Статті в журналах: "Race and gender ideology"

1

Sullivan, Zohreh T. "Race, gender, and imperial ideology: In the nineteen century." Nineteenth-Century Contexts 13, no. 1 (March 1989): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905498908583294.

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2

NORRIS, PIPPA, ELIZABETH VALLANCE, and JONI LOVENDUSKI. "Do Candidates Make a Difference? Gender, Race, Ideology and Incumbency." Parliamentary Affairs 45, no. 4 (October 1992): 496–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a052379.

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3

Naples, Nancy A. "Contradictions in Agrarian Ideology: Restructuring Gender, Race-Ethnicity, and Class1." Rural Sociology 59, no. 1 (February 3, 2010): 110–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1549-0831.1994.tb00525.x.

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4

Christie-Mizell, C. André, Jacqueline M. Keil, Aya Kimura, and Stacye A. Blount. "Gender Ideology and Motherhood: The Consequences of Race on Earnings." Sex Roles 57, no. 9-10 (August 11, 2007): 689–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11199-007-9292-3.

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5

Christie-Mizell, C. André. "The Effects of Traditional Family and Gender Ideology on Earnings: Race and Gender Differences." Journal of Family and Economic Issues 27, no. 1 (March 3, 2006): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10834-005-9004-5.

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6

Simon, Christopher A., Nicholas P. Lovrich, Baodong Liu, and Yehua Dennis Wei. "Citizen Support for Military Expenditure Post–9/11." Armed Forces & Society 44, no. 4 (December 4, 2017): 688–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17741462.

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Citizens adjust their perceptions of military expenditure based largely on their worldview, as defined by their race, ethnicity, ideology, gender, socioeconomic status (SES), and education. Worldview might also reasonably be impacted by nativity. We explore the relationship between nativity and public opinion about military expenditure. Native-born survey respondents are less likely to believe that military expenditures are excessive than those born abroad. Race, ethnicity, ideology, nativity, and confidence in the military are the most significant variables used in explaining attitudes about military expenditure. Interaction analysis carried out for this article and reported here demonstrates that Hispanic and Asian ethnicity impacts on public perception of military expenditure are significantly greater when factoring in the nativity of survey respondents. With a growing portion of non-native-born citizens joining the electorate, public opinion analyses regarding military expenditure should take into account nativity as well as SES, gender, race, ideology, education, and ethnicity when seeking to explain public opinion dynamics.

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7

Stern, Chadly, and Jordan Axt. "Ideological Differences in Race and Gender Stereotyping." Social Cognition 39, no. 2 (March 2021): 259–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2021.39.2.259.

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We investigated whether political ideology was associated with the endorsement of race and gender stereotypes, and examined motivational and cognitive factors that could account for any ideological differences. Across five preregistered studies, people who were more politically conservative more strongly supported the use of stereotypes to make social inferences based on race, and endorsed specific stereotypes about racial and gender groups. An internal meta-analysis indicated that a greater desire to uphold group-based hierarchy and lower epistemic motivation to deliberate explained, in part, why conservatives were more likely to endorse the use of stereotypes, while cognitive ability did not have a significant explanatory role. These findings suggest that characteristics of individuals not inherently linked to any particular social group can shape perceptions about whether stereotypes are valid, and highlight how basic psychological motivations lead liberals and conservatives to diverge in their perceptions of groups.

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8

Smith, Carol A. "Race-Class-Gender Ideology in Guatemala: Modern and Anti-Modern Forms." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 4 (October 1995): 723–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019939.

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More often than not, women bear the burden of displaying the identifying symbols of their ethnic identity to the outside world, whether these be items of dress, aspects of language, or distinctive behavior. Men of the same ethnic group, especially when filling lower-order positions in the local division of labor, usually appear indistinguishable from men of a different ethnicity but in similar class positions. Thus in Guatemala, for example, one readily identifies a Maya Indian woman by her distinctive and colorful dress, her tendency to speak only the local dialect of a Maya language, and her modest demeanor when in public settings, especially those involving non-Maya. Most Maya men, in contrast, are not so easily distinguished from non-Maya (that is, Ladino) men of equivalent class in Guatemala.

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9

Glauber, Rebecca, and Kristi L. Gozjolko. "Do Traditional Fathers Always Work More? Gender Ideology, Race, and Parenthood." Journal of Marriage and Family 73, no. 5 (September 28, 2011): 1133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3737.2011.00870.x.

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10

Harris, Allison P., and Maya Sen. "Bias and Judging." Annual Review of Political Science 22, no. 1 (May 11, 2019): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051617-090650.

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How do we know whether judges of different backgrounds are biased? We review the substantial political science literature on judicial decision making, paying close attention to how judges' demographics and ideology can influence or structure their decision making. As the research demonstrates, characteristics such as race, ethnicity, and gender can sometimes predict judicial decision making in limited kinds of cases; however, the literature also suggests that these characteristics are far less important in shaping or predicting outcomes than is ideology (or partisanship), which in turn correlates closely with gender, race, and ethnicity. This leads us to conclude that assuming judges of different backgrounds are biased because they rule differently is questionable. Given that the application of the law rarely provides one objectively correct answer, it is no surprise that judges' decisions vary according to their personal backgrounds and, more importantly, according to their ideology.

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11

Kteily, Nour S., Matthew D. Rocklage, Kaylene McClanahan, and Arnold K. Ho. "Political ideology shapes the amplification of the accomplishments of disadvantaged vs. advantaged group members." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 5 (January 14, 2019): 1559–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1818545116.

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Recent years have witnessed an increased public outcry in certain quarters about a perceived lack of attention given to successful members of disadvantaged groups relative to equally meritorious members of advantaged groups, exemplified by social media campaigns centered around hashtags, such as #OscarsSoWhite and #WomenAlsoKnowStuff. Focusing on political ideology, we investigate here whether individuals differentially amplify successful targets depending on whether these targets belong to disadvantaged or advantaged groups, behavior that could help alleviate or entrench group-based disparities. Study 1 examines over 500,000 tweets from over 160,000 Twitter users about 46 unambiguously successful targets varying in race (white, black) and gender (male, female): American gold medalists from the 2016 Olympics. Leveraging advances in computational social science, we identify tweeters’ political ideology, race, and gender. Tweets from political liberals were much more likely than those from conservatives to be about successful black (vs. white) and female (vs. male) gold medalists (and especially black females), controlling for tweeters’ own race and gender, and even when tweeters themselves were white or male (i.e., advantaged group members). Studies 2 and 3 provided experimental evidence that liberals are more likely than conservatives to differentially amplify successful members of disadvantaged (vs. advantaged) groups and suggested that this is driven by liberals’ heightened concern with social equality. Addressing theorizing about ideological asymmetries, we observed that political liberals are more responsible than conservatives for differential amplification. Our results highlight ideology’s polarizing power to shape even whose accomplishments we promote, and extend theorizing about behavioral manifestations of egalitarian motives.

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12

Wiegman, Robyn. "Negotiating AMERICA: Gender, Race, and the Ideology of the Interracial Male Bond." Cultural Critique, no. 13 (1989): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1354270.

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13

Sandoval, Gabriela. "Cigar production: how race, gender and political ideology were inscribed onto tobacco." Ethnic and Racial Studies 32, no. 2 (January 8, 2009): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870801943688.

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14

Dun, Lindsay, and Stephen Jessee. "Demographic Moderation of Spatial Voting in Presidential Elections." American Politics Research 48, no. 6 (June 4, 2020): 750–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20925416.

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Using multiple large national surveys, we investigate how the relationship between policy-based ideology and vote choice in presidential elections differs across demographic groups. Specifically, we consider three key demographic characteristics: race, education, and gender. We find that large differences exist in the way ideology relates to presidential vote for voters from different racial groups. By contrast, we find quite small differences in this relationship when separating voters by education level. Perhaps most surprisingly, whereas men are on average more conservative than women, the relationship between ideology and presidential vote is estimated to be almost exactly the same for the two genders. The large sample sizes we employ allow for relatively precise estimation of these relationships even among our various demographic subsamples and these findings hold similarly across several recent presidential elections.

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15

Forry, Nicole D., Leigh A. Leslie, and Bethany L. Letiecq. "Marital Quality in Interracial Relationships." Journal of Family Issues 28, no. 12 (December 2007): 1538–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x07304466.

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African American/White interracial couples are a rapidly growing segment of the population. However, little is known about factors related to marital quality for these couples. The authors examine the relationships between sex role ideology, perception of relationship unfairness, and marital quality among a sample of 76 married African American/White interracial couples from the mid-Atlantic region. The results indicate that interracial couples are similar to same-race couples in some ways. In particular, women, regardless of race, report their marriages to be more unfair to them than do men. Unique experiences in interracial marriages based on one's race or race/gender combination are also identified. African Americans experience more ambivalence about their relationship than their White partners. Furthermore, sex role ideology has a moderating effect on perceived unfairness and marital quality for African American men. Similarities and differences among interracial and same-race marriages are discussed, with recommendations for future research.

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16

Layton, Matthew L., and Amy Erica Smith. "Is It Race, Class, or Gender? The Sources of Perceived Discrimination in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 1 (2017): 52–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12010.

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AbstractObservers have long noted Brazil's distinctive racial politics: the coexistence of relatively integrated race relations and a national ideology of “racial democracy” with deep social inequalities along color lines. Those defending a vision of a nonracist Brazil attribute such inequalities to mechanisms perpetuating class distinctions. This article examines how members of disadvantaged groups perceive their disadvantage and what determines self-reports of discriminatory experiences, using 2010 AmericasBarometer data. About a third of respondents reported experiencing discrimination. Consistent with Brazilian national myths, respondents were much more likely to report discrimination due to their class than to their race. Nonetheless, the respondent's skin color, as coded by the interviewer, was a strong determinant of reporting class as well as race and gender discrimination. Race is more strongly associated with perceived “class” discrimination than is household wealth, education, or region of residence; female gender intensifies the association between color and discrimination.

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17

Taylor, Tiffany. "Re-examining Cultural Contradictions: Mothering Ideology and the Intersections of Class, Gender, and Race." Sociology Compass 5, no. 10 (October 2011): 898–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9020.2011.00415.x.

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18

Kelly, Maura, and Gordon Gauchat. "Feminist Identity, Feminist Politics." Sociological Perspectives 59, no. 4 (August 3, 2016): 855–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121415594281.

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Feminist scholars and activists have endorsed a broad and intersectional political agenda that addresses multiple dimensions of inequality, such as gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class. We examine whether or not this perspective is also held by self-identified feminists in the general public. Drawing on public opinion polls from 2007 to 2009, we assess self-identified feminists’ attitudes toward a range of social policies. We find that after controlling for sociodemographic factors and political ideology, feminist identity is associated with progressive attitudes on policies related to gender and sexuality (e.g., abortion) as well as policies related to other social justice issues (e.g., immigration, health care). We also find some interactions between feminist identity and gender, age, education, and political ideology, suggesting some heterogeneity in feminists’ political attitudes. Overall, these findings suggest that feminists in the general public support an intersectional social justice agenda rather than a narrow focus on gender issues.

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19

Bojanowska, Edyta M. "Race-ing the Russian Nineteenth Century." Slavic Review 80, no. 2 (2021): 258–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.86.

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The article offers a methodological reflection on the practical work of reading race in Russian literary texts, especially from the nineteenth century. It makes four key arguments. First, “racialization,” in the sense of an interactive process, is a more productive lens than an essentially static concept of race. Second, race is not only, and not always, a question of perception or meaning-making, but also ideology. Third, the concept of race typically engages notions of class, gender, and sexuality, an intersectionality that merits particular attention. Fourth, critiquing race can be productively furthered by paying attention to anxieties and insecurities that underlie racial hierarchies and biases, which can be revealed through readings against the grain. As we cast new light on Russia's engagement with race, it is essential that the culture of the Russian nineteen-century become part of this reappraisal.

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20

Stout, Christopher T., Kelsy Kretschmer, and Leah Ruppanner. "Gender Linked Fate, Race/Ethnicity, and the Marriage Gap in American Politics." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 3 (April 6, 2017): 509–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917702499.

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In this study, we explore the predictors of gender linked fate with a focus on marital status for different racial/ethnic groups. We argue that marriage alters women’s perceptions of self-interest by institutionalizing their partnerships with men and consequently leading women to feel less connected to other women. We assess our hypothesis using the 2012 American National Election Study. While we find that married white women and Latinas have significantly lower levels of linked fate than unmarried women of the same race/ethnicity, we find no such relationship for black women. We then explore the implications of these findings by examining the role of gender linked fate in explaining political differences among married and unmarried women using mediation analysis. Ultimately, we find that differences in perceptions of linked fate explain a significant amount of the variation in political ideology and partisanship for white and Latina women.

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21

Wade, Jay C., and Chris Brittan-Powell. "Men's attitudes toward race and gender equity: The importance of masculinity ideology, gender-related traits, and reference group identity dependence." Psychology of Men & Masculinity 2, no. 1 (January 2001): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/1524-9220.2.1.42.

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22

Barcelos, Chris. "Culture, Contraception, and Colorblindess: Youth Sexual Health Promotion as a Gendered Racial Project." Gender & Society 32, no. 2 (December 18, 2017): 252–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243217745314.

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Feminist scholars have identified how race and gender discourses influence the creation and implementation of school-based sexual health education and the provision of health care, yet there are few studies that examine how race and gender work in sexual health promotion as it occurs through community-based public health efforts. Drawing on three years of ethnographic research in a low-income Puerto Rican community, this article demonstrates how a gendered racial project of essentializing Latinx culture surrounding young women’s sexuality and reproduction works to both obscure and reinforce race and racism in sexual health promotion. Professional stakeholders mobilize culture as an explanation for high birth rates among young Latinas in the city and reproduce a “Latino culture narrative” in which Latina gender and sexuality is understood as deterministic and homogenous. Simultaneously, an ideology of colorblindness enables the uncritical promotion of long-acting reversible contraception and obscures the history of reproductive oppression experienced by women of color. I consider how colorblindness and culture narratives allow stakeholders to abdicate responsibility for gendered racial inequality and conclude by advocating for the incorporation of racial and reproductive justice frameworks in sexual health promotion.

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23

Stasson, Anneke. "The Politicization of Family Life: How Headship Became Essential to Evangelical Identity in the Late Twentieth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 24, no. 1 (2014): 100–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2014.24.1.100.

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AbstractThis article describes the fluidity of evangelical gender ideology during the 1970s and posits that belief in male headship became one of the distinct marks of evangelical identity in the late 1970s and early 1980s. At that time, the Christian Right led a campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment, arguing that the ERA was the means by which feminists were seeking to destroy the family. It became politically expedient for evangelicals to assert their support for male headship over and against a feminist paradigm of the family. In the 1990s and 2000s, as evangelicals had begun to feel less animosity towards feminism and had actually absorbed many feminist assumptions, the Christian Right's campaign against gay marriage gave evangelicals a new reason to cling to the ideology of male headship. The campaigns against the ERA and gay marriage have made evangelicals aware of the very real presence of different models of family in American society. This awareness has enhanced commitment to the headship model of marriage.Historians Betty DeBerg and Margaret Bendroth have done much to point historians to the way in which gender ideology has been important to evangelical identity over the last century. By analyzing anti-ERA and anti-gay marriage evangelical literature, this article argues that gender ideology was integral to the formation of evangelical identity during the last third of the twentieth century. Thus, the article seeks to extend the argument of DeBerg and Bendroth into the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s and to present gender ideology as a key feature in defining twentieth-century American evangelicalism.

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24

Sobczak, Anna. "Ideology of Meritocracy in Education – Social Reconstructions of (In)equality." Studia Edukacyjne, no. 51 (December 15, 2018): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/se.2018.51.8.

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The aim of the article is to reconstruct the theory of meritocracy, according to which each individual has an equal opportunities, regardless of gender, race, and origin, to achieve social and professional success. The author has also attempted to answer the question whether in the current social reality, in which we deal with overeducation and academic diploma inflation, the meritocratic belief about the exclusive influence of individual talents and merits on social and professional success finds its confirmation in social practice. The genesis, essence and directions of criticism of the concept of meritocracy are presented. The article points out that the ideology of meritocracy, despite its egalitarian assumptions, which undoubtedly contributed to the democratization of education, especially at the higher level, confirms social inequalities.

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25

Gallego, Mar. "Race, Interdependence and Healing in Toni Morrison’s God Help the Child." Contemporary Women's Writing 13, no. 3 (November 2019): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cww/vpaa006.

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Abstract In Toni Morrison’s works, traumatized characters are victimized by the damaging, racist dominant ideology that still codifies black bodies as the non-human “Other” due to the long-lasting effects of slavery and diasporic dispersal. These individual and collective traumas seemingly hinder their articulation of healthy forms of subject formation and community-building efforts. My contention is that in God Help the Child (2015) Morrison explores the ramifications of early trauma in her characters’ lives but also, more importantly, an array of resistance strategies, which facilitate healing, within an ethics of interdependence. Hence, Morrison critiques fundamental inequities in American society and around the world, by paying attention to the intersections of race, gender, and age discourses.

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26

Pandey, Renu. "Locating Savitribai Phule’s Feminism in the Trajectory of Global Feminist Thought." Indian Historical Review 46, no. 1 (June 2019): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983619856480.

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Initially, the feminist thought was based on Humanist approach, that is, the sameness or essentialist approach of feminism. But recently, gender and feminism have evolved as complicated terms and gender identification as a complicated phenomenon. This is due to the identification of multiple intersectionalities around gender, gender relations and power hierarchies. There are intersections based on age, caste, class, abilities, ethnicity, race, sexuality and other societal divisions. Apart from these societal intersections, intersection can also be sought in the theory of feminism like historical materialist feminisms, postcolonial and anti-racist feminisms, liberal feminism, radical feminisms, sexual difference feminisms, postmodern feminisms, queer feminisms, cyber feminisms, post-human feminisms and most recent choice feminisms and so on. Furthermore, In India, there have been assertions for Dalit/Dalit bahujan/ abrahmini/ Phule-Ambedkarite feminisms. Gender theorists have evolved different approaches to study gender. In addition to the distinction between a biosocial and a strong social constructionist approach, distinctions have been made between essentialist and constructionist approaches. The above theories and approaches present differential understandings of intersections between discourse, embodiment and materiality, and sex and gender. The present article will endeavour to bring out the salient points in the feminist ideology of Savitribai Phule as a crusader for gender justice and will try to locate her feminist ideology in the overall trajectory of global feminist thought. The article suggests that Savitibai’s feminism shows characteristics of all the three waves of feminism.

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27

Gewirth, Alan. "Is Cultural Pluralism Relevant to Moral Knowledge?" Social Philosophy and Policy 11, no. 1 (1994): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004271.

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Cultural pluralism is both a fact and a norm. It is a fact that our world, and indeed our society, are marked by a large diversity of cultures delineated in terms of race, class, gender, ethnicity, religion, ideology, and other partly interpenetrating variables. This fact raises the normative question of whether, or to what extent, such diversities should be recognized or even encouraged in policies concerning government, law, education, employment, the family, immigration, and other important areas of social concern.

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Ellis, Rachel. "“It’s Not Equality”: How Race, Class, and Gender Construct the Normative Religious Self among Female Prisoners." Social Inclusion 6, no. 2 (June 22, 2018): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i2.1367.

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Prior sociological research has demonstrated that religious selves are gendered. Using the case of female inmates—some of the most disadvantaged Americans—this article shows that dominant messages constructing the religious self are not only gendered, but also deeply intertwined with race and class. Data from 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork on religion inside a U.S. state women’s prison reveal that religious volunteers—predominately middle-class African American women—preached feminine submissiveness and finding a “man of God” to marry to embody religious ideals. However, these messages were largely out of sync with the realities of working class and poor incarcerated women, especially given their temporary isolation from the marriage market and the marital prospects in the socioeconomically disadvantaged neighborhoods to which many would return. These findings suggest that scholars must pay attention to how race, class, and gender define dominant discourses around the religious self and consider the implications for stratification for those who fail to fulfill this dominant ideology.

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St-Georges, Charles. "Mexicanidad as Race, Gender, and Neoliberal Ideology in Patricia Riggen'sLa misma luna/Under the Same Moon(2008)." Latin Americanist 62, no. 1 (March 2018): 80–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tla.12176.

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30

Fernández-Lamarque, María. "Antonio Robles’La Cenicienta: A ‘Cinderella’ Retelling Censored in Franco's Spain." International Research in Children's Literature 7, no. 1 (July 2014): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2014.0115.

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This essay analyses La Cenicienta (1936), the version of ‘Cinderella’ by Antoniorrobles, pioneer of children's literature in Spain, written towards the beginning of the Civil War (1936–9). Following the triumph of the Nationalists, censorship under Franco prohibited Antoniorrobles’ work. Antoniorrobles’ ‘Cinderella’ contradicts the fundamental premises of the new regime concerning class, gender, religion and race within Spanish society. In a comparative analysis, this essay examines the symbols (dress, king, and cook) and the omissions (religion, race) that appear in the story and that represent resistance to Franco's ideology on a textual level. It also studies how the story deconstructs these elements, taking into account for the basis of comparison the canonical versions of Perrault and the Brothers Grimm, among others.

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Al-Omar, Nibras. "Ideology in Advertising: Some Implications for Transcreation into Arabic." Hikma 19, no. 1 (May 25, 2020): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/hikma.v19i1.11713.

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Abstract: Ideology has a twofold sense in advertising. One is general and aims to standardize the consumers' needs and traits by globalized means to persuade them to buy the products. The other is specific whereby the advertisement campaigns can introduce, reinforce and /or challenge some ideological values as of politics, religion, race and gender. To sell globally, advertisements are translated into other languages. This requires adjusting the ideological values to the Target Language (TL) audience. When the ideological dimension of the TL is given priority, transcreation, instead of translation per se, becomes the best choice. Unlike the traditional translator who is expected to be faithful to the Source Language (SL), the transcreator should always maintain proximity to the TL ideology so as to avoid unwanted sensitivities of the TL audience and should adopt creative ideas in order to achieve resonance in the TL. The present paper aims to investigate the implications of advertising ideology for transcreation into Arabic. The global advertisement campaigners seem to be aware that Arabic and Islam represent a unified ideology represented in values of national identity, politics and gender. Most transcreation of these campaigns have achieved both proximity to the TL audience and creativity of ideas that do not clash with the ideological status quo in the Arab World. But despite the laudable reputation of transcreation nowadays in the Translation Studies literature as the best strategy of advertisement translation, it looks like it cannot escape the twofold sense of ideology in those texts. While it does embrace diversity of ideological values of SL and TL, an advertisement campaign transcreation is unable to outbalance the general and more solid ideology of standardizing the consumers' needs and motives.

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32

Anitha, Sundari, and Aisha K. Gill. "Making Politics Visible: Discourses on Gender and Race in the Problematisation of Sex-Selective Abortion." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (November 2018): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0137-4.

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This paper examines the problematisation of sex-selective abortion (SSA) in UK parliamentary debates on Fiona Bruce's Abortion (Sex-Selection) Bill 2014–15 and on the subsequent proposed amendment to the Serious Crime Bill 2014–15. On the basis of close textual analysis, we argue that a discursive framing of SSA as a form of cultural oppression of minority women in need of protection underpinned Bruce's Bill; in contrast, by highlighting issues more commonly articulated in defence of women's reproductive rights, the second set of debates displaced this framing in favour of a broader understanding, drawing on postcolonial feminist critiques, of how socio-economic factors constrain all women in this regard. We argue that the problematisation of SSA explains the original cross-party support for, and subsequent defeat of, the policies proposed to restrict SSA. Our analysis also highlights the central role of ideology in the policy process, thus making politics visible in policymaking.

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Haque, Farhana. "Gender and Development: A Study of Feminist Theories." International Journal of Culture and History 7, no. 2 (September 23, 2020): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v7i2.17734.

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The term feminism derived from the notion to establish women’s right equal like men. It refers to the ideology that men and women should be treated equally both in the sections of politics and morality. Feminism means to create a scope to women to raise their voice against men regarding the matter of equality and as a result feminism does frequently linked towards different types of motions since last two centuries and performed to execute the concept of parity through implanting it throughout the culture. There are several other opinions and ideologies by different feminists regarding the term equality. The individual feminists said equality means equal treatment and that should be under the laws about homage the person and possession like the entire human beings without paying attention towards the secondary characteristics like sex, race, ethnicity. The school of feminism which is radical feminism. According to them parity means socioeconomic parity where power and wealth should be re-established by law through the society. Therefore from the historical perspectives advantages of men become deleted.

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Riestra-Camacho, Rocío. "Analysis of Class-as-Race and Gender Ideology in the US Young Adult Sports Novel Racing Savannah (2013)." International Journal of English Studies 20, no. 3 (December 30, 2020): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/ijes.402031.

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Equine fiction is an established genre in the English juvenile literary canon. Current works in the field appeal to adolescent readers thanks to their interface between classic motifs of vintage and contemporary forms of equine narratives. Performing a close reading of selected passages in Miranda Kenneally’s Racing Savannah (2013), this paper acknowledges how this novel is a revitalization and a challenge to this pattern. Savannah, who is more gifted than her companions, is subordinate to the decisions of the junior of the household where she works. Jack Goodwin, the protagonist’s romantic lead, educated in a neocolonialist background of male jockeying, becomes Savannah’s marker of difference according to her sex and lower socioeconomic status, which lay at the root of her later racialization despite her being a white character. My analysis attempts to expose how these difficulties encountered by the protagonist to become a professional jockey articulate past and present constraints of the horse-racing ladder.

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GAROUPA, NUNO. "Does being a foreigner shape judicial behaviour? Evidence from the Constitutional Court of Andorra, 1993–2016." Journal of Institutional Economics 14, no. 1 (April 10, 2017): 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137417000133.

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AbstractDifferent personal attributes have been considered to account for judicial policy preferences around the world: ideology, age, gender, race, religion, language and professional background. The appointment of foreign judges is a particularly rare characteristic since most countries do not entertain such a possibility. We use the specific case of the Constitutional Court of Andorra to test the extent to which foreign-appointed judges make a difference, and particularly whether they are more or less inclined to favour local petitioners. An empirical analysis of the entire population of abstract review cases in the period 1993–2016 does not indicate a strong statistical effect.

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Vincent, John, and Jane Crossman. "Champions, a Celebrity Crossover, and a Capitulator: The Construction of Gender in Broadsheet Newspapers’ Narratives About Selected Competitors at Wimbledon." International Journal of Sport Communication 1, no. 1 (March 2008): 78–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.1.1.78.

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This study compared the narratives of 3 broadsheet newspapers of selected female and male tennis players competing in the Wimbledon Championships. From Canada, The Globe and Mail; from Great Britain, The Times; and from the United States, The New York Times were examined. Dominant narratives were identified from 161 articles taken from 44 newspaper editions during the 16-day period coinciding with the Wimbledon Championships fortnight. Drawing on Connell’s (1987, 1993, 2005) theory of gender power relations, textual analysis was used to examine the gendered narratives and, where it was applicable, how the gendered narratives intersected with race, age, and nationality. The results revealed that although the gendered narratives were at times complex and contradictory, they were generally consistent with dominant cultural patriarchal ideology and served to reiterate and legitimize the gender order.

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Alayrac-Fielding, Vanessa. "From Oroonoko Tobacco to Blackamoor Snuffboxes: Race, Gender and the Consumption of Snuff in Eighteenth-Century Britain." Humanities 10, no. 3 (July 22, 2021): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10030092.

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This essay investigates the circulation of the trope of the Black body in visual and textual representations of tobacco consumption, both smoked and taken as snuff. I look at the ways in which tobacco advertising depicting the type of snuff for sale or representing enslaved Africans working on plantations articulated notions of race and coloniality. I then show that snuffboxes can be seen as material counterparts in the dissemination of racist ideology in the eighteenth century. The gender-defining practice of taking snuff is studied in relation to colonial politics using a selection of texts and a material corpus of rare extant “Blackamoor” snuffboxes (depicting the black body and face) that have not yet received scholarly attention. I argue that through female agency, the use of Blackamoor snuffboxes normalised slavery by integrating it in the cultural rituals of British sociability through a process of material aestheticisation.

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Sofjan, Dicky. "PANCASILA AND THE DIGNITY OF HUMANKIND." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol1.iss1.2018.82.

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This article examines the correlation between Pancasila, which is Indonesia’s state ideology, and human dignity. Indonesians, since gaining independence in 1945, have established Pancasila as their state ideology and political philosophy, which encompasses the rights and responsibilities of its citizens without discrimination based on religion or creed, gender, race or ethnicity, socioeconomic status or whatsoever. Derived from Sankrit, the name “Pancasila” means ‘the five main principles’. The five principles are: 1) Belief in the Unity of Deities; 2) Just and civilized humanity; 3) Unity of Indonesia; 4) Democracy led by wisdom through deliberation of the elected representatives; 5) Social justice for all Indonesians. The article therefore discusses the five main principles that have governed the people of Indonesia for 75 years now, owing to the veracity of the universal message that Pancasila aspires to. The founding figures of the nation seemed mindful of the diversity of the people and their multitude of traditions and beliefs.

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BAKER, PHYLLIS L., and AMY CARSON. "“I TAKE CARE OF MY KIDS”." Gender & Society 13, no. 3 (June 1999): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124399013003005.

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This article examines 17 substance-abusing women's perceptions of their mothering practices in the context of a residential substance-abuse treatment program for women with children and pregnant women. Using in-depth semistructured interviews and observations of treatment groups, the participants' cultural knowledge about mothering is explored. Although the women in this study described how their substance-abusing lifestyle had a negative impact on their children, they also detailed practices that illustrated that they felt capable as parents. The women were silent about how race, gender, or class arrangements affected their lives; their stories, however, showed active avoidance and manipulation of the contemporary ideology of mothering.

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Levant, Ronald F., and Y. Joel Wong. "Race and gender as moderators of the relationship between the endorsement of traditional masculinity ideology and alexithymia: An intersectional perspective." Psychology of Men & Masculinity 14, no. 3 (July 2013): 329–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0029551.

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McDermott, Ryon C., Kyle M. Brasil, Jennifer L. Barinas, and Nicholas C. Borgogna. "Associations between men’s and women’s conformity to masculine role norms and firearm ownership: Contributions beyond, race, gender, and political ideology." Psychology of Men & Masculinities 22, no. 2 (April 2021): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/men0000341.

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Sanders, James E. ""A Mob of Women" Confront Post-Colonial Republican Politics: How Class, Race, and Partisan Ideology Affected Gendered Political Space in Nineteenth-Century Southwestern Colombia." Journal of Women's History 20, no. 1 (2008): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2008.0018.

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Becker, Penny Edgell. "“Rational Amusement and Sound Instruction”: Constructing the True Catholic Woman in the Ave Maria, 1865-1889." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 8, no. 1 (1998): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1998.8.1.03a00030.

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This article explores the relationship between gender ideology and popular culture in one particular time and place—a Catholic family magazine called the Ave Maria during the latter part of the nineteenth Century. This case study yields an interpretive sociological account of how women were portrayed in this magazine, an account that sheds light on our understanding of the construction and negotiation of religious ideologies. When I speak of “ideology,” I refer to highly articulated and explicit meaning Systems that construct and regulate patterns of conduct. “Official ideologies” are endorsed and promoted by organizational officials and/or community elites.A systematic examination of Ave Maria from 1865 to 1889 reveals that two-thirds of the articles reproduce some version of the official ideology of the True Catholic Woman. On the other hand, about one-third of the articles produce what I call “alternative interpretations”—“alternative” because they are critical of the limits that the official versions placed on women's character, activity, or autonomy.

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Nurhayati, Ari. "INTERSECTING OPPRESSION OF GENDER AND RACE IN TONI MORRISON’S THE BLUEST EYE AND GOD HELP THE CHILD." LITERA 18, no. 3 (November 19, 2019): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/ltr.v18i3.27796.

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White domination in America can make white ideology of beauty spread and influence the African-American society. Toni Morrison’s novels, The Bluest Eye and God Help the Child, depict the influence. This study attemps to uncover the intersecting oppression of race and gender in the novels and to explain how African-American women cope with the oppression. This study is descriptive qualitative research. The data sources are Morrison’s novels The Bluest Eyeand God Help the Child. The study has two findings. Firstly, African-American society experiences oppression as an impact of the white beauty hegemony. The most disadvantageous oppression is the internalization of white beauty values. Holding such values makes African-American women feel inferior and hate their own physical characteristics that are far from the white ideal of beauty. Meanwhile, African-American women who have darker skin colors experience the hardest oppression because they also become the victims of oppression committed by some circles of African-American society, which tend to consider them unequal. It reflects the complexity of oppression experienced by African-American women. Secondly,self-consciousness is the main factor of attempts to release them from the oppression. Without self-consciousness, African-American women can be trapped in values that deteriorate their self-pride of identity.Keywords: intersecting oppression, African-American women, skin color

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Locke, Cybèle. "“Blame the System, Not the Victim!” Organizing the Unemployed in New Zealand, 1983–1992." International Labor and Working-Class History 71, no. 1 (2007): 162–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000397.

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AbstractThe restructuring of capital and the transformation of the workforce in the late twentieth century has produced a newly-shaped working class; one that encompasses those in insecure work and unemployed workers. With this repositioning has come new political organizations of unemployed workers, of which Te Roopu Rawakore o Aotearoa, the national New Zealand organization for unemployed workers, is an example. This organization of unemployed was not only significant for its existence in the face of poverty, status disintegration, and a perceived sense of social worthlessness, but also for the tripartite ideology its members employed. Unemployed workers in New Zealand combined the identity politics of race and gender with a class-based critique of society to demand “the right to work and a living wage for all.”

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Bushman, Brad J., and Kevin M. Collier. "Who should be on the $10 and $20 bills? Preferences based on gender, sexism, race, racism, political affiliation, and political ideology." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 48, no. 6 (June 2018): 339–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jasp.12527.

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Cech, Erin A. "Rugged Meritocratists: The Role of Overt Bias and the Meritocratic Ideology in Trump Supporters’ Opposition to Social Justice Efforts." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 3 (January 1, 2017): 237802311771239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117712395.

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Opposition to social justice efforts plays a key role in reproducing social inequalities in the United States. Focusing on supporters of Donald Trump as a possible exemplar of politically structured resistance to these efforts, the author asks whether and why Trump supporters are more likely than other Americans to oppose social justice efforts. Analysis of a proportionally representative, postelection survey ( n = 1,151) reveals that Trump supporters are indeed more opposed to social justice efforts. They also express greater overt race, class, and gender bias, yet this bias does not explain their opposition. Rather, many Trump supporters are “rugged meritocratists” who oppose these efforts because they believe U.S. society is already fair. To expand support for social justice efforts, rugged meritocratists must first be convinced that systemic inequalities still exist.

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de los Reyes, Eileen. "Afterword: Narratives of Possibility and Impossibility: What Unites Us and What Separates Us." Harvard Educational Review 67, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 796–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.67.4.h7728w4716467703.

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As a feminist researcher, I adopt the posture described in this Symposium by Kathleen Weiler of "mov[ing] uneasily between historical narrative and a self-conscious analysis of texts" (p. 652). This self-conscious analysis requires the researcher to acknowledge and make part of the research her/his race, ethnicity, class, gender, beliefs, assumptions, and ideology. As feminist scientist Sandra Harding explains, the researcher "must be placed within the frame of the picture that she/he attempts to paint" (1987, p. 9). The inclusion of the researcher's biases and experiences relevant to the research is not meant to be a therapeutic or healing device for the researcher, but is included as part of the body of knowledge that the reader must have if she/he is to arrive at "a contrary hypothesis about the influence of the researcher's presence on her/his analysis" (Harding, 1987, p. 9). As I analyze the articles in this Symposium, it is essential for the reader to know what parts of my identity had an impact on my reading of these texts, individually and as a whole, and the ways in which my history and ideology help, hinder, and mediate my analysis.

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McLaughlin, Janet. "Classifying the “ideal migrant worker”." Focaal 2010, no. 57 (June 1, 2010): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2010.570106.

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This article analyzes the ideology and practice of multi-unit competition that pervades neoliberal subjectivities and produces the “ideal” flexible worker within contemporary global capitalism. It demonstrates how state and capitalist interests converge to influence the selection of the ideal transnational migrant worker, how prospective migrants adapt to these expectations, and the consequences of such enactments, particularly for migrants, but also for the societies in which they live and work. Multiple levels of actors—employers, state bureaucrats, and migrants themselves—collude in producing the flexible, subaltern citizen, which includes constructions and relations of class, race, gender, and nationality/citizenship. The case study focuses on Mexican and Jamaican participants in Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program, a managed migration program that legally employs circular migrant farmworkers from Mexico and several English-speaking Caribbean countries in Canadian agriculture.

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Vescio, Theresa K., and Nathaniel E. C. Schermerhorn. "Hegemonic masculinity predicts 2016 and 2020 voting and candidate evaluations." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 2 (January 4, 2021): e2020589118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2020589118.

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This work examined whether the endorsement of the culturally idealized form of masculinity—hegemonic masculinity (HM)—accounted for unique variance in men’s and women’s support for Donald Trump across seven studies (n = 2,007). Consistent with our theoretical backdrop, in the days (Studies 1 and 2) and months (Studies 3 through 6) following the 2016 American presidential election, women’s and men’s endorsement of HM predicted voting for and evaluations of Trump, over and above political party affiliation, gender, race, and education. These effects held when controlling for respondents’ trust in the government, in contrast to a populist explanation of support for Trump. In addition, as conceptualized, HM was associated with less trust in the government (Study 3), more sexism (Study 4), more racism (Study 5), and more xenophobia (Study 6) but continued to predict unique variance in evaluations of Trump when controlling for each of these factors. Whereas HM predicted evaluations of Trump, across studies, social and prejudiced attitudes predicted evaluations of his democratic challengers: Clinton in 2016 and Biden in 2020. We replicate the findings of Studies 1 through 6 using a nationally representative sample of the United States (Study 7) 50 days prior to the 2020 presidential election. The findings highlight the importance of psychological examinations of masculinity as a cultural ideology to understand how men’s and women’s endorsement of HM legitimizes patriarchal dominance and reinforces gender, race, and class-based hierarchies via candidate support.

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