Статті в журналах з теми "Radar Camouflage"

Transport vehicle gas gush Smoke camouflage device, By use of its own power system and storage devices, Will be made in advance the size of the different, structure, function of polystyrene particles blown apart, Thus formed around the top of the vehicle and polystyrene particles as the main ingredients of camouflage a Smoke, To cover vehicles and interference against the infrared guidance, the purpose of the millimeter wave radar guidance weapon attacks.

Abstract In this paper, we propose a simple plasmonic structure based on Ge2Sb2Te5 (GST) to realize tunable multiband camouflage and radiation heat dissipation. In the mid-infrared (MIR) (3–5 μm) range, the proposed structure has average emissivity of 0.18 ∼ 0.76 and can be applied in tunable thermal camouflage as the GST’s crystallization fraction increases from 0 to 1. In the 5–8 μm (safe window) range, radiation heat dissipation of the proposed structure may guarantee thermal stability of the system. In the long-infrared (8–14 μm) range, the designed emitter maintains a relatively stable and low average emissivity of 0.13 ∼ 0.19 when the crystallization fraction of GST changes from 0 to 1. In addition, due to surface lattice resonance of plasmonic metamaterial, our designed emitter can also achieve laser radar camouflage at the wavelength of 10.6 μm. We have also analyzed the dependence of the camouflage performance on the GST’s crystallization fractions, polarization angle and incident angle. Moreover, simulated thermal images demonstrate tunable thermal camouflage for various background temperatures and different ambient backgrounds in the MIR ranges.

Microwave absorption has been the key for reduction of radar cross section in the field of stealth technology. In this field, hiding troop details from reconnaissance systems is taken care by enhancing absorption properties of the material. The demand of masking detectable equipment can be met with the help of a flexible net type structure called camouflage net. Optimising and measuring the absorption of the net, comprising of cloth and coating of the radar absorbing materials over the cloth is very challenging task. The task is being accomplished by using trial and error method, which is very cumbersome process and leads to tremendous waste of potential, material and manpower. Therefore, an attempt to develop an analytical methodology using the permittivity and permeability of the fabric material, to minimise this limitation, has been presented in this paper by critically analysing simulated results for various composites. The approach seems to have good potential for developing the camouflage net, especially in the microwave regime.

Abstract Similar to how stealth materials were developed to reduce the radar wave energy returning from an aircraft, here we explore a low-cost laboratory demonstration that uses similar principles to prevent detection of an object by an ultrasonic sensor. This demonstration setup can be used as a starting point to encourage students to explore the surface properties of materials and the ways in which ultrasonic ranging sensors operate.

The development of military technique and technology forces necessary changes in military reconnaissance using advanced methods of contemporary battlefield imaging. This paper addresses the topic of imagery intelligence as an essential source for gaining information about the deployment and quantity of means and forces of a potential enemy. Currently, armies of the world are equipped with modern imagery intelligence systems that make it possible to collect, process and analyse the collected data on enemy’s troops and the environment in which the enemy operates. The purpose of the study is to present the proper role of camouflage undertakings that make it possible to counteract imagery, optoelectronic and radar intelligence. The increasing capabilities in this problem area mean that in the near future intelligence tasks will be carried out not only by ground, space or naval systems, but primarily by reconnaissance aircraft and unmanned aerial systems. In accordance with the problem indicated in the topic, the paper brings closer the possibilities of counteracting imagery intelligence from the theoretical and practical perspective. In addition, it presents the latest camouflage solutions employed both in the Polish Armed Forces and other selected armies. At the end of the paper, the authors formulate the most important conclusions that constitute a generalisation of the results of studies presented in different parts of the publication.

The dependence of the effectiveness of ensuring the survivability of weapons and military equipment on the levels of intensity of resistance to various factors is substantiated. These factors characterize, on the one hand, the capabilities of technical means of reconnaissance and fire action of the enemy, on the other hand, the capabilities of forces and means of counteracting him. The latter will help preserve the functions of weapons, during the action of the enemy, and the restoration of his samples, in case of combat damage. These factors in a generalized form should include a set of: means of reconnaissance and fire destruction of weapons samples by the enemy anddisguising means of operation of weapons samples, radio-absorbingmaterials for camouflage weapons model, significantly reduce its visibility. Requirements and possibilities of effective protection of armament with the help of radio-absorbing polymeric ferrite materials of microwave and infrared wave ranges from radar means and thermal imagers of technical reconnaissance by the enemy are substantiated. Determined: the dependence of the rate of preservation of weapons functions, in the case of radar camouflage, the range of their detection by enemy technical means, the dependence of the parameters of the forecast trend of change over time. Determining the predictive evaluation of the effectiveness of the system to ensure the survivability of samples helps, first, to take timely measures for their proper camouflage, to eliminate the possibility of technical means of enemy reconnaissance to detect these samples and damage by fire, and secondly, helps to intensify efforts in order to accelerate the recovery of the injured during the battle. Keywords: armaments and military equipment, forecast estimates of survivability, means of technical intelligence, preservation of functions and restoration of weapons.

With the rapid advancement of modern technology and radar detection systems, electromagnetic (EM) stealth technology has become increasingly significant, particularly in aircraft stealth and military radar applications. In this work, an all-metal metasurface is designed for broadband terahertz radar cross-section (RCS) reduction and infrared invisibility. The all-metal metasurface possesses extremely low infrared emissivity and high polarization conversion in the terahertz band. Through the joint simulation of MATLAB and CST, a genetic algorithm is used to optimize the random phase distribution of 2, 3, and 4-bit metasurfaces, so that the reflected wave is scattered to achieve broadband terahertz RCS reduction. Simulation results show that the metasurface can simultaneously achieve broadband terahertz RCS reduction in 3–5 THz and infrared invisibility in 24–38 THz (8–12.5 μm). The RCS reduction of the coding metasurface is greater than 10 dB compared to the metal plate, and the maximum RCS reduction of the 4-bit metasurface can reach 21.1 dB. Compared to the traditional design method, the proposed method can reduce time consumption and find the optimal result to achieve high performance. We believe the proposed method can provide significant guidance for surface coating in camouflage applications and opens up new possibilities for improving the information capacity of coding metasurfaces.

La1-xCaxMnO3(0≤x≤0.5) with perovskite-type structure has been successfully prepared by sol-gel method as a microwave and infrared multi-functional material. The effects of Ca incorporation on the stucture, electrical conductivity, infrared emissivity and microwave-absorbing properties were investigated in detail by XRD, 4-point probes resistivity measurement system,IR-2 infrared-emissivity analyzer and vector network analyzer. XRD results show that the perovskite structure of LaMnO3 is hardly changed when the doping concentration (x) of Ca2+ is less than or equal to 0.5. The incorporation of Ca in LaMnO3 leads to the decrease of electrical conductivity, while the infrared emissivities are decreased. Moreover, microwave-absorbing properties in the frequency range of 2-18 GHz are sensitive to Ca content. The optimal reflection loss calculated from the measured permittivity and permeability is 42 dB at 10.5 GHz with a thickness of 2.0 mm when the doping amount of Ca2+ is 0.1. It is possible to make Ca-doped lanthanum manganites achieve compatible camouflage capability for radar and infrared wave-band.

MnAlFe alloy was prepared by the combined use of smelting, high-energy ball milling and tempering heat treatment process. The phase composition and microwave absorbing properties of MnAlFe alloy were investigated by X-ray diffractometer(XRD) and vector network analyzer. The results show that the powders consist of Al8Mn5 single phase with different Fe content; the dielectric loss and the magnetic loss increases with the addition of Fe, the resonant frequency and absorption peak of ε″ and μ″ moves towardslower frequency region simultaneously. The (Al8Mn5)99Fe exhibits preferably comprehensive microwave absorbing properties in the range of 6-18 GHz. The value of the minimum reflectivity and absorption peak frequency with the coating thickness of 1.5 mm, are -23.1 dB, 15.04 GHz respectively. Owing to the wide applications of electromagnetic waves in the range of 1–4 GHz for mobile phone, local area network, radar systems and so on over the past few decades, the serious problems of the electromagnetic interference and electromagnetic compatibility have become increasingly prominent in recent years. Microwave absorbing materials, which possess special performance for absorbing electromagnetic wave, have been applied in both civil and military fields and play an important role in camouflage technology. In military field, stealth technology to reduce and eliminate the electromagnetic radiation and electromagnetic interference resulting from the broad applications of various kinds of electronic and microwave instruments, stealth technology plays an important strategic role in the wars in future[1-2]. The microwave absorbing materials can be used to reduce radar cross section for military use. For this reason, the microwave absorbing material is vitally important for both civil and military fields[3-7]. In view of this utilization, excellent microwave absorbing materials should exhibit strong microwave absorption properties over a wide frequency range and need to be thin and light in weight. It has an important meaning to the application of magnetic microwave absorbing materials. MnAl alloy can be used as microwave absorbent. It has properties such as light in weight, good thermal stability and corrosion resistance[8-11]. But as permanent magnets, MnAl has shortcomings such as their difficulties of fabrication and high costs that prevent them from being used as permanent magnets. A great value would be brought to either theory or practice through proper treatments as further improvement in properties. In this paper, we will discuss the effects of changing relative content of Fe on absorption properties of Al8Mn5 alloy.

Deep neural networks (DNNs) have been widely utilized in automatic visual navigation and recognition on modern unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), achieving state-of-the-art performances. However, DNN-based visual recognition systems on UAVs show serious vulnerability to adversarial camouflage patterns on targets and well-designed imperceptible perturbations in real-time images, which poses a threat to safety-related applications. Considering a scenario in which a UAV is suffering from adversarial attack, in this paper, we investigate and construct two ensemble approaches with CNN and transformer for both proactive (i.e., generate robust models) and reactive (i.e., adversarial detection) adversarial defense. They are expected to be secure under attack and adapt to the resource-limited environment on UAVs. Specifically, the probability distributions of output layers from base DNN models in the ensemble are combined in the proactive defense, which mainly exploits the weak adversarial transferability between the CNN and transformer. For the reactive defense, we integrate the scoring functions of several adversarial detectors with the hidden features and average the output confidence scores from ResNets and ViTs as a second integration. To verify their effectiveness in the recognition task of remote sensing images, we conduct experiments on both optical and synthetic aperture radar (SAR) datasets. We find that the ensemble model in proactive defense performs as well as three popular counterparts, and both of the ensemble approaches can achieve much more satisfactory results than a single base model/detector, which effectively alleviates adversarial vulnerability without extra re-training. In addition, we establish a one-stop platform for conveniently evaluating adversarial robustness and performing defense on recognition models called AREP-RSIs, which is beneficial for the future research of the remote sensing field.

An aim of the article is to review the potential of nanotechnology in military for the development of stealth technologies. Methods. Analysis of information, synthesis, generalization and comparison. Results. An overview of nanoparticles use in the development of stealth technologies has been made. Foreign and Ukrainian publications were analyzed. The possibility of using nanoparticles of metals like iron, cobalt, nickel, zinc, manganese and other metals and composite nanomaterials for absorption, refraction and scattering of waves of different lengths and frequencies, which can be used in the development of coatings for military equipment to reduce visibility and counter targeting systems has been shown. The possibility of using nanoparticles of nonmetals to absorb infrared radiation, which is important for masking equipment, military facilities and personnel, has been highlighted. High-tech weapons, technical means of detection and guidance are constantly being modernized and improved. One of the most important conditions for tactical superiority over the enemy is camouflage and counteraction to these systems. One of the ways to increase the resistance to detection and guidance systems is the development of stealth technologies based on nanoparticles of metals and non-metals. In the long run, nanotechnology and stealth coating should ensure the invisibility of objects in a wide frequency band of electromagnetic waves, which can reach two to three orders of magnitude. These are ambitious tasks, however, they are real. Foreign and domestic scientists have proven the possibility of using nanoparticles of metals and composite materials to develop coatings with the ability to absorb electromagnetic waves in a wide range, which can be used in the development of coatings to counter radar stations and other detection systems. Given the significant scientific potential of Ukrainian scientists, presence of technologies needed for the synthesis of nanoparticles of metals and nonmetals of various shapes and sizes, based on previous research on the ability of nanoparticles to absorb waves of different lengths and frequencies, we see high prospects for stealth technologies for the Military Forces of Ukraine.

Abstract Multispectral camouflage, especially for the infrared-microwave range, is an essential technology for the safety of facilities, vehicles, and humans. So far, it has been realized mainly by high infrared specular reflection and high microwave absorption. However, external infrared sources can expose the target through specular reflection; also, the heat production from microwave absorption can increase the infrared radiation. This work proposes a multispectral camouflage scheme based on hierarchical visible-infrared-microwave scattering surfaces to address these issues. The proposed device exhibits: (1) low infrared emissivity (ε 8–14 μm = 0.17) and low infrared specular reflectivity (R s 8–14 μm = 0.13), maintaining low infrared radiation and capability to overcome the presence of an external infrared source simultaneously; (2) high scattering in microwave range, with −10 dB radar cross section reduction bandwidth of 8–13 GHz, simultaneously achieving microwave camouflage and reducing the heat production; (3) tunability of color for visible camouflage. This work proposes a method to control scattering over visible-infrared-microwave bands, thereby introducing a new design paradigm for modern camouflage technology.

This article proposes an analysis of the effect of combat textile cloth on human radar cross section (RCS) for microwave camouflage applications. Based on numerical simulations for the definition of the geometric profile of the human body and the measurement of electromagnetic parameters of the fabric, made by cotton and polyester, the work reveals that the uniform has a direct influence on the absorption of electromagnetic waves from a hypothetical ground surveillance radar (9.375 GHz). The results of 360° measuring human RCS showed that it can be attenuated, on average, by approximately 8 dB due to the effect of the material.

Today’s military aircraft typically use highly engineered “stealth” coatings that make them almost invisible to radar. Nature might seem an unlikely place to find such advanced technology, but one should never underestimate the ingenuity of evolution—moths developed their own form of stealth cloaking over 60 million years ago! That is before humans even walked the Earth! We discovered that the tiny scales on moth wings, which form fine dust when touched, provide stealth camouflage against the sonar used by their most dangerous foes—bats. By absorbing bats’ high-pitched calls, moths become nearly invisible to bats. Such stealth camouflage is a true superpower, as the coating on moth wings is light enough to allow flight, while still absorbing all the sounds bats make. The moths’ trick is that scales of various shapes work together to create a powerful super-absorber that is now inspiring humans to develop new sound-absorbing materials of our own.

Coherent phantom track generation through controlling a group of electronic combat air vehicles is currently an area of great interest to the defense agency for the purpose of deceiving a radar network. However, generating an optimal or even feasible coherent phantom trajectory in real-time is challenging due to the high dimensionality of the problem and severe geometric, as well as state, control, and control rate constraints. In this paper, the bio-inspired virtual motion camouflage based methodology, augmented with the derived early termination condition, is investigated to solve this constrained collaborative trajectory planning problem in two approaches: centralized (one optimization loop) and decentralized (two optimization loops). Specifically, in the decentralized approach, the first loop finds feasible phantom tracks based on the early termination condition and the equality and inequality constraints of the phantom track. The second loop uses the virtual motion camouflage method to solve for the optimal electronic combat air vehicle trajectories based on the feasible phantom tracks obtained in the first loop. Necessary conditions are proposed for both approaches so that the initial and final velocities of the phantom and electronic combat air vehicles are coherent. It is shown that the decentralized approach can solve the problem much faster than the centralized one, and when the decentralized approach is applied, the computational cost remains roughly the same for the cases when the number of nodes and/or the number of electronic combat air vehicles increases. It is concluded that the virtual motion camouflage based decentralized approach has promising potential for usage in real-time implementation.

The paper presents an analysis of the functional operational properties of multilayer coatings for use in military technology in the field of masking. The developed coating systems are characterized by operational innovation due to their small thickness when compared to those currently used by global defence contractors while maintaining the re-emission coefficient required for camouflage to be effective in the optical range. Their service life and durability were assessed in terms of functional properties based on measurements of attenuation coefficients, surface geometric structure, adhesion, specular gloss and colour parameters. The tests were carried out for coating systems fabricated in five variants: a two-layer paint system (SP1), a threelayer paint system (SP2), a laser-modified three-layer paint system (SP3) and a four-layer paint system in two variants (SP4 and SP5), with the former being modified with carbon nanotubes and the later − with spherical iron. Coating systems are characterized by low roughness and good adhesion and have appropriate attenuation coefficients for radar waves. Due to their operational properties, the developed coating systems can be used on armaments and military equipment.

Each community’s title deed carries the indelible blood stains of our ancestors. (Watson, "Howard’s End" 2)IntroductionAccording to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term coalition comes from the Latin coalescere or ‘coalesce’, meaning “come or bring together to form one mass or whole”. Coalesce refers to the unity affirmed as something grows: co – “together”, alesce – “to grow up”. While coalition is commonly associated with formalised alliances and political strategy in the name of self-interest and common goals, this paper will draw as well on the broader etymological understanding of coalition as “growing together” in order to discuss the Australian government’s recent changes to land rights legislation, the 2007 Emergency Intervention into the Northern Territory, and its decision to use Indigenous land in the Northern Territory as a dumping ground for nuclear waste. What unites these distinct cases is the role of the Australian nation-state in asserting its sovereign right to decide, something Giorgio Agamben notes is the primary indicator of sovereign right and power (Agamben). As Fiona McAllan has argued in relation to the Northern Territory Intervention: “Various forces that had been coalescing and captivating the moral, imaginary centre were now contributing to a spectacular enactment of a sovereign rescue mission” (par. 18). Different visions of “growing together”, and different coalitional strategies, are played out in public debate and policy formation. This paper will argue that each of these cases represents an alliance between successive, oppositional governments - and the nourishment of neoliberal imperatives - over and against the interests of some of the Indigenous communities, especially with relation to land rights. A critical stance is taken in relation to the alterations to land rights laws over the past five years and with the Northern Territory Emergency Intervention, hereinafter referred to as the Intervention, firstly by the Howard Liberal Coalition Government and later continued, in what Anthony Lambert has usefully termed a “postcoalitional” fashion, by the Rudd Labor Government. By this, Lambert refers to the manner in which dominant relations of power continue despite the apparent collapse of old political coalitions and even in the face of seemingly progressive symbolic and material change. It is not the intention of this paper to locate Indigenous people in opposition to models of economic development aligned with neoliberalism. There are examples of productive relations between Indigenous communities and mining companies, in which Indigenous people retain control over decision-making and utilise Land Council’s to negotiate effectively. Major mining company Rio Tinto, for example, initiated an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders Policy platform in the mid-1990s (Rio Tinto). Moreover, there are diverse perspectives within the Indigenous community regarding social and economic reform governed by neoliberal agendas as well as government initiatives such as the Intervention, motivated by a concern for the abuse of children, as outlined in The Little Children Are Sacred Report (Wild & Anderson; hereinafter Little Children). Indeed, there is no agreement on whether or not the Intervention had anything to do with land rights. On the one hand, Noel Pearson has strongly opposed this assertion: “I've got as much objections as anybody to the ideological prejudices of the Howard Government in relation to land, but this question is not about a 'land grab'. The Anderson Wild Report tells us about the scale of Aboriginal children's neglect and abuse" (ABC). Marcia Langton has agreed with this stating that “There's a cynical view afoot that the emergency intervention was a political ploy - a Trojan Horse - to sneak through land grabs and some gratuitous black head-kicking disguised as concern for children. These conspiracy theories abound, and they are mostly ridiculous” (Langton). Patrick Dodson on the other hand, has argued that yes, of course, the children remain the highest priority, but that this “is undermined by the Government's heavy-handed authoritarian intervention and its ideological and deceptive land reform agenda” (Dodson). WhitenessOne way to frame this issue is to look at it through the lens of critical race and whiteness theory. Is it possible that the interests of whiteness are at play in the coalitions of corporate/private enterprise and political interests in the Northern Territory, in the coupling of social conservatism and economic rationalism? Using this framework allows us to identify the partial interests at play and the implications of this for discussions in Australia around sovereignty and self-determination, as well as providing a discursive framework through which to understand how these coalitional interests represent a specific understanding of progress, growth and development. Whiteness theory takes an empirically informed stance in order to critique the operation of unequal power relations and discriminatory practices imbued in racialised structures. Whiteness and critical race theory take the twin interests of racial privileging and racial discrimination and discuss their historical and on-going relevance for law, philosophy, representation, media, politics and policy. Foregrounding contemporary analysis in whiteness studies is the central role of race in the development of the Australian nation, most evident in the dispossession and destruction of Indigenous lands, cultures and lives, which occurred initially prior to Federation, as well as following. Cheryl Harris’s landmark paper “Whiteness as Property” argues, in the context of the US, that “the origins of property rights ... are rooted in racial domination” and that the “interaction between conceptions of race and property ... played a critical role in establishing and maintaining racial and economic subordination” (Harris 1716).Reiterating the logic of racial inferiority and the assumption of a lack of rationality and civility, Indigenous people were named in the Australian Constitution as “flora and fauna” – which was not overturned until a national referendum in 1967. This, coupled with the logic of terra nullius represents the racist foundational logic of Australian statehood. As is well known, terra nullius declared that the land belonged to no-one, denying Indigenous people property rights over land. Whiteness, Moreton-Robinson contends, “is constitutive of the epistemology of the West; it is an invisible regime of power that secures hegemony through discourse and has material effects in everyday life” (Whiteness 75).In addition to analysing racial power structures, critical race theory has presented studies into the link between race, whiteness and neoliberalism. Roberts and Mahtami argue that it is not just that neoliberalism has racialised effects, rather that neoliberalism and its underlying philosophy is “fundamentally raced and produces racialized bodies” (248; also see Goldberg Threat). The effect of the free market on state sovereignty has been hotly debated too. Aihwa Ong contends that neoliberalism produces particular relationships between the state and non-state corporations, as well as determining the role of individuals within the body-politic. Ong specifies:Market-driven logic induces the co-ordination of political policies with the corporate interests, so that developmental discussions favour the fragmentation of the national space into various contiguous zones, and promote the differential regulation of the populations who can be connected to or disconnected from global circuits of capital. (Ong, Neoliberalism 77)So how is whiteness relevant to a discussion of land reform, and to the changes to land rights passed along with Intervention legislation in 2007? Irene Watson cites the former Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Mal Brough, who opposed the progressive individual with what he termed the “failed collective.” Watson asserts that in the debates around land leasing and the Intervention, “Aboriginal law and traditional roles and responsibilities for caring and belonging to country are transformed into the cause for community violence” (Sovereign Spaces 34). The effects of this, I will argue, are twofold and move beyond a moral or social agenda in the strictest sense of the terms: firstly to promote, and make more accessible, the possibility of private and government coalitions in relation to Indigenous lands, and secondly, to reinforce the sovereignty of the state, recognised in the capacity to make decisions. It is here that the explicit reiteration of what Aileen Moreton-Robinson calls “white possession” is clearly evidenced (The Possessive Logic). Sovereign Interventions In the Northern Territory 50% of land is owned by Indigenous people under the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1976 (ALRA) (NT). This law gives Indigenous people control, mediated via land councils, over their lands. It is the contention of this paper that the rights enabled through this law have been eroded in recent times in the coalescing interests of government and private enterprise via, broadly, land rights reform measures. In August 2007 the government passed a number of laws that overturned aspects of the Racial Discrimination Act 197 5(RDA), including the Northern Territory National Emergency Response Bill 2007 and the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Amendment (Township Leasing) Bill 2007. Ostensibly these laws were a response to evidence of alarming levels of child abuse in remote Indigenous communities, which has been compiled in the special report Little Children, co-chaired by Rex Wild QC and Patricia Anderson. This report argued that urgent but culturally appropriate strategies were required in order to assist the local communities in tackling the issues. The recommendations of the report did not include military intervention, and instead prioritised the need to support and work in dialogue with local Indigenous people and organisations who were already attempting, with extremely limited resources, to challenge the problem. Specifically it stated that:The thrust of our recommendations, which are designed to advise the NT government on how it can help support communities to effectively prevent and tackle child sexual abuse, is for there to be consultation with, and ownership by the local communities, of these solutions. (Wild & Anderson 23) Instead, the Federal Coalition government, with support from the opposition Labor Party, initiated a large scale intervention, which included the deployment of the military, to install order and assist medical personnel to carry out compulsory health checks on minors. The intervention affected 73 communities with populations of over 200 Aboriginal men, women and children (Altman, Neo-Paternalism 8). The reality of high levels of domestic and sexual abuse in Indigenous communities requires urgent and diligent attention, but it is not the space of this paper to unpack the media spectacle or the politically determined response to these serious issues, or the considered and careful reports such as the one cited above. While the report specifies the need for local solutions and local control of the process and decision-making, the Federal Liberal Coalition government’s intervention, and the current Labor government’s faithfulness to these, has been centralised and external, imposed upon communities. Rebecca Stringer argues that the Trojan horse thesis indicates what is at stake in this Intervention, while also pinpointing its main weakness. That is, the counter-intuitive links its architects make between addressing child sexual abuse and re-litigating Indigenous land tenure and governance arrangements in a manner that undermines Aboriginal sovereignty and further opens Aboriginal lands to private interests among the mining, nuclear power, tourism, property development and labour brokerage industries. (par. 8)Alongside welfare quarantining for all Indigenous people, was a decision by parliament to overturn the “permit system”, a legal protocol provided by the ALRA and in place so as to enable Indigenous peoples the right to refuse and grant entry to strangers wanting to access their lands. To place this in a broader context of land rights reform, the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 2006, created the possibility of 99 year individual leases, at the expense of communal ownership. The legislation operates as a way of individualising the land arrangements in remote Indigenous communities by opening communal land up as private plots able to be bought by Aboriginal people or any other interested party. Indeed, according to Leon Terrill, land reform in Australia over the past 10 years reflects an attempt to return control of decision-making to government bureaucracy, even as governments have downplayed this aspect. Terrill argues that Township Leasing (enabled via the 2006 legislation), takes “wholesale decision-making about land use” away from Traditional Owners and instead places it in the hands of a government entity called the Executive Director of Township Leasing (3). With the passage of legislation around the Intervention, five year leases were created to enable the Commonwealth “administrative control” over the communities affected (Terrill 3). Finally, under the current changes it is unlikely that more than a small percentage of Aboriginal people will be able to access individual land leasing. Moreover, the argument has been presented that these reforms reflect a broader project aimed at replacing communal land ownership arrangements. This agenda has been justified at a rhetorical level via the demonization of communal land ownership arrangements. Helen Hughes and Jenness Warin, researchers at the rightwing think-tank, the Centre for Independent Studies (CIS), released a report entitled A New Deal for Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in Remote Communities, in which they argue that there is a direct casual link between communal ownership and economic underdevelopment: “Communal ownership of land, royalties and other resources is the principle cause of the lack of economic development in remote areas” (in Norberry & Gardiner-Garden 8). In 2005, then Prime Minister, John Howard, publicly introduced the government’s ambition to alter the structure of Indigenous land arrangements, couching his agenda in the language of “equal opportunity”. I believe there’s a case for reviewing the whole issue of Aboriginal land title in the sense of looking more towards private recognition …, I’m talking about giving them the same opportunities as the rest of their fellow Australians. (Watson, "Howard’s End" 1)Scholars of critical race theory have argued that the language of equality, usually tied to liberalism (though not always) masks racial inequality and even results in “camouflaged racism” (Davis 61). David Theo Goldberg notes that, “the racial status-quo - racial exclusions and privileges favouring for the most part middle - and upper class whites - is maintained by formalising equality through states of legal and administrative science” (Racial State 222). While Howard and his coalition of supporters have associated communal title with disadvantage and called for the equality to be found in individual leases (Dodson), Altman has argued that there is no logical link between forms of communal land ownership and incidences of sexual abuse, and indeed, the government’s use of sexual abuse disingenuously disguises it’s imperative to alter the land ownership arrangements: “Given the proposed changes to the ALRA are in no way associated with child sexual abuse in Aboriginal communities […] there is therefore no pressing urgency to pass the amendments.” (Altman National Emergency, 3) In the case of the Intervention, land rights reforms have affected the continued dispossession of Indigenous people in the interests of “commercial development” (Altman Neo-Paternalism 8). In light of this it can be argued that what is occurring conforms to what Aileen Moreton-Robinson has highlighted as the “possessive logic of patriarchal white sovereignty” (Possessive Logic). White sovereignty, under the banner of benevolent paternalism overturns the authority it has conceded to local Indigenous communities. This is realised via township leases, five year leases, housing leases and other measures, stripping them of the right to refuse the government and private enterprise entry into their lands (effectively the right of control and decision-making), and opening them up to, as Stringer argues, a range of commercial and government interests. Future Concerns and Concluding NotesThe etymological root of coalition is coalesce, inferring the broad ambition to “grow together”. In the issues outlined above, growing together is dominated by neoliberal interests, or what Stringer has termed “assimilatory neoliberation”. The issue extends beyond a social and economic assimilationism project and into a political and legal “land grab”, because, as Ong notes, the neoliberal agenda aligns itself with the nation-state. This coalitional arrangement of neoliberal and governmental interests reiterates “white possession” (Moreton-Robinson, The Possessive Logic). This is evidenced in the position of the current Labor government decision to uphold the nomination of Muckaty as a radioactive waste repository site in Australia (Stokes). In 2007, the Northern Land Council (NLC) nominated Muckaty Station to be the site for waste disposal. This decision cannot be read outside the context of Maralinga, in the South Australian desert, a site where experiments involving nuclear technology were conducted in the 1960s. As John Keane recounts, the Australian government permitted the British government to conduct tests, dispossessing the local Aboriginal group, the Tjarutja, and employing a single patrol officer “the job of monitoring the movements of the Aborigines and quarantining them in settlements” (Keane). Situated within this historical colonial context, in 2006, under a John Howard led Liberal Coalition, the government passed the Commonwealth Radioactive Waste Management Act (CRWMA), a law which effectively overrode the rulings of the Northern Territory government in relation decisions regarding nuclear waste disposal, as well as overriding the rights of traditional Aboriginal owners and the validity of sacred sites. The Australian Labor government has sought to alter the CRWMA in order to reinstate the importance of following due process in the nomination process of land. However, it left the proposed site of Muckaty as confirmed, and the new bill, titled National Radioactive Waste Management retains many of the same characteristics of the Howard government legislation. In 2010, 57 traditional owners from Muckaty and surrounding areas signed a petition stating their opposition to the disposal site (the case is currently in the Federal Court). At a time when nuclear power has come back onto the radar as a possible solution to the energy crisis and climate change, questions concerning the investments of government and its loyalties should be asked. As Malcolm Knox has written “the nuclear industry has become evangelical about the dangers of global warming” (Knox). While nuclear is a “cleaner” energy than coal, until better methods are designed for processing its waste, larger amounts of it will be produced, requiring lands that can hold it for the desired timeframes. For Australia, this demands attention to the politics and ethics of waste disposal. Such an issue is already being played out, before nuclear has even been signed off as a solution to climate change, with the need to find a disposal site to accommodate already existing uranium exported to Europe and destined to return as waste to Australia in 2014. The decision to go ahead with Muckaty against the wishes of the voices of local Indigenous people may open the way for the co-opting of a discourse of environmentalism by political and business groups to promote the development and expansion of nuclear power as an alternative to coal and oil for energy production; dumping waste on Indigenous lands becomes part of the solution to climate change. During the 2010 Australian election, Greens Leader Bob Brown played upon the word coalition to suggest that the Liberal National Party were in COALition with the mining industry over the proposed Mining Tax – the Liberal Coalition opposed any mining tax (Brown). Here Brown highlights the alliance of political agendas and business or corporate interests quite succinctly. Like Brown’s COALition, will government (of either major party) form a coalition with the nuclear power stakeholders?This paper has attempted to bring to light what Dodson has identified as “an alliance of established conservative forces...with more recent and strident ideological thinking associated with free market economics and notions of individual responsibility” and the implications of this alliance for land rights (Dodson). It is important to ask critical questions about the vision of “growing together” being promoted via the coalition of conservative, neoliberal, private and government interests.Acknowledgements Many thanks to the reviewers of this article for their useful suggestions. ReferencesAustralian Broadcasting Authority. “Noel Pearson Discusses the Issues Faced by Indigenous Communities.” Lateline 26 June 2007. 22 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.abc.net.au/lateline/content/2007/s1962844.htm>. Agamben, Giorgio. Homo Sacer. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1998. Altman, Jon. “The ‘National Emergency’ and Land Rights Reform: Separating Fact from Fiction.” A Briefing Paper for Oxfam Australia, 2007. 1 Aug. 2010 ‹http://www.oxfam.org.au/resources/filestore/originals/OAus-EmergencyLandRights-0807.pdf>. Altman, Jon. “The Howard Government’s Northern Territory Intervention: Are Neo-Paternalism and Indigenous Development Compatible?” Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research Topical Issue 16 (2007). 1 Aug. 2010 ‹http://caepr.anu.edu.au/system/files/Publications/topical/Altman_AIATSIS.pdf>. Brown, Bob. “Senator Bob Brown National Pre-Election Press Club Address.” 2010. 18 Aug. 2010 ‹http://greens.org.au/content/senator-bob-brown-pre-election-national-press-club-address>. Davis, Angela. The Angela Davis Reader. Ed. J. James, Oxford: Blackwell, 1998. Dodson, Patrick. “An Entire Culture Is at Stake.” Opinion. The Age, 14 July 2007: 4. Goldberg, David Theo. The Racial State. Massachusetts: Blackwell, 2002.———. The Threat of Race: Reflections on Neoliberalism. Massachusetts: Blackwell, 2008. Harris, Cheryl. “Whiteness as Property.” Harvard Law Review 106.8 (1993): 1709-1795. Keane, John. “Maralinga’s Afterlife.” Feature Article. The Age, 11 May 2003. 24 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2003/05/11/1052280486255.html>. Knox, Malcolm. “Nuclear Dawn.” The Monthly 56 (May 2010). Lambert, Anthony. “Rainbow Blindness: Same-Sex Partnerships in Post-Coalitional Australia.” M/C Journal 13.6 (2010). Langton, Marcia. “It’s Time to Stop Playing Politics with Vulnerable Lives.” Opinion. Sydney Morning Herald, 30 Nov. 2007: 2. McAllan, Fiona. “Customary Appropriations.” borderlands ejournal 6.3 (2007). 22 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.borderlands.net.au/vol6no3_2007/mcallan_appropriations.htm>. Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. “The Possessive Logic of Patriarchal White Sovereignty: The High Court and the Yorta Yorta Decision.” borderlands e-journal 3.2 (2004). 1 Aug. 2007 ‹http://www.borderlands.net.au/vol3no2_2004/moreton_possessive.htm>. ———. “Whiteness, Epistemology and Indigenous Representation.” Whitening Race. Ed. Aileen Moreton-Robinson. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press, 75-89. Norberry, J., and J. Gardiner-Garden. Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Amendment Bill 2006. Australian Parliamentary Library Bills Digest 158 (19 June 2006). Ong, Aihwa. Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty. Durham: Duke University Press, 2006. 75-97.Oxford English Dictionary. 3rd. ed. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005. Rio Tinto. "Rio Tinto Aboriginal Policy and Programme Briefing Note." June 2007. 22 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.aboriginalfund.riotinto.com/common/pdf/Aboriginal%20Policy%20and%20Programs%20-%20June%202007.pdf>. Roberts, David J., and Mielle Mahtami. “Neoliberalising Race, Racing Neoliberalism: Placing 'Race' in Neoliberal Discourses.” Antipode 42.2 (2010): 248-257. Stringer, Rebecca. “A Nightmare of the Neocolonial Kind: Politics of Suffering in Howard's Northern Territory Intervention.” borderlands ejournal 6.2 (2007). 22 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.borderlands.net.au/vol6no2_2007/stringer_intervention.htm>.Stokes, Dianne. "Muckaty." n.d. 1 Aug. 2010 ‹http://www.timbonham.com/slideshows/Muckaty/>. Terrill, Leon. “Indigenous Land Reform: What Is the Real Aim of Land Reform?” Edited version of a presentation provided at the 2010 National Native Title Conference, 2010. Watson, Irene. “Sovereign Spaces, Caring for Country and the Homeless Position of Aboriginal Peoples.” South Atlantic Quarterly 108.1 (2009): 27-51. Watson, Nicole. “Howard’s End: The Real Agenda behind the Proposed Review of Indigenous Land Titles.” Australian Indigenous Law Reporter 9.4 (2005). ‹http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/AILR/2005/64.html>.Wild, R., and P. Anderson. Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarie: The Little Children Are Sacred. Report of the Northern Territory Board of Inquiry into the Protection of Aboriginal Children from Sexual Abuse. Northern Territory: Northern Territory Government, 2007.