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Статті в журналах з теми "Radial femist policy"
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Rathi, Aayush, Akash Sheshadri, and Ambika Tandon. "Feminist Design Practices: Reflections on the Communication and Translation of Feminist Research." APRIA Journal 04, no. 04 (April 7, 2022): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37198/apria.04.04.a4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Feminist and design justice principles can be adopted into research praxis to make knowledge less extractive and more accessible. These principles include making research and outreach more participatory, translating academic knowledge into more accessible forms, and channelling research into action that can challenge patriarchy and other systems of domination. This paper focusses on the outreach and communication of policy research to outline its potential for producing radical change and translating knowledge across communities. The authors reflect on their experiences of producing research for domestic workers and workers’ collectives in India to highlight challenges and ways forward for accessible research forms.
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Ferguson, Michaele L. "Vulnerability by Marriage: Okin's Radical Feminist Critique of Structural Gender Inequality." Hypatia 31, no. 3 (2016): 687–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12263.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The central thesis of Susan Okin'sJustice, Gender, and the Family—that the ideology of the traditional family is the linchpin of contemporary gender inequality in the US—remains significant more than a quarter‐century after the book's publication. On a political register, Okin's insistence on structural analysis of gender inequality is an important corrective to recent mainstream feminist emphasis on individual women's choices. On an academic register, her work reveals the incoherence of scholarly classifications of feminist theories as “liberal feminist” or “radical feminist” by confounding such distinctions. I argue that her thesis is best understood in relation to the early radical feminism of Juliet Mitchell'sWoman's Estate, a book Okin praised. Placing Okin's work in the context of its radical roots clarifies her “linchpin thesis,” but also reveals the limitations of her argument: in her emphasis on what Iris Young has termed the “distributive paradigm of justice,” Okin unnecessarily adopts a much narrower definition of the family than did Mitchell, and overestimates the influence of economic vulnerability after divorce on women's capacity to exit marriage. I suggest modifications to her theory, and conclude by showing the continuing relevance of her argument for analyzing recent legal, policy, and demographic shifts.
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Ristivojević, Branislav, and Stefan Samardžić. "How feminist criminology shapes legislative reaction to familiy violence in Serbia." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 56, no. 2 (2022): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns56-20214.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Author deals with a problem of a justification of the leading ideas that inspired new Code on Prevention of Family Violence in Serbia. Author proofs assumption that the Code is grounded on a basic premisses of the, so called, radical feminist criminology regarding family violence. After short retrospect to elementary rules of a scientifically founded criminal policy, in the second part author exhibit the origin of this legislative solution. Out of it becomes clear that this is a piece of legislation special to totality of legal system which bears the burden of a suppression of family violence in Serbian society, whose substance was compiled by the group of NGO of a radical feministic orientation. In the third, central part of the paper, author proofs the origin of a specific doctrines in the Code by comparison with key tenets of this extreme and radical school of criminological thought. Author concludes that they are nothing more but an unscientific attempt to shroud radical feministic ideas behind a mask of a scientific discipline - ethology of a crime. At the very end author illustrated aforementioned comparison with negative effects of a Code to family in Serbian society. In the same time author criticise total legislative indifference toward prevailing culture and values of a society in which the Code should apply.
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Burman, Michele, and Oona Brooks-Hay. "Aligning policy and law? The creation of a domestic abuse offence incorporating coercive control." Criminology & Criminal Justice 18, no. 1 (January 22, 2018): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895817752223.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since 2000, the Scottish Government has adopted a gendered definition of domestic abuse which explicitly positions it as both a cause and a consequence of gender inequality. Following the launch of a new strategy to prevent and eradicate violence against women and girls, the Scottish Government announced proposals to create, for the first time, a bespoke offence of domestic abuse, designed to encompass the spectrum of abusive acts that constitute domestic abuse, including emotional and psychological abuse. The new offence is intended to better reflect the experience of victims subject to coercive control, improve the criminal justice response and facilitate access to justice. It represents one of the most radical attempts yet to align the criminal justice response with contemporary policy and feminist conceptual understanding of domestic abuse as a form of coercive control. Drawing on feminist scholarship which has interrogated the value of law reform, we critically assess the scope of the legislation, the likely challenges associated with its use in the Scottish context, and the potential for unintended consequences.
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Lewis, Diana, Lewis Williams, and Rhys Jones. "A radical revision of the public health response to environmental crisis in a warming world: contributions of Indigenous knowledges and Indigenous feminist perspectives." Canadian Journal of Public Health 111, no. 6 (August 6, 2020): 897–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.17269/s41997-020-00388-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIndigenous peoples have long been successful at adapting to climatic and environmental changes. However, anthropogenic climatic crisis represents an epoch of intensified colonialism which poses particular challenges to Indigenous peoples throughout the world, including those in wealthier ‘modern’ nation states. Indigenous peoples also possess worldviews and traditional knowledge systems that are critical to climate mitigation and adaptation, yet, paradoxically, these are devalued and marginalized and have yet to be recognized as essential foundations of public health. In this article, we provide an overview of how public health policy and discourse fails Indigenous peoples living in the colonial nation states of Canada and Aotearoa New Zealand. We argue that addressing these systemic failures requires the incorporation of Indigenous knowledges and Indigenous feminist perspectives beyond superficial understandings in public health-related climate change policy and practice, and that systems transformation of this nature will in turn require a radical revision of settler understandings of the determinants of health. Further, public health climate change responses that centre Indigenous knowledges and Indigenous feminist perspectives as presented by Indigenous peoples themselves must underpin from local to global levels.
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FitzGerald, Sharron, Maggie O’Neill, and Gillian Wylie. "Social justice for sex workers as a ‘politics of doing’: Research, policy and practice." Irish Journal of Sociology 28, no. 3 (December 2020): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603520911344.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Republic of Ireland is a good case study to highlight the problems associated with uncritical appeals to criminal law as the only appropriate tool to tackle demand and protect sex workers from harm. In 2017, the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act came into force in the Republic of Ireland (hereafter Ireland) making it a criminal offence to purchase sex in the jurisdiction. Ireland’s decision to introduce Swedish-style laws followed a protracted public campaign instigated in 2009 by the Irish and radical feminist inspired neo-abolitionist organisation, Turn off the Red Light. In this article, we confront and de-centre the Turn off the Red Light campaign’s hegemonic narrative that the criminal rather than social justice responses provide a more effective vehicle for sex workers’ empowerment. Undertaking our intervention in Irish feminist prostitution politics as a ‘politics of doing’ social justice through our separate and combined research, we extend our analysis by invoking Nancy Fraser and Barbara Hudson’s theoretical work on social and restorative justice. We wish to develop a theoretical framework that can serve as a roadmap for restorative social justice – the process of achieving rights, recognition and redistribution through relational, reflective and discursive interventions in sex work research, policy and practice. We argue that by ‘thinking’ sex workers’ positionality in social relations differently, the ‘doings’ of restorative social justice for sex workers can begin or take place.
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Poli, Corrado. "Gender, Nature and the City." Human Geography 7, no. 3 (November 2014): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861400700301.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
An ecological and eco-feminist critique may promote an innovative environmentalist urban policy. A new relation between humanity and nature implies a different aesthetic and architecture of the city. In the past, in control of the public sphere, men built their cities according to their attitudes and values. Traditional (masculine) behavior produced an efficiency based in dominating a resilient nature. This approach is no longer viable given the environmental crisis. Women are the privileged subjects of radical change, assuming a leadership role in the environmentalist movement and proposing cities envisaged according to a new way of thinking and feeling that accords with a reconsidered relationship between humanity and nature.
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Hartmann, Julia. "From gunshots to hashtags: Transcultural curating in the #MeToo era." Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2022): 333–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00070_1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
After the #MeToo movement kicked off in the United States in 2018, it found its way to China and has triggered a number of exhibition projects around the country, organized by young activists, artists and curators, which have galvanized transnational feminist exchanges in the past few years. The article analyses exhibitions such as The Voiceless Rise Up: #MeToo in China, Her Story: Eliminating Gender Violence 2020, Above Ground: 40 Moments of Transformation and Stand by Her, which consisted of works documenting sexual assault and the #MeToo movement in China, as well as of artworks that are dealing with issues concerning sexual assault, the One Child Policy, motherhood, queerness and empowerment. These exhibitions and the #MeToo movement, respectively, demonstrate a growing transnational interconnectedness among activists fighting towards common feminist goals. What is more, these exhibitions are under constant scrutiny and fear of being cancelled, which is evidence of an exhaustive struggle for the official acceptance of women’s rights and ‘radical’ artworks. This article gives an overview of these projects, their transnational interconnectedness, as well as their perception and reaction of the general public, the press and censors. The article argues for a shift from women-centred exhibitions to exhibitions with a strong activist/feminist agenda that are also part of an unprecedented transnational framework.
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Shiva, Mira. "Health Action to Meet Contemporary Challenges." Nutrition and Health 6, no. 1 (January 1988): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026010608800600102.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While India has made rapid strides in building its medical manpower and medical service, yet many of the major health problems are far from being controlled. Although earlier Health problems have not been resolved, newer threats to health through misguided development are getting superadded. The major health threats today are the denial of minimal sustenance base, such as adequate food and water to an increasing number of people. The rapidly increasing uncontrolled chemicalization of body and environment is another health hazard. Experience has shown that health needs cannot be satisfied merely by expansion of the medical industry. Health care work would have to involve an attempt to arrest the growing threats to health and survival, and rebuilding of the ecological base, to ensure provision of basic needs to all. These efforts would be towards a new economics, because they include radical shifts in food agriculture policy, resources use policy, industrial policy etc and can only be guided by a deep sense of social justice and human concern. Contemporary health care work has increasingly to involve those who are already looking for alternatives e.g. those involved in ecology movements, feminist movement, peace and civil rights groups, those involved in alternative education, agriculture, health care journalism. Priority has to be given and strategies evolved to help add a health dimension, to various health or non health work and initiatives already existing, with a special effort to safeguard the traditional health care knowledge systems from total disintegration. Grass root level feed back should constitute an essential pre-requisite for any (health) policy formulation and its implementation.
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Galán, Susana. "Beyond the Logic of State Protection: Feminist Self-Defense in Cairo after the January 25 Revolution." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 2, Summer (June 1, 2016): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/kohl/2-1-9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the aftermath of the January 25 Revolution, self-defense tactics became popular against the fear of disorder and the increase of public sexual violence in Cairo. In this article, I examine a number of examples of self-defense invoked by public and private actors after the 2011 Revolution, and differentiate between two types of practices. The first, articulated around the right of legitimate self-defense recognized in the Egyptian penal code, aim to maintain or to restore the established order through the identification of an Other that embodies a threat to the self, property or community. In contrast to this, radical modes of self-defense endeavor to subvert the given order by disrupting the gendered logic of masculinist and state protection and promoting horizontal relations of care and solidarity. Drawing on data generated through interviews with members of the initiative OpAntiSH and the collective WenDo, this article explores the importance of strategies and communities of autonomous self-defense in Egypt in relation to legal and policy measures adopted against sexual harassment by El-Sisi’s regime since 2014.
Дисертації з теми "Radial femist policy"
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Örnros, Elsa. "Sveriges feministiska utrikespolitik : En jämförande innehållsanalys av svensk utrikespolitik mellan åren 2010–2018." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79958.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the year of 2014, the new Swedish government declared itself as the world’s first feminist government. This thesis aims to study the Swedish foreign policy and thus to investigate if the declared feminist foreign policy has resulted in a changed foreign policy. By using two feminist theories; radical feminism and liberal feminism, the study’spurpose is to do a critical comparison between the governmental administration of Fredrik Reinfeldt in the years of 2010-2014, with the administration of Stefan Löfven between 2014-2018. After a recently finished first term of the feminist policy, the subject of this study is interesting in the perspective of evaluation. To investigate if the policy by fact has changed, a qualitative textual analysis will be used. Further, to analyze the foreign policy, foreign declarations from all years between 2011-2018 will constitute the material. In summary, the result demonstrates that a change in policy has appeared and can further be ascertained. Both administrations show clear features of liberal feminism. However, during the last term, between 2014-2018, the governmental policy has shown tendencies of more radical feminist elements. Although the world’s first feministgovernment has received great attention, the future of the feminist foreign policy is still indeterminate.
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Foehringer, Merchant Emma. "Radical Housewife Activism: Subverting the Toxic Public/Private Binary." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the 1960s, the modern environmental movement, though generally liberal in nature, has historically excluded a variety of serious and influential groups. This thesis concentrates on the movement of working-class housewives who emerged into popular American consciousness in the seventies and eighties with their increasingly radical campaigns against toxic contamination in their respective communities. These women represent a group who exhibited the convergence of cultural influences where domesticity and environmentalism met in the middle of American society, and the increasing focus on public health in the environmental movement framed the fight undertaken by women who identified as “housewives.” These women, in their use of both traditional female stereotypes as well as radical influences from other social movements, synthesized their own unique type of activism, which has had a profound influence on the environmental movement and public health in the United States, especially in its relation to environmental justice.
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Hemzaček, Kristina. "Which Gender Is Being Mainstreamed in Global Politics?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43359.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Gender mainstreaming is a transnational policy process that has been underway for close to three decades. This paper aims to uncover “which gender is being mainstreamed in global politics” through conducting a textual analysis on twenty global policy documents. The text of the documents was coded into two categories of gender: abolitionist and affirmative. The predictions were that (1) there is a movement toward an affirmative concept of gender and away from an abolitionist one; (2) “women” are being replaced with “gender” in global policies; (3) there is a shift away from sex-based and toward gender-based provisions in global policies; (4) the affirmative concept of gender is being mainstreamed; and (5) that the abolitionist concept of gender is not being mainstreamed. It was found that, out of the five predictions, only the third one is supported by the evidence, i.e., the gender that is being mainstreamed in global politics is abolitionist. Although the results were almost entirely contrary to the predictions, it is important not to underestimate the potential implications of erasing sex-based provisions. In recasting provisions for women as “gender-based” one runs the risk of making them provisions for “femininity”, which consequently could mean limits to female political participation.
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Stringer, Rebecca. "Knowing victims : feminism, ressentiment and the category 'victim'." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/12987.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Throughout the 1990s feminism was criticised for being centred on a representation of women as 'victims', a representation which purportedly is substantially untrue, inimical to female agency, and politically regressive. This criticism has gained increasingly broad purchase both outside and within feminist circles, and has become something of a mass media truism. The
main task of this dissertation is to examine salient articulations of this criticism, firstly within the sphere of popular feminism, and secondly within the sphere of feminist political theory. The concern motivating the dissertation is that this criticism, while illuminating in some important respects, predominantly has operated as a vehicle through which attempts are made to curtail feminism's potential to foster radical social change. The first part of the dissertation addresses popular feminist critiques of 'victim feminism'. The popular accounts are found to construe the 'victim
problem in feminism' as a venue for reasserting traditional liberal feminist edicts and for cultivating a neoliberal feminism. With a view to elucidate the generic turns of 'victim talk' in liberal democratic settings, and with particular attention to the issue of sexual violence, my analysis reveals (inter alia) that
the association these accounts set up between 'the victim problem' and radical feminist politics relies on an elision of the latter's guiding construction of 'victims' as agentic subjects. The second part of the dissertation exammes accounts by feminist political theorists in which the question of feminism's relationship with hecategory 'victim' is taken up under the aegis of Nietzsche's concept of ressentiment. These accounts argue that feminism has become a politics of ressentiment-a resubordinative disposition which reifies women's victim status and encourages
apolitical moralism-and ought to construe its political horizon as a move beyond ressentiment. However, my analysis reveals fundamentally conflicting judgements in these accounts regarding which feminist political strategy-liberal/neoliberal or radical-counts as
ressentimental and, therefore, which could lead the move beyond ressentiment. With this problem in mind, but agreeing that Nietzsche's concept of
ressentiment has explanatory power for interpreting feminism's relation with the
category 'victim,' I set out to examine this concept in the third part of the dissertation.
The dissertation's third and final part offers a critical re-reading of the concept of ressentiment, most notably as it is articulated in Nietzsche's On the Genealogy of Morals. Rather than uphold Nietzsche's condemnatory attitude toward ressentiment, I present a positive reading of ressentiment as the affective venue in which the relatively disempowered craft the agentic capacity to articulate, problematise and ameliorate their experience of, and vulnerability to, victimisation. On this reading, liberal feminist strategy appears as a containment of ressentiment, while radical feminist strategy
appears to mine its energy for far-reaching socio-political change. On the basis of this reading I also articulate my view that feminism's relationship with ressentiment is twofold in character: feminism is both 'within' and 'against' ressentiment. This view posits that feminism will move beyond ressentiment when it has successfully redressed the configurations of power which serve to incite ressentiment in the first instance. My reading of ressentiment also suggests that this concept can perform a greater variety of labours for feminist political theory than that of intra-feminist diagnosis. Most notably, I suggest that this concept can be used to interpret aspects of
the relationship between men, masculinity and violence. The analyses presented in the dissertation draw on literatures within
feminist theory, political theory, criminology and Nietzsche scholarship.
Книги з теми "Radial femist policy"
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Feminist freikorps: The British voluntary women police, 1914-1940. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1999.
Знайти повний текст джерела
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Locke, Cybèle. Maori Sovereignty, Black Feminism, and the New Zealand Trade Union Movement. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037153.003.0017.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1982, an incident occurred at the Auckland Trade Union Centre in New Zealand. A small group of Maori radicals, called Black Unity, who ran the Polynesian Resource Centre were accused of antitrade unionism and racism and, consequently, were evicted from the Auckland Trade Union Centre with the assistance of the New Zealand police. This chapter explores the radical ideas of Maori sovereignty and Black feminism propagated by Black Unity that inflamed Auckland trade unionists, focusing on the writings of the group's spokeswomen, Ripeka Evans and Donna Awatere. It chapter examines the philosophical position that Maori nationalist members of Black Unity espoused. It explores the historical context for the demand for Maori sovereignty first articulated by Black Unity in 1981; explains why the Maori sovereignty position was also a Black feminist position; and asks what led Maori women to turn with such anger on the radical Left in the early 1980s Finally, it analyzes the longer-term affect of Maori sovereignty demands on the Maori protest movement, the women's movement, the sectarian Left, and the trade union movement.
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Wagenaar, Hendrik, Helga Amesberger, and Sietske Altink. Understanding the policy field: migration, prostitution, trafficking and exploitation. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447324249.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Chapter Five proceeds from to the transnational character of prostitution and situates it in an analysis of labour migration and labour exploitation. Instead of projecting on the migrant sex worker the collective images that are driven by radical feminist and anti-immigrant ideology, we argue that is it more effective to take seriously what the sex workers told us over and over again: that the migrant sex worker’s self-understanding of prostitution is work, a discerning occupational choice in a situation in which thousands of female migrants find themselves worldwide. This reframing of prostitution as a legitimate occupation draws attention to the continuity of the situation of sex workers with that of other migrant groups, to the exploitative labour arrangements these new migrants encounter in the arrival country, to the third parties they mobilise to find housing and a work place and navigate immigration law, and to the negative effects – usually a breach of the human rights of (migrant) sex workers-of the very laws and regulations that are intended to support them. The authors explore six positive effects on prostitution policy by adopting a labour exploitation framework.
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Woodly, Deva R. Reckoning. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197603949.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Reckoning: Black Lives Matter and the Democratic Necessity of Social Movements is an analysis of the emergence of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), its organizational structure and culture, and its strategies and tactics, while also laying out and contextualizing the social movement’s unique political philosophy, radical Black feminist pragmatism (RBFM), along with documenting measurable political effects in terms of changing public meanings, public opinion, and policy. Throughout the text, the author interweaves theoretical and empirical observations, rendering both an illustration of this movement and an analysis of the work social movements do in democracy.
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Grabe, Shelly. Critical Reflection of Section One. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190614614.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Situated in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and New York City, with women raped in war and LGBQTGNC folks bearing the brunt of poverty, Section One reveals women’s struggles, hunger for recognition, blows of the State, and solidarities. Lindorfer and Wienberg address feminist evaluation, in a fraught policy arena, on a topic that could not be more dis-easing—rape as a crime of war. They critique human rights research practices and reframe evaluation as the radical praxis of recognition and circulation of stories in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Billies tells a story about feminist activist scholarship and gendered violence, this time woven with vectors of oppression including race, class, disability, immigration, and sexuality. Billies documents the Welfare Warriors Research Collective, where LGBTQGNC researchers gather stories and numbers, exposing their relations with public institutions. Both chapters reflect feminist indictments—of the State, of oppression, and of traditional conceptions of empirical science.
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Flood, Dawn Rae. Second-Wave Feminists (Re)Discover Rape. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036897.003.0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter considers how changes in gender and race relations played out in society and in Chicago rape trials during the late 1960s and 1970s. Outside the courtroom, feminists helped create victim advocacy services and provided much-needed support for women who came forward to report sexual attacks. Despite a long history of African American women's activism against racial and sexual violence, the radical feminist movement was plagued with a myopic focus on gender oppression that limited interracial cooperation in the anti-rape movement. Such limitations did not mean that black rape victims did not make use of advocacy services, reflecting the potential for interracial feminist cooperation during this period. Such cooperation did not extend to relaxed urban race relations, however, as defense strategies continued to challenge the familiar prejudices of the Chicago police well into the 1970s.
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Hudson, Dale. Blood, Bodies, and Borders. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474423083.003.0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter compares two films that reinterpret Bram Stoker’s 1897 novel Dracula and its vampire in different ways. Francis Ford Coppola’s Bram Stoker’s Dracula (1992) parodies a nostalgic and orientalist perspective on debates about the place of the Middle East in the formation of US transnational identity and history, whereas Ana Lily Amirpour’s A Girl Walks Home Alone at Night (2014) moves towards this history’s radical revision. Coppola imagines a “vampire ayatollah” during the first US invasion of Iran’s neighbor Iraq; Amirpour, as a feminist hijabi in the sonic space of Tehrangeles. The filmmakers’ familial trajectories underscore Hollywood’s transnational constitution as linked to US policy. The comparison develops a critical approach for how vampires serve as both object and mode of analysis throughout the book. Stoker’s tropes of blood, bodies, and borders map onto US laws concerning race, immigration, and assimilation.
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Allen, Jafari S. There's a Disco Ball Between Us. Duke University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478021896.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In There’s a Disco Ball Between Us, Jafari S. Allen offers a sweeping and lively ethnographic and intellectual history of what he calls “Black gay habits of mind.” In conversational and lyrical language, Allen locates this sensibility as it emerged from radical Black lesbian activism and writing during the long 1980s. He traverses multiple temporalities and locations, drawing on research and fieldwork conducted across the globe, from Nairobi, London, and Paris to Toronto, Miami, and Trinidad and Tobago. In these locations and archives, Allen traces the genealogies of Black gay politics and cultures in the visual art, poetry, film, Black feminist theory, historiography, and activism of thinkers and artists such as Audre Lorde, Marsha P. Johnson, Essex Hemphill, Colin Robinson, Marlon Riggs, Pat Parker, and Joseph Beam. Throughout, Allen renarrates Black queer history while cultivating a Black gay method of thinking and writing. In so doing, he speaks to the urgent contemporary struggles for social justice while calling on Black studies to pursue scholarship, art, and policy derived from the lived experience and fantasies of Black people throughout the world.
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Halliwell, S. Plato: Republic V. Liverpool University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9780856685361.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This new edition provides a thorough reappraisal of one of the most remarkable and controversial sections of the Republic. Book 5's radical proposals for the ideal state include an argument for the essential equality of the sexes; provision for full female participation in the work of the Guardians (including warfare); the abolition of the family for this same ruling class, with a sexual as well as economic system of communism; and a policy of eugenic control. Plato feared that some of this material would arouse amusement in his readers; in fact, parts of Book 5 have been subsequently used to support a charge of totalitarianism against Plato, while other elements have led to description of him as the first feminist. Book 5 also examines the relation between knowledge and belief, and in doing so embarks on the great structure of metaphysical thought which forms the centrepiece of the entire work. All these topics receive fresh and detailed consideration in the introduction and commentary, which are designed to make this important work accessible to a wide range of readers. Greek text with translation, commentary and notes.
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Hague, Gill. History and Memories of the Domestic Violence Movement. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356325.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book is a one-off history of the women’s domestic violence movement in the UK with some international and global content. It celebrates transformative women’s activism on violence against women from the 1960s on. Interviews with activists, practitioners and abuse survivors provide reflection on this inspiring movement of social change for women, shaped by a generation of pioneering activists. The book is illustrated with memories, anecdotes and memoir, and with poems celebrating women’s activism. It also reflects on the movement challenging rape and sexual violence. It presents an analysis of the radical early politics of the domestic violence refuges and Women’s Aid in terms of the empowerment of women, collective working and attempting to break down differences between women providing and using services. This particular history is almost lost from view and the book aims to recall and celebrate it. Further, it details the challenges of the Black women’s movement and the development of specialist services for Black, minority ethnic and refugee (BMER) women. Legal, strategy and policy developments are outlined. Also covered are cutbacks, the difficulties of seeking funding within competitive commissioning frameworks and attacks on the sector in recent years, disproportionately experienced by BMER projects. The discussions include attention to harmful practices like ‘honour’-based violence, FGM and forced marriage. The book also discusses international activism on domestic violence, the relevance of shelters/refuges across the world and trans-national women’s partnerships. It outlines the development of feminist research on violence against women. Projects, campaigns and key activists are honoured throughout.
Частини книг з теми "Radial femist policy"
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Board Jr., Marcus. "A Radical View of Evolving Oppression and Resistance." In Invisible Weapons, 29–54. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197605226.003.0002.
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Abstract This chapter establishes the historical foundations of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) and neoliberalism. It begins with a discussion of the Combahee River Collective and their 1977 Black feminist statement. This roots the M4BL to its radical, Black, feminist, queer politics, as evident in Alicia Garza’s statement in “A Herstory of Black Lives Matter.” Then the chapter transitions to discussing the women’s anti-violence movement. Connecting to Beth Richie’s work on movement co-optation, the chapter addresses the Violence Against Women Act corresponding with the rise and entrenchment of mass incarceration—a neoliberal staple. It then addresses the march to roll back the gains of the Civil Rights Movement, proceeding into the 2000s and the anti-radical foundations of today’s police state.
2
Goodman, Joyce. "Internationalism, Empire, and Peace in the Woman Teacher, 1920–39." In Women's Periodicals and Print Culture in Britain, 1918-1939. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474412537.003.0027.
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The chapter examines the role of the Woman Teacher, organ of the National Union of Women Teachers (NUWT), in creating a public political identity and the Union’s place within the wider national feminist movement. The NUWT and the Woman Teacher were established amidst hostility from male National Union of Teachers (NUT) members over whether suffrage and equal pay were admissible professional issues and because the NUT delayed implementing its equal pay policy. The journal had a wide readership within the education and policy sectors. It covered the NUWT’s feminist campaigns, the status and views of women teachers, and professional issues around equal pay, equal access to employment opportunities, the removal of the marriage bar, and education for girls. It took an increasingly radical stance toward internationalism, militarism, and fascism during the 1930s. Its articulations of internationalism, peace, imperialism, and anti-fascism revealed dissent among NUWT members, but also facilitated opportunities for editors to continue to shape the NUWT’s egalitarian feminist message as the Union negotiated shifting understandings of feminism and rhetoric about married and single teachers linked with the pathologising of spinsters.
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Clay, Catherine. "‘The Weekly Crowd. By Chimaera’: Collective Identities and Radical Culture." In Time and Tide, 41–74. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474418188.003.0003.
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This chapter examines one of Time and Tide’s long-running features – ‘The Weekly Crowd’ contributed pseudonymously by the poet and children’s writer Eleanor Farjeon – and explores the magazine’s relationship to the labour movement and networks associated with the socialist press. Inflected by Farjeon’s socialism and pacifism the topical commentary in ‘The Weekly Crowd’ frequently subverted Time and Tide’s editorial position on such issues as Ireland, British foreign policy and the General Strike, and offered a radically different perspective on debates about work and leisure in the periodical. At the same time, close analysis of this feature shows that Farjeon’s radical voice became an integral part of the paper, and that the subversive energies of her verses became a resource for strengthening the collective identities offered by Time and Tide across socialist as well as feminist audiences.
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Campbell, Rosie, and Sarah Childs. "The (feminised) contemporary Conservative Party." In Rethinking Right-Wing Women. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784994389.003.0012.
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This chapter argues that party feminization – the integration of women and women’s issues– is best understood as a process rather than an end point; as such we explore continuity and change in the extent to which the UK Conservative party has incorporated women’s bodies and concerns into the party hierarchy and policy in the 2010-2015 period. In so doing it acknowledges that any assessment of the feminization varies according to the variety of feminist thought that is used to make the appraisal; notwithstanding evidence of the acceptance of liberal feminism and in some cases, such as violence against women, radical feminism, leftist feminists are highly critical of the harmful effects on women of the party’s austerity politics. The chapter also explores gender and the vote at the 2015 General Election; it finds that the Conservatives continued to do well among women, particularly among the older generations.
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Pierson, Christopher. "Feminists II." In Just Property, 242–71. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198787105.003.0011.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter continues the evaluation of ideas about property amongst feminists. Feminists have always been concerned with questions of the (female) body and who owns it. I begin by outlining two sharply contrasting views of this relationship. Cecile Fabre argues that, once sufficiency has been secured for all, women should be free to use (and sell) their bodies as they see fit. By contrast, Carole Pateman argues that seeing women’s relationship to their own bodies in contractual terms will always disadvantage them over against men who have already set the terms of exchange in their prior agreement (amongst themselves) of a Sexual Contract (of access to women’s bodies). I follow through the consequences of these opposing view in three key policy areas much discussed in recent feminist work: prostitution, pornography, and surrogacy. I focus on the work of Donna Dickenson and Anne Phillips. Finally, I turn to the radical utopian alternative posed in Sophie Lewis’s Full Surrogacy Now.
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Pająk, Paulina. "Woolf’s Imaginarium: Exploring Virginia Woolf’s Legacy to Contemporary Polish Culture." In Virginia Woolf and Heritage. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781942954422.003.0034.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In recent years, the popularity of Virginia Woolf’s oeuvre has substantially increased in Poland. There has been little prior attempt to explain this phenomenon, although it could be beneficial to comparative literature and feminist studies. Therefore, the aim of the paper is to examine the significance of Virginia Woolf’s legacy to contemporary Polish culture, as well as the possible causes of the “Woolf’s Renaissance”. As Urszula Terentowicz-Fotyga has pointed out, until the late 1980s., Woolf remained relatively unknown and perceived as a minor modernist writer. Yet, the third phase of her reception (1990s-present) has brought a significant change, which finally led to the outburst of translations and popularity of Woolf’s works. One result of this “Woolf’s Renaissance” is the influence of Woolf’s legacy on contemporary literature and feminism in Poland. Woolf’s imaginairum has inspired many women writers, such as Joanna Bator, Sylwia Chutnik, Izabela Morska, and Maria Nurowska. It would seem that the popularity of Woolf among Polish women intellectuals stems from the similarity between her opposition to Victorian patriarchal society and their resistance against the radical Catholic conservatism and nationalism in Poland. Besides, the polyphony of Woolf’s oeuvre and the complexity of her biography invite the writers to enter the intertextual dialogue with the author.