centre in Winchester and are now displayed in the Ure Museum (since 2005).

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23

Ebbinghaus, Susanne, and J. Ellis Jones. "New evidence on the von Mercklin class of rhyta: a black-gloss rhyton from Agrileza, Laureion, Attica." Annual of the British School at Athens 96 (November 2001): 381–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400005347.

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From the 1997 excavations at a Lavrion silver-mine ore washery, Agrileza Compound B, datable to the fourth century BC, came a fragmentary black gloss ram head rhyton of the so-called von Mercklin Class. The rhyton from Agrileza is at present the only known example of this group with a well-defined archaeological context, and is therefore taken as the basis for a review of the regional and chronological attributions of von Mercklin rhyta in several European museums. A discussion of the relationship of these rhyta to the much more common and better known Attic red-figure animal-head vases sketches the background against which the rare occurrence of pouring vessels with animal foreparts in the repertoire of mainland Greek potters has to be seen.

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24

Slavova, Mirena. "The inscriptions from the mound necropolis of Duvanlii (Thrace) and their socio-cultural context." Kadmos 56, no. 1-2 (July 1, 2017): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2017-0006.

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Abstract The article attempts to restore the socio-cultural context of four inscriptions found on various artifacts in graves from the mound necropolis at Duvanlii in Thrace (present day Bulgaria) dating back to the 5th century BC. They are written with a different technique - the erroneously transmitted graffito written in early Attic alphabet on the bottom of a plate ΙΠΠΟΜΑΧΣ, the depinti KOAΣ and ΚOMOΣ on a red-figure hydria, and the Thracian anthroponym ΔΑΔΑΛΕΜΕ engraved on four silver vases. The author focuses both on the interpretation of the single inscriptions (especially the placement of ΔΑΔΑΛΕΜΕ in a series with other known Thracian names, as well as with the newly published from Zoni) and on the contact zone of Thracians and Greeks in Thrace and Samothrace, whose specifics can explain the considered graphical practices.

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25

Pevnick, Seth D. "ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN: Loaded Names, Artistic Identity, and Reading an Athenian Vase". Classical Antiquity 29, № 2 (1 жовтня 2010): 222–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2010.29.2.222.

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This paper examines the importance of artist names and artistic identity, especially as expressed in artist signatures, to the interpretation of ancient Greek pottery. Attention is focused on a calyx krater signed ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN [sic], and it is argued that the non-Greek ethnikon used as artist name encourages a non-Athenian reading of the iconography. The painted labels for all six figures on this vase, together with parallels from other Athenian red-figure vases—including others from the Syriskos workshop—all suggest the presentation of an alternative, un-Athenian world view. Okeanos, Dionysos, and Epaphos are read as representing faraway lands at the edges of the Ge Panteleia, or “entire earth,” while the central figure of Themis, Greek personification of divine right, is depicted pouring a libation to Balos, the Hellenized form of the Syrian supreme god Baal, thereby recognizing his status as a supreme deity. Other overtly political messages have been read elsewhere in the oeuvre of the Syriskos Workshop, where it seems that at least two distinct artistic identities were at play—the explicitly foreign “little Syrian,” and the more conventional Pistoxenos, or “trustworthy foreigner.” When explicitly signed on vessels, these artistic identities necessarily sway interpretation, whereas on the many unsigned pieces, the viewer is left to consider which identity is at play.

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Moignard, Elizabeth. "Greek Fictile Erotica - Martin F. Kilmer: Greek Erotica on Attic Red-Figure Vases. Pp. xiii+286; copiously illustrated. London: Duckworth, 1993. Cased, £50." Classical Review 44, no. 2 (October 1994): 383–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00289518.

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27

Heuer, Keely. "Tenacious Tendrils: Replicating Nature in South Italian Vase Painting." Arts 8, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020071.

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Elaborate floral tendrils are one of the most distinctive iconographic features of South Italian vase painting, the red-figure wares produced by Greek settlers in Magna Graecia and Sicily between ca. 440–300 B.C. They were a particular specialty of Apulian artisans and were later adopted by painters living in Paestum and Etruria. This lush vegetation is a stark contrast to the relatively meager interest of Archaic and Classical Athenian vase painters in mimetically depicting elements of the natural world. First appearing in the work of the Iliupersis Painter around 370 B.C., similar flowering vines appear in other contemporary media ranging from gold jewelry to pebble mosaics, perhaps influenced by the career of Pausias of Sicyon, who is credited in ancient sources with developing the art of flower painting. Through analysis of the types of flora depicted and the figures that inhabit these lush vegetal designs, this paper explores the blossoming tendrils on South Italian vases as an evocation of nature’s regenerative powers in the eschatological beliefs of peoples, Greek and Italic alike, occupying southern Italy.

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28

Sparkes, B. A. "(J.) Boardman Athenian red figure vases: the classical period. A handbook. (World of art.) London: Thames and Hudson, 1989. Pp.252, 566 illus. £5.95." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631946.

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Moignard, Elizabeth. "A. D. Trendall: Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily: a handbook. Pp. 288; 596, 19 figs. London: Thames & Hudson. 1989. £18." Classical Review 40, no. 2 (October 1990): 515–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00255303.

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30

Shapiro, H. A. "Literacy and social status of archaic attic vase-painters." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 5 (December 18, 1995): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.1995.109236.

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In recent years, new evidence has led some scholars to question the traditional view of Athenian potters and painters as banausoi of low social status whose lives seldom if ever intersected with those of the aristocracy (Keuls, 1989: 149-67). The evidence pertains mainly to the generation of the red-figure pioneers, who are excepcional in their strong sense of identity and self-conscious reference to each other and to their patrons. Their meeting ground was the symposium. The presente paper focuses on an earlier period, the mid-sixth century, and on certain vase inscriptions that suggest not only a high degree of literacy on the part of the painter, but also a familiarity with several genres of sympotic and other poetry. These metrical inscriptions, some on otherwise modest vases and not previously collected, attest to the pervasiveness of the “song culture” of Archaic Greece described by J. Herington (1985). These and other examples imply that the social structure of Early Archaic Athens, in the wake of Solon’s reforms, was not a rigidly stratified one, but rather artisans mixed freely with aristocrats, often joined through their shared tastes for poetry and song.

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31

Pritchard, David M. "Fool's Gold and Silver: Reflections on the Evidentiary Status of Finely Painted Attic Pottery." Antichthon 33 (November 1999): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002318.

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The imagery of black and red figure pottery continues to be a valuable source of information for the social and ideological history of ancient Athens. These images have traditionally provided historians with insights into material culture, religion and daily life activities, and increasingly, in large part due to francophone archaeologists like François Lissarrague, they are also being employed as detailed evidence of the conceptual world of archaic and classical Athenians. It is striking though that in spite of the clear evidentiary value of finely painted Attic pottery, almost no sustained scholarly attention has been paid to the critical issue of whose lifestyle and ideological point of view were replicated in images by Athenian pottery painters. In light of this lacuna the recent research project of David Gill and Michael Vickers to isolate more exactly the status of red and black figure pots in Attic society would appear to be most promising. Their findings end up challenging two widely held but never fully substantiated articles of faith of classical archaeology, namely that this type of pottery was used extensively and valued highly by the Athenian elite, and that these ‘vases’ were an important and privileged medium for the development of Greek art. Gill and Vickers seek to demonstrate that the homes of upper class Athenians were crammed full of precious metal vessels and had no place for mere painted pots. They maintain instead that such fictile pieces were inexpensive, and slavishly imitated the shapes, colours and even imagery of the vastly more valuable vessels made of gold and silver. Consequently, Gill and Vickers argue that Attic finely painted pottery was entirely dependent on the artistry and inventiveness of the designers and smiths of precious metallic pieces.

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Artal-Isbrand, Paula, and Philip Klausmeyer. "Evaluation of the relief line and the contour line on Greek red-figure vases using reflectance transformation imaging and three-dimensional laser scanning confocal microscopy." Studies in Conservation 58, no. 4 (October 2013): 338–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/2047058412y.0000000077.

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Cook, R. M. "John Boardman: Athenian Red Figure Vases, the Classical Period: a Handbook. (World of Art.) Pp. 252; 429 figs. London: Thames & Hudson, 1989. Paper, £5.95." Classical Review 40, no. 2 (October 1990): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00255297.

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Sparkes, Brian A. "(J.W.) Hayes Greek and Greek-style painted and plain pottery in the Royal Ontario Museum, excluding black-figure and red-figure vases. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1992. Pp. xv + 223, ill. C$95. 0888543980." Journal of Hellenic Studies 117 (November 1997): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632616.

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Sparkes, B. A. "(A. D.) Trendall Red figure vases of South Italy and Sicily: a handbook. London: Thames and Hudson, 1989. Pp. 288, 472 illus. (incl plates, text figs, maps). £18.00." Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (November 1990): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631814.

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Burn, Lucilla. "Athenian Red Figure Vases: the Classical Period. A Handbook. By John Boardman. 210 × 148mm. Pp. 252, 566 ills. London: Thames and Hudson, 1989. ISBN 0-500-20244-3. £5·95 (p/b)." Antiquaries Journal 69, no. 2 (September 1989): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500085632.

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Buitron-Oliver, Diana. "Archaic red-figure vases from Tarquinia's cemetery - GLORIA FERRARI , I VASI ATTICI A FIGURE ROSSE DEL PERIODO ARCAICO (Materiali del Museo Archeologico Nazionale de Tarquinia XI, Archaeologica 73, Giorgio Bretschneider, Roma 1988). Pp. 196, tav. 99. ISBN 88-7689-009-2. Lit. 550.000." Journal of Roman Archaeology 7 (1994): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400012654.

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Vyhnal, Christopher R. "Curricular Materials on the Chemistry of Pottery, Including Thermodynamic Calculations for Redox Reactions in the 3-Stage Firing Process of Athenian Black- and Red-Figure Vases Produced from the Sixth–Fourth Centuries BCE." Journal of Chemical Education 99, no. 2 (December 3, 2021): 768–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/acs.jchemed.1c00953.

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Moignard, Elizabeth. "J. H. Oakley: Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, USA Fasc. 28. The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, Maryland: Attic Red-figure and White-ground Vases. (CVA.) Pp. x+81; 18 figs., 60 plates. Baltimore, MD: The Walters Art Gallery/Union Académique Internationale, 1992." Classical Review 44, no. 1 (April 1994): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00291646.

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Rysiaieva, Maryna. "On Ancient Greek Thymiateria and Their Purpose." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 2 (2019): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2019.2.01.

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The paper looks at the ancient Greek thymiateria and aims at finding data in literary, epigraphic and visual sources that would cast light on the use of thymiateria in private and public rituals of the VIІ th century BC – IVth century AD. Systematic collection of data and its comparative historical analysis were in the core of the methodology. Among the main methods of analysing the collected sources, one should mention empirical, analytical, structural-typological and iconographical methods. A thymiaterion (an incense burner) is firstly mentioned in the Vth century BC in Herodotus’ Historia. In centuries to come, the panhellenic name of thymiaterion would dominate and enter to Roman and Germanic languages. This device was used solely with fire, charcoal or heated pebbles to burn aromatic compounds, incense and aromatic plants and flowers in particular. Thymiateria didn’t have any fixed shapes or sizes. In narrative sources, they were also named bomiskos, libanotis (libanotris), escharis, tripodiskos etc. In this paper, I examine the basic constructive elements of thymiateria. As visual sources and lyric poetry suggest, they were used in the archaic period. The earliest instance of the use of thymiateria in the ritual practice date late to the VIth century BC in the Phanagoria of the Bosporus. The thymiateria is depicted on mostly in mythological scenes on the Athenian red-figure pottery late of the Vth – IVth centuries BC found in Panticapaeum and in the surrounding area. The Greek iconography of mythological scenes on the vases was clear for the locals. The majority of visual, numismatics and epigraphic sources that reveal the use of thymiateria on the Bosporus are dating to the IVth–ІІth centuries BC, when they were spread in Hellenistic Greece and, especially in sanctuaries of Delos. Although aroma was an essential part of thymiateria culture, only Orphic Hymns cast light on the use of particular incenses (in pure form or in compound) for each gods or heroes. One important question persists: which aromas were burnt in thymiateria and from which countries were they brought to Greece? From literary sources, we know that plant-based aromas, namely incense and myrrh were brought from South Arabia and Syria. Thymiateria were used during rituals in sanctuaries and temples, during religious processions, funerals, symposiums and wedding that were accompanied by aromatic smoke. The present essay should be regarded as a starting point for the further in-depth study of thymiateria from the Northern Black sea region and Olbia in particular.

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Burn, Lucilla. "Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Deutschland, 62. Berlin, Antikenmuseum ehemals Antiquarium, 8. By I. Wehgartner. Munich: Beck, 1991. Pp. 98 + illus. DM142. - Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. USA, 28.1. The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore. Attic red-figure and white-ground vases. By J.H. Oakley. Mainz: von Zabem, 1992. Pp. xii + 81 + illus. DM135." Journal of Hellenic Studies 114 (November 1994): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632798.

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Heesen, Pieter. "MORE GREEK VASES - (V.) Slehoferova Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Schweiz. Basel, Antikenmuseum und Sammlung Ludwig. (Basel, Faszikel 5; Schweiz, Faszikel 10.) Pp. 151, ills, pls. Basel: Schwabe Verlag, 2015. Cased, CHF135, €135. ISBN: 978-3-7965-3462-1. - (S.B.) Matheson Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven, Connecticut. Attic black-figure amphorae, loutrophoros-amphora, loutrophoros-hydria, hydria, olpai/oinochoai, lekythoi, alabastra, exaleiptra/kothones/plemochoai, pyxides, askos, plate, phiale, skyphoi, cups, and Six's technique lekythos, Boeotian black-figure lekane, kantharoi, skyphos, Attic red-figure bell krater. From the Martin Robertson Collection: Attic black-figure Cassel cup and fragments, red-figure pelike and fragments, white-ground lekythos fragment. (Yale University Art Gallery, Fascicule 2; USA, Fascicule 39.) Pp. xiv + 150, ills, pls. Darmstadt: Philipp von Zabern, 2016. Cased, €99.95. ISBN: 978-3-8053-4888-1." Classical Review 67, no. 2 (April 12, 2017): 501–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x17000397.

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Brendle, Ross. "The Pederastic Gaze in Attic Vase-Painting." Arts 8, no. 2 (April 2, 2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020047.

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An image on an Attic red-figure kylix attributed to the Antiphon Painter, showing a single youth wrapped tightly in a mantle, represents a type of figure often found in pederastic courting scenes and scenes set in the gymnasium, where male bodies were on display. Subject to the gaze of older men, these youths hide their bodies in their cloaks and exhibit the modesty expected of a boy being courted. While many courting scenes show an erastês approaching a tightly-wrapped erômenos, in this scene, the boy stands alone with no source of modesty-inducing gaze within the image. Combined with the intimate manner in which the user of this cup would experience the image as he held it close to his face to drink, it would appear to the drinker that it is his own gaze that provokes the boy’s modesty. This vase is one of several in which we may see figures within an image reacting to the eroticizing gaze of the user of the vessel. As the drinker drains his cup and sees the boy, the image responds with resistance to the drinker’s gaze. Though seemingly unassuming, these pictures look deliberately outward and declare themselves to an anticipated viewer. The viewer’s interaction with the image is as important to its function as any element within the picture.

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Moignard, Elizabeth. "Attic Red-Figure Vase Painting - Martin Robertson: The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens. Pp. xii + 350; 300 figures. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. £60." Classical Review 43, no. 2 (October 1993): 378–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00287842.

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SMITH, TYLER JO. "MYTH, CULT, AND PERFORMANCE: SIR JOHN SOANE'S CAWDOR VASE." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 96–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00068.x.

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Abstract The Cawdor Vase was purchased by Sir John Soane in 1800, launching the London architect's career as a collector of antiquities. The Apulian red-figure volute-krater (4th c. BC) is displayed in the dining room of Soane's house-museum at no. 13 Lincoln's Inn Fields, in the exact location it occupied when Soane died in 1837. The krater appears in artistic representations and section drawings of the house, as well as in descriptions of the museum and its holdings. Prominent modern scholars (Vermeule and Trendall) studied the object, securing its place in the corpus of South Italian wares. As intriguing as its role in the history of collecting and reception is the Cawdor Vase's unique iconography. On one side is an enigmatic version of the preparations for the chariot race of Oinomaos and Pelops, and on the other a familiar type of naiskos scene. The decoration on the vase, taken as a whole, reveals the different stages of the famous myth and can be connected with textual accounts, the cult of Pelops, Apulian funerary ritual, and the foundation of the Olympic Games.

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Vargyas, Zsófia. "Adalékok Marczibányi István (1752–1810) műgyűjteményének történetéhez." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 71, no. 1 (May 24, 2023): 45–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00003.

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The art collection of István Marczibányi (1752–1810), remembered as the benefactor of the Hungarian nation, who devoted a great part of his fortune to religious, educational, scientific and social goals, is generally known as a collection of ‘national Antiquities’ of Hungary. This opinion was already widespread in Hungarian publicity at the beginning of the 19th century, when Marczibányi pledged that he would enrich the collection of the prospective Hungarian national Museum with his artworks. But the description of his collection in Pál Wallaszky’s book Conspectus reipublicae litterariae in Hungaria published in 1808 testifies to the diversity and international character of the collection. In the Marczibányi “treasury”, divided into fourteen units, in addition to a rich cabinet for coins and medals there were mosaics, sculptures, drinking vessels, filigree-adorned goldsmiths’ works, weapons, Chinese art objects, gemstones and objects carved from them (buttons, cameos, caskets and vases), diverse marble monuments and copper engravings. Picking, for example, the set of sculptures, we find ancient Egyptian, Greek and Ro man pieces as well as mediaeval and modern masterpieces arranged by materials.After the collector’s death, his younger brother Imre Marczibányi (1755–1826) and his nephews Márton (1784–1834), János (1786–1830), and Antal (1793–1872) jointly inherited the collection housed in a palace in dísz tér (Parade Square) in Buda. In 1811, acting on the promise of the deceased, the family donated a selection of artworks to the national Museum: 276 cut gems, 9 Roman and Byzantine imperial gold coins, 35 silver coins and more than fifty antiquities and rarities including 17th and 18th-century goldsmiths’ works, Chinese soap-stone statuettes, ivory carvings, weapons and a South Italian red-figure vase, too. However, this donation did not remain intact as one entity. With the emergence of various specialized museums in the last third of the 19th century, a lot of artworks had been transferred to the new institutions, where the original provenance fell mostly into oblivion.In the research more than a third of the artworks now in the Hungarian national Museum, the Museum of Applied Arts and the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest could be identified, relying on the first printed catalogue of the Hungarian national Museum (1825) titled Cimeliotheca Musei Nationalis Hungarici, and the handwritten acquisition registers. The entries have revealed that fictitious provenances were attached to several items, since the alleged or real association with prominent historical figures played an important role in the acquisition strategies of private collectors and museums alike at the time. For example, an ivory carving interpreted in the Cimeliotheca as the reliquary of St Margaret of Hungary could be identified with an object in the Metalwork Collection of the Museum of Applied Arts (inv. no. 18843), whose stylistic analogies and parallels invalidate the legendary origin: the bone plates subsequently assembled as a front of a casket were presumably made in a Venetian workshop at the end of the 14th century.There are merely sporadic data about the network of István Marczibányi’s connections as a collector, and about the history of his former collection remaining in the possession of his heirs. It is known that collector Miklós Jankovich (1772–1846) purchased painted and carved marble portraits around 1816 from the Marczi bányi collection, together with goldsmiths’ works including a coconut cup newly identified in the Metalwork Collection of the Museum of Applied Arts (inv. no. 19041). The group of exquisite Italian Cinquecento bronze statuettes published by art historian Géza Entz (1913–1993), was last owned as a whole by Antal Marczibányi (nephew of István) who died in 1872. These collection of small bronzes could have also been collected by István Marczibányi, then it got scattered through inheritance, and certain pieces of it landed in north American and European museums as of the second third of the 20th century. Although according to Entz’s hypothesis the small bronzes were purchased by István’s brother Imre through the mediation of sculptor and art collector István Ferenczy (1792–1956) studying in Rome, there is no written data to verify it. By contrast, it is known that the posthumous estate of István Marczibányi included a large but not detailed collection of classical Roman statues in 1811, which the heirs did not donate to the national Museum. It may be presumed that some of the renaissance small bronzes of mythological themes following classical prototypes were believed to be classical antiquities at the beginning of the 19th century. Further research will hopefully reveal more information about the circumstances of their acquisition.

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김혜진. "The Imagery of Ideal Women and Romantic Married Life in Attic Red Figure Vase Paintings : Some Thoughts on Athenian Female Citizens in the 5th century B.C.E." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 35 (August 2013): 31–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2013..35.31.

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Zaccagnino, Cristiana. "Athenian Black-Figure and Red-Figure Pointed Amphoras: New Considerations on Their Shape, Decoration, and Context." Etruscan and Italic Studies, February 2, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/etst-2021-0012.

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Abstract Fewer than 20 Athenian figured pointed amphoras are attested, dating from the late sixth century to the mid-fifth century B.C.E. in both black- and red-figure. There is strong variability in the shape of these vases, even those produced in the same workshop, making them almost unique specimens. Their shape is clearly modeled after transport amphoras of the same period. This paper aims to argue that Athenian figured pointed amphoras were produced in small numbers as special commissions for members of the aristocracy. In addition to their content, arguably high-quality wine, these luxury versions of regular wine shipping containers may have been intended as gifts to guest-friends and members of the givers’ broad elite network, mainly in Etruria.

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Czapińska, Marta. "Rydwan Triptolemosa." Collectanea Philologica 17 (January 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.17.02.

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The story of Triptolemos is connected with the myth of Demeter. This goddess, in gratitude for the hospitality received from the parents of Triptolemos during the difficult quest for her missing daughter, Persephone, gave the young man an unusual chariot in order to help him reveal the mystery of agriculture to people and popularise this skill among them. That special moment was commemorated on vases produced in the red-figure technique in the fifth century BC and later artists repeatedly undertook this theme. However, an interesting difference in the way Triptolemos’s chariot is depicted appears on the subsequent art works. On ancient vases, Triptolemos is seated on a chariot with winged wheels, whereas two snakes are slithering beside. The following works of art depict a chariot dragged by winged dragons. The analysis of selected texts of ancient authors shows that the growing tendency to portray the chariot of Triptolemos with dragons is not justified by literary sources and is dictated by the imagination of the artist.

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Joháczi, Szilvia. "A New Method in Attribution? Attempts of the Employment of Geometric Morphometrics in the Attribution of Late Archaic Attic Lekythoi." Dissertationes Archaeologicae, April 8, 2019, 371–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.17204/dissarch.2018.371.

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In the Late Archaic - Early Classic period, the Attic ceramic industry was characterized by a kind of duality. On the one hand, the red-figure technique was flourishing, when Euphronios’, Douris’ or the Berlin Painter’s works represented the height of Greek vase painting. On the other hand, the market was also covered by large quantities of low-quality black-figure pottery. Not only in Athens, but even in the whole Ancient Mediterranean these mass-produced vessels emerge constantly, even from modern excavations. Therefore, in contrast to most vases of more talented painters they can be attached to an archaeological feature or layer. Due to their inadequate style, relatively few characteristics can be determined while looking at the painting. Thus, the manufacturing criteria, such as the details of the shapes, are more important in the attribution. In this paper, I study the late black-figure lekythoi of the Museum of Fine Arts in Budapest with the help of geometric morphometrics using 3D reconstructions.

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