Дисертації: "Public opinion"

1

Barnes, Latarcia R. "Public opinions of the courts| Does mass media influence public opinion?" Thesis, Capella University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3614483.

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The general public knows very little about the criminal justice system overall, which can result in an assorted, often negative, opinions of the criminal justice system. The public's confidence in the criminal justice system is imperative to the operation of the criminal justice system. Our criminal justice system relies on the participation from the community in order to work. One speculation as to why the public has a less than favorable opinion of the criminal justice system is that the system is viewed a mystery. The public has no idea how each component of the criminal justice system works because the majority of the public has had no direct contact with the criminal justice system. Most information obtained about the criminal justice system, the public gathered from what they hear and see from the media or from other people. Using secondary data from a national survey, this dissertation analyzed mass media, specifically TV news, newspapers, and TV judge programs, to determine these variables have an influence on the relationship of the courts and public opinion in the United States. This dissertation can be viewed as ground zero in terms of how the media began to influence the public's opinion of the criminal justice system, especially the court component. For this study, a quantitative approach using a descriptive survey design was used. It was determined that the respondents were not as influenced by mass media as anticipated. The findings of this study were more consistent with the international literature than domestic literature on this topic. This dissertation offers a better understanding of the connection between mass media, even without the more modern aspects of the media such as the internet, and the public's views of the courts. This dissertation presents valuable information for satisfaction with the courts and attitude toward the courts that has not been seen in the current literature on this subject. In conclusion, recommendations were provided offered to further advance the research in this area.

2

Vaughn, Justin Scott. "Presidential responsiveness to public opinion." [College Station, Tex. : Texas A&M University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2587.

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3

Klyve, Christoffer Ringnes. "Public opinion and international development." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29407.

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This thesis explores public attitudes towards international development cooperation. Noting the lack of previous academic treatment of this particular topic, it includes an overview of available polling data on relevant questions, followed by a review of more general literature pertaining to public opinion towards foreign policy, as a macro-level concept. Finding the macro-level perspective insufficient, the thesis then explores one particular model for understanding public opinion on the individual level. The final chapter discusses in some detail how one particular form of development assistance---child sponsorship---might influence public opinion. Claims that child sponsorship necessarily has detrimental effects on public opinion are found to have little foundation in either empirical studies or relevant theory. Conclusive statements concerning any effect child sponsorship might have on public opinion are not made, but the thesis does argue that public opinion towards development assistance can, under certain conditions, be considered reasonable.

4

Koch, Nadine S. "Perceptions of public opinion polls /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487261919112441.

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5

Cannon, Bart Joseph. "Public Opinion and State Policy." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625688.

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6

Wyckoff, Christopher A. "The constraining dynamics of public opinion." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FWyckoff.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Jeffrey Knopf. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-146). Also available in print.

7

Mayer, Michael Allan. "Canadian public opinion and free trade." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28161.

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This thesis begins with a review of the elite debate over free trade with the United States. It then uses a three-fold theoretical framework to formulate predictions of how mass opinion should line up. It then analyzes public opinion data on free trade through the use of crosstabulations. Using a theory of changing exposure to international trade upon domestic political cleavages formulated by Ronald Rogowski, it predicts that labour will oppose free trade because it is a scarce factor of production, and capital will support it because it is an abundant factor of production. It next uses work by, among others, W.A. Mackintosh to predict that respondents in the "industrial heartland" regions of Canada--Quebec and Ontario--will oppose free trade because it threatens to remove the protective tariff that rewards import replacement industries concentrated in those two regions. In contrast, residents of the "resource extracting and processing hinterland" regions—British Columbia, the Prairies and the Atlantic—will, on balance, support free trade because it promises to improve their export performance. The thesis then predicts that women and lower income Canadians will oppose free trade. Women because many of the services that they consume—health and day care, for example—will become more difficult to obtain under a free trade regime. Women will also oppose free trade because it may be threaten the service sector jobs that many women now hold. Lower income Canadians should oppose free trade because of the possible deleterious effects greater reliance on the market to allocate social services could have on poorer Canadians. Finally, the thesis predicts that better-educated Canadians will oppose free trade because it threatens one of the "core-values" of Canadian society: independence from the United States. Data analysis reveals, however, that opinion is remarkably balanced. For example, the difference between union and non-union respondents is only five percent. Regionally, the largest differences in support for free trade is between British Columbia and Ontario, but it amounts to little more than a twenty percent difference. Women are slightly more likely to oppose free trade than men; income appears to play little role in the formation of opinion on free trade. Last, differences in opinion between articulate and less well educated Canadians also appears to be insignificant.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

8

Stecula, Dominik. "Public opinion and democracy in Poland." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=110693.

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If representation is one of the most important aspects of representative democracy, then a precondition for representation is a rational public. Without a public that holds rational and stable policy preferences, there would be nothing for elected officials to represent. The public opinion and representation literature has so far focused mainly on developed Western democracies, finding not only rational public opinion, but also a fair amount of representation. Post-communist literature, on the other hand, focuses very little on aggregate public opinion and representation and offers mixed conclusions. Following the footsteps of Page & Shapiro (1992), the focus of this thesis is an analysis of aggregate Polish public opinion using an original dataset of public opinion encompassing the years 1981-2011. Additionally, a brief analysis of representation is conducted, utilizing long-term trends in policy preferences among Poles. The findings are presented not only in light of current debates in the post-communist and public opinion and representation literatures, but also within the broader debates about democracy.
Si la représentation politique est l'un des aspects les plus importants de la démocratie représentative, un prérequis pour la représentation est un électorat rationnel. Sans opinion publique qui dicte des préférences politiques raisonnables et stables, les élus n'auraient rien à représenter. La littérature sur l'opinion publique et sur la représentation politique s'est jusqu'ici concentrée sur les pays développés et occidentaux, trouvant non seulement une opinion publique rationnelle mais aussi un niveau de représentation appréciable. D'un autre côté, la littérature postcommuniste aborde très peu les thèmes de l'opinion publique et de la représentation politique de façon agrégée et elle aboutit à des conclusions partagées. Le point central de cette thèse consiste en une analyse agrégée de l'opinion publique polonaise suivant la démarche de Page & Shapiro (1992) et utilisant une base de données d'opinion publique originale englobant les années 1981-2011. De plus, une courte analyse de la représentation est réalisée, utilisant les tendances à long terme en ce qui concerne les préférences des politiques chez les Polonais. Les résultats sont présentés dans la foulée des débats actuels de la littérature postcommuniste, de l'opinion publique et de la représentation politique, mais aussi dans les débats plus larges sur la démocratie.

9

Urity, Mounica. "DOMESTIC SURVEILLANCE: EDUCATION AND PUBLIC OPINION." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613754.

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In 2013, Edward Snowden revealed thousands of classified documents that revealed a mass surveillance program run by the United States’ National Security Agency. The most shocking detail in the leak is that the United States government spies on its own citizens and collects terabytes of data every day. In the three years since the Snowden revelations, the media has covered these programs constantly. In addition, many civil rights groups have protested the surveillance programs saying they are unconstitutional and are flagrant privacy violations. However, much of the general public does not understand the programs or how they are affected by surveillance. This paper will investigate how much people know about surveillance programs, if they are concerned about their online privacy, and see if there is a relationship between the two.

10

Hoffman, Lindsay Helene. "Public opinion in context a multilevel model of media effects on perceptions of public opinion and political behavior /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1186670126.

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11

VISCONTI, FRANCESCO. "The legislative representation of public opinion priorities. A study of Italian parties, governments, and public opinion policy agendas." Doctoral thesis, Università di Siena, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11365/1012348.

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The objective of this dissertation is to offer a study of dynamic agenda representation for the Italian case that looks at how parties and governments structure their policy agendas. In doing so, it attempts to address the academic gap affecting studies of Italian policy representation that put in relation public opinion priorities with the policy agenda of decision-makers. The theoretical framework argues that political actors have an incentive to represent not only the policy preferences of citizens but also their priorities. One of the available ways to do so consists in prioritising legislation covering policy areas deemed important by citizens. The research also investigates parallel issues: first, it provides an analysis of the dynamics of policy agendas of parties and governments from the 10th to the 16th legislature; secondly, it evaluates political equality in policy representation, addressing whether different Italian publics do exist and if some sub-groups attracts more attention from policy-makers. The analyses reveal that ideology and public opinion are associated with changes in the structure of legislative agendas of parties and governments. In the years investigated a persistent link between the agenda of the public and the prioritisation of legislation by Italian MPs, parties, and government emerged.

12

Cover, Oliver. "Political corruption, public opinion and citizens' behaviour." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2c48400-e400-46b2-814a-a68b998179a6.

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This thesis involves the examination, using sophisticated statistical techniques, of whether political corruption measured at the national level, and individual level perceived corruption, can help explain a) levels and forms of political participation, and b) directions of partisanship and vote choice. It proposes that corruption creates conditions of distrust and disaffection towards political institutions and actors that has behavioural and partisan consequences. It finds that perceived corruption has limited influence: dampening turnout, although having only weak effects on extrainstitutional behaviour and on party support. Yet national level corruption is found to have highly salient contextual effects. It dampens turnout and induces higher levels of extra-institutional participation where corruption is particularly high, and particularly low, owed to citizen disillusionment in the former case, and elite responsiveness in the latter. Some nuanced theoretical explanations for the prowess of contextual effects over individual level effects, relating to the ability of contextual effects to entrench participatory forms, are offered. The same theme is analysed in regard to a British case study, and specialist data yields consistent results regarding perceived corruption. Important effects relating to perceptions of broader standards of public life determining party support in the UK are also found. The thesis also addresses two other themes. By examining the nature of perceived corruption in the UK, it finds that citizens display significant attitudinal sophistication. They are well able to differentiate corruption from other impropriety, and develop their perceptions of corruption more from consideration of institutional performance than from engrained orientations produced by processes of socialisation. Second, the thesis provides discussion of the intellectual challenge of defining and measuring corruption, shedding light on the limits, as well as the potential, of applying quantitative techniques to such a complex field of study.

13

Sakkas, John. "British public opinion and Greece, 1944-1949." Thesis, University of Hull, 1992. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11246.

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14

Mobbs, Timothy Robert Donald Hardingham. "Public opinion, social stability and local democracy." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.293336.

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15

Baderin, Alice. "Political theory, public opinion and real politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.

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If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constraint; a means of democratizing political theory; or constitutive of moral and political ideals. I defend the epistemic argument, outlining two forms in which popular attitudes represent a valuable epistemic resource. The thesis criticizes the feasibility and democratic accounts of the role of public opinion as these are presented in the existing literature, but suggests more convincing ways of reconstructing these arguments. Finally, I reject the view that public opinion constitutes the ideal of justice, arguing that such an account is subject to a fundamental tension. As well as clarifying the status of popular attitudes, the thesis addresses the methodological difficulties that arise when we seek to bring public opinion to bear on ideas from political theory, whose meaning and status in everyday political thought and discourse is often limited or uncertain. I outline two approaches to integrating normative theory with the investigation of popular attitudes that mitigate the methodological problems that often confront such projects. The second major aim is to situate the question of the role of public opinion in the context of wider debates about the aims and methods of contemporary political theory. In particular, I address recent demands for greater ‘realism’ in political theory, distinguishing two main strands of realist critique and drawing out their contrasting implications for the role of public opinion.

16

Saksena, Mita. "Framing Infectious Diseases and U.S. Public Opinion." FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/516.

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The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames. The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion. Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.

17

Merola, Vittorio E. "Essays on Economic Inequality and Public Opinion." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1468944429.

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18

Cicek, Edvin. "Framing the public opinion on military conflict." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10140.

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In many cases, an effective method used by political elites to influence public opinion is throughframing strategies. The use of frames by political elites has the power to change the opinion of agreat mass of people. On October 9, 2019, Turkey launched the military operation Peace Spring.Despite being criticized internationally, the Turkish president managed through framing of theoperation, gaining public approval in its domestic sphere. The purpose of this article is to analysehow president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan frames Operation Peace Spring through Twitter as primarysource. The results show that Erdoğan uses a complex framing that contains several recurringsegments that build on each other and enhances the overall effect.

19

Anthony, Brian S. "On public opinion in time of war." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FAnthony.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Information Warfare Systems Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Arquilla, John. Second Reader: Iatrou, Steve. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Weapons of mass distruction, NES National Election Studies, public opinion, Vietnam war, Iraq war, President Johnson, Presisent Bush. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-94). Also available in print.

20

Vrânceanu, Alina. "Political parties' position and public opinion on immigration." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666993.

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This PhD dissertation is interested in the mass-elite linkages in the context of the immigration issue. It examines, on the one hand, factors likely to influence party responsiveness to public opinion (bottom-up connection) and, on the other hand, the impact of party stances and policies on public preferences in this policy area (top-down connection). Two chapters are dedicated to analysing the bottom-up process. Here, I examine to what extent party characteristics and party system features influence the responsiveness of parties to public opinion on immigration. The third chapter analyses the degree to which individual attitudes toward immigration are influenced by party positions and by immigration policies and policy outcomes (top-down process). The results indicate that parties do not track changes over time in the preferences of their party supporters. There is weak evidence that mainstream parties and parties with low distinctiveness in their immigration-emphasis profile are more sensitive to temporal changes in the mean voter's preferences. In addition, mainstream parties tend to be more responsive to changes in public opinion and in the objective migration context when they face a strong radical right party. Finally, there is evidence of weak but predictable impacts of party positions and immigration policies on individual attitudes toward immigration.
Esta tesis doctoral se centra en la conexión entre ciudadanos y elites en el tema de la inmigración. Esa cxamina, por un lado, factorcs que pueden influir en la reccptividad dc los partidos políticos hacia la opinión pública sobre el terna dc la inmigración (conexión bottom-up) y, por otro lado, el impacto dc los posicionamientos de Ios partidos políticos y de las políticas en materia de inmigración sobre las prefercncias de los ciudadanos en esta área (conexión top-down). Dos capítulos de la tesis se dedican al análisis del proceso bottom-up. Aquí, examino la medida en que las características de los partidos y de los sistemas de partidos influyen en la receptividad de los partidos políticos hacia la opinión pública sobre la inmigración. El tercer capítulo analiza la medida en que las actitudes individuales hacia la inmigración están influenciadas por los posicionamientos de los partidos políticos y por las políticas en temas de inmigración y sus resultados. Los resultados de los análisis empíricos sugieren que los partidos no son receptivos hacia los cambios a lo largo del tiempo en las preferencias de sus simpatizantes. Hay alguna evidencia, aunque débil, que los partidos 'mainstream' y los que tienen baja especificidad en términos de énfasis sobre temas de inmigración son más sensibles a los cambios temporales en las preferencias del votante mediano. Asimismo, los partidos 'mainstream' son más receptivos hacia los cambios en la opinión pública y en el contexto migratorio cuando compiten en contra de un partido fuerte de derecha radical. Finalmente, hay evidencia de impactos débiles pero predictibles de los posicionamientos de los partidos políticos y de las políticas en temas de inmigración sobre las actitudes de los ciudadanos hacia la inmigración.

21

Abughazzi, Aysha. "Translation and public opinion: The press in Jordan." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/29277.

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My thesis explores the reflexive and constructive roles of translation in the press, epitomized through studying translation in the press in Jordan since 1989, a year marked for democratization in Jordan. The body of translated texts, mainly 'meta-news' as exhibited in the Jordanian newspapers constitutes defined political 'discourse' that is designed to form particular collective identities and institutional effects perpetuated through regulated discursive strategies. As an ideological apparatus, the media system responds to and reflects its environment. In Jordan's quasi-democratic political environment and under the weak economic infrastructure of the press, articles imported from foreign media constitute a pivotal medium for regulating access to information and harnessing the process of opinion-formation. Most specifically, translation contributes to moulding and maintaining a more balanced 'glocalized' viewpoint of world events, a liaison and compromise to the tension between the dominant Western media discourse and the domestic value systems. This mediated 'in-between' alterity enables the press to accelerate social development through negotiating public agendas and setting platforms for dialogue and debate in the public sphere. Strategies of text selection and exclusion are determined by journalistic news values as well as by domestic ideological frameworks. Examination of the dynamics of translation behaviour in the press raises fundamental questions concerning the dialectical relationship involving the media institution, the translator, and the audience. Within a marketing perspective in modern press institutions, the implicit notions that translators form of the audience as a collective entity, are emphasized as key factors that affect the logistics of text production and translation decisions. The translator in the media setting sees her/himself as a prototypical representative of the community s/he belongs to. Studying the complex impact of geopolitical, macro-economic, demographic and socio-cultural forces on translation strategies can help anchor a more profound understanding of the nature of both the media outcome and readership. Finally, the corpus of the press emerges as a rich ground for multi-layered scholarly research that incorporates journalistic values and ethics---that are exclusively pertinent to the print media---into Translation Studies.

22

Grossback, Lawrence James. "Public opinion and the process of democratic responsiveness /." Diss., ON-CAMPUS Access For University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Click on "Connect to Digital Dissertations", 2000. http://www.lib.umn.edu/articles/proquest.phtml.

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23

Webb, Christina Michelle. "Green Building: Public Opinion, Semantics, and Heuristic Processing." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3176.

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Research on public support for green building has, to date, been incomplete. Understanding the demographics of individuals that support green building has remained secondary to merely determining real opinions on the topic. The identity of supporters and the motivation behind their support is the focus of this research. Specifically, is support for green building dependent on the way in which the issue is framed? This research aims to focus on those that are spreading the message about green building, industry experts, and the mass public. By exposing how green building experts talk about the issue, we may begin to understand why public support for green building has yet to reach the kind of mainstream acceptance other planning and design techniques have,such as New Urbanism. I predict that green building experts perceived low levels of public awareness, with the exception of those within the Northwest region, which I believ will perceive higher levels of awareness. In addition, I assume that industry experts will be most focused on energy efficiency as a primary concept of green building. As for the public, I hypothesize that those aware of green building and individuals age 50 and older will be more likely to support green building. With the introduction of source cues, I expect that support for green building will decrease when respondents received either an environmentalism cue or a government program cue. Using survey instruments, I was able to determine that all green building experts perceive public awareness as low and do, in fact, focus their efforts on energy efficiency. With regards to the public, support was highest among those that are aware, as well as those age 50 and older. In addition, insertion of source cues decreased support for green building, with the government program source cue providing the lowest levels of support for green building.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

24

Craik, David. "US presidents and public opinion : the Carter presidency." Thesis, Keele University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417844.

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25

CARVALHO, DANIEL RIBEIRO DE SOUZA. "ACCESS TO INFORMATION, PUBLIC OPINION AND POLITICAL INCENTIVES." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=5200@1.

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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
Neste trabalho é desenvolvida uma teoria sobre como a opinião pública influencia as decisões de política econômica implementadas por governantes em uma economia. Mostra-se que a distribuição na população do acesso à informação a respeito das decisões dos governantes pode ter grande impacto sobre a forma como a opinião pública influencia essas decisões. Busca-se assim explicar como diferenças na maneira pela qual a informação a respeito das decisões dos governantes é difundida na população de uma economia podem gerar importantes mudanças nas decisões de política econômica nela implementadas. A análise é apresentada a partir de um modelo de career concern onde governantes tomam decisões de política econômica envolvendo um conflito de interesses entre grupos que observam imperfeitamente suas decisões. Os resultados obtidos permitem explicar o fato aparentemente contraditório de determinados países da América Latina apresentarem simultaneamente um favorecimento arraigado de grupos abastados por parte da estrutura de gastos públicos e uma alta incerteza associada às decisões de política econômica. Eles também permitem se propor um canal explicando como a distribuição do acesso à informação sobre os governantes pode reduzir a taxa de crescimento de uma economia e assim limitar seu desenvolvimento. Ressalta-se então a importância das instituições políticas e do comportamento da imprensa para países em desenvolvimento.
A theory explaining how public opinion may impact the choice of economic policies made by incumbents is developed in this work. Mentioned impact it s shown to be influenced in important ways by the distribution of access to information about incumbent s choices in the population. Thus, the importance of that distribution for economic policies chosen by politicians in an economy is highlighted. The analysis is based on a career concern model where incumbents choose an economic policy involving conflicting interests among voters who are imperfectly informed about their decisions. Based on the obtained results, an explanation for a fact observed in many Latin American countries it s provided. In those countries, although wealthier groups of society are systematically favored by governmental spending, there is a high degree of uncertainty associated with economic policies chosen by governments. A mechanism explaining how the distribution of access to information about incumbent s choices can hinder economic growth and development in an economy is also presented. The analysis suggests that media behavior and the design of political institutions are important factors for the economic development of developing countries.

26

Swart, Charl. "Public opinion on land reform in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4377.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in 2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and Comparative Politics in 2007. This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform, with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject it. The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land reform. From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007, asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en Vergelykende Politiek (CICP). Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal, politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie. Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor grondhervorming. Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid- Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam, botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor grondhervorming.

27

Gwon, Misook. "Measuring and Understanding Public Opinion on Human Evolution." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1353342586.

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28

JABBARI, BEHZAD J. "EXPERIMENTS IN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH ON THE INTERNET." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1123627488.

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29

Akor, Ambrose. "The media, public opinion and British foreign policy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.

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Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.

30

Moser, Celeste Laurana. "Public opinion and public engagement with genetically modified foods : a qualitative study." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4279.

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The purpose of the current study was to understand public opinion formation by determining what factors influence opinion leaders in the organic food community to engage in the genetically modified food debate, and how opinion leaders describe American lay publics' engagement in the debate.

31

Gabler, Melissa J. "Opinion consistency revisited, the new paradigm of public opinion and its implications for democratic governance." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0025/MQ40413.pdf.

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32

Boyadjian, Julien. "Analyser les opinions politiques sur internet : Enjeux théoriques et défis méthodologiques." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014MON10016.

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Les milliers de messages publiés quotidiennement sur internet constituent autant d'indices de pratiques, d'attitudes et d'opinions exprimées sur de nombreux sujets, dont la politique. Ces messages peuvent être appréhendés comme un véritable matériau d'analyse du monde social. Ils présentent néanmoins une certaine spécificité par rapport à d'autres types de données : ils ne sont pas générés par et pour un protocole de recherche. De ce fait, le chercheur ignore bien souvent les propriétés sociologiques de leurs auteurs. Afin de pouvoir situer ces auteurs dans le monde social « réel », nous avons construit notre propre dispositif méthodologique de panélisation d'une population d'inscrits au réseau social Twitter. Les données générées par notre dispositif nous ont permis d'observer que, bien que politisés et dotés en capitaux culturels, les individus publiant des messages politiques ne le font que de façon très intermittente. Le niveau de production de messages politiques sur Twitter est en fait corrélé au niveau d'activité du champ de production de l'information et de l'opinion. On peut donc appréhender Twitter comme un observatoire du marché des opinions politiques
Thousands of texts daily published on the Internet indicate practices, attitudes and opinions on plenty of issues, politics included. They can be considered a real material to analyze the social world. These digital texts are quite specific, with regard to other types of data: they are not generated by and for a research protocol. Therefore, the researcher ignores the sociological properties of their authors. In order to identify these authors in the real social world, I built my own methodological plans to panelize the members of the social network Twitter. The data generated by my method support the following idea : the individuals who publish political texts are politicized and have high cultural capital. Besides, they only do so on an occasional basis. The level of production of political tweets is in fact correlated to the level of activity of the field of production of information and opinion. Twitter can therefore be considered a monitoring tool of the political opinion market

33

Drake, Jessica Noelle-Neumann Elisabeth. "Spiral of silence, public opinion and the Iraq War : factors influencing one's willingness to express their opinion /." Online version of thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/8637.

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34

Ragland, Ruth Ann Vaughan. "Linkages between the Texas Supreme Court and Public Opinion." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278024/.

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This investigation sought to identify linkages between the Texas Supreme Court and public opinion through 1) a matching of written decisions with scientifically conducted public opinion polls; 2) direct mention of public opinion and its synonyms in Texas justices' decisions; 3) comparison of these mentions over time; and 4) comparison of 10 personal attributes of justices with matched decisions. The study moved the unit of analysis from the U.S. Supreme Court to the state court level by using classification schemes and attribute models previously applied to the U.S. Supreme Court. It determined that linkages exist between the Texas Supreme Court's written decisions and public opinion from 1978 to July 1994.

35

Liegel, Roy 1940. "Paradigms of experiencing the new in Pacific voyages and explorations." Monash University, German Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9156.

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36

Schroeder, Janice Elaine. "Reproducing literary subjectivities, victorian life-writing and public opinion." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq22553.pdf.

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37

Dugan, Joni Mari. "Assessing public opinion toward homelessness in the United States." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2007. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=5076.

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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2007.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 62 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-62).

38

Brooke, Rebecca. "Causal explanations, media effects, and public opinion on obesity." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28259.

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A public debate about obesity has emerged in America since this pressing public health issue moved into the political arena. Using survey data, this study showed that attitudes about the causes of obesity, or causal explanations, are central in individuals‘ decision-making on this topic. Public support for the different causal explanations was not influenced by media frames, but rather, public opinion on the causes of obesity is congruent with prominent political values in media coverage. Specifically, an increase in conservative values in media coverage of obesity likely contributed to the public sentiment that ones lifestyle causes obesity. It is suitable to think of the obesity debate in terms of competing causal explanations.

39

Banister, Julia Alyson. "Military masculinity and public opinion in the eighteenth century." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.538957.

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40

Fast, Stewart. "Public Opinion and Communicative Action Around Renewable Energy Projects." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/24297.

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This thesis investigates how rural communities negotiate the development of renewable energy projects. Public and local community acceptance of these new technologies in rural areas around the world is uncertain and spatially uneven and represents an area of emerging public policy interest and one where scholarly theory is rapidly developing. This thesis uses Habermasian concepts of public sphere, communicative action and deliberative democracy, as well as the concept of “wicked problems” from the planning studies literature combined with geographical concepts of place and scale to advance theoretical and empirical understanding of how public opinion on renewable energy technologies is formed in place. It documents energy use patterns, attitudes and sociopolitical relations at a time when considerable state and business efforts are directed at the construction of solar, wind, biomass and small-hydro technologies in rural regions. These concepts and theories are applied in a case study of rural communities in the Eastern Ontario Highlands, an impoverished area undergoing rapid restructuring driven by centralization of services and amenity migration but with abundant natural resources in form of forests, numerous waterways and open space which have attracted a broad range of new energy developments. Overall high levels of support for alternative energy development particularly for solar power were found, albeit for reasons of local energy security and not for reasons of preventing climate change. There was some evidence that seasonal residents are less supportive of hydro and biomass projects than permanent residents possibly reflecting broader trends in rural economies away from productive uses of land to consumptive appreciation of rural landscapes. The thesis suggests that collective action to advance energy projects in the case study area require agreement along three world-claims (truth, rightness and truthfulness) and that communication leading to discourse which uncovers hitherto hidden reasons for action is possible. These findings offer rare empirical evidence of the predictions of deliberative democratic theory in environmental planning settings. However, multiple barriers to communicative action were also identified and there is evidence that the state’s reliance on market incentives may have long term costs in terms of diminished public reasoning around renewable energy.

41

Thompson, James. "The idea of 'public opinion' in Britain 1870-1914." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621645.

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42

Mpule, Keneilwe P. "Traditional leadership, democratic authority and public opinion in Botswana." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11447.

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Renewed scholarly interest on chieftaincy hardly pays attention to the interaction between traditional leadership and modern democratic citizens. It is the state-chieftaincy relationship that has dominated much of the current research on traditional leadership in modern Africa. Even work that has been done on traditional leadership and the modern democratic state is mostly qualitative and speculative. This has led to the field being flooded by mostly qualitative and speculative assumptions on traditional rule. Botswana has not been immune to this anomaly. By employing public opinion data from the Afrobarometer surveys of 1999, 2003, 2005 and 2008, the study hopes to contribute towards the limited empirical research on traditional leaders, particularly in Botswana, which will make a valuable contribution to a more profound and grounded picture of traditional leadership in an era of heightened democratization resulting from economic development and modernization.

43

Sporn, Henry Carleton University Dissertation Journalism. "Public opinion; the case for a quality Ottawa daily." Ottawa, 1992.

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44

Downey, Keith Michael. "What factors impact public opinion on federal government spending?" Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/449219919/viewonline.

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45

Van, Slyke Shanna. "Social identification and public opinion on white-collar crime." Tallahassee, Florida : Florida State University, 2009. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-10272009-160114/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2009.
Advisor: Thomas G. Blomberg, Florida State University, College of Criminology and Criminal Justice. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed on Mar. 11, 2010). Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 133 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

46

Gracey, Kellen J. "The macro polity and public opinion in religious context." Diss., University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5762.

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How does religion influence politics in the United States? Religion and politics are intertwined because individual citizens often use their religious background to inform their political decisions. Scholars have studied how which religious group a person belongs to, how often they participate in religious activities, and how the strength of religious beliefs all shape political attitudes and opinions. Most research in this area, however, has been limited to examining religion of the individual, rather than religion of place. An overlooked aspect of the religion-politics link is the impact of the religious environment all around us, or the blending and mixing of religious groups in our communities. The American religious landscape has changed quite a bit over the past several decades, and politics has changed with it. This study introduces a new way to measure religious affiliation of state populations, and examines its role in shaping how Americans view politics. The religious makeup of the state a person lives in has a direct effect on which party Americans prefer, Americans’ leanings toward liberal or conservative ideologies, and on public opinion across a wide variety of issues. Both the overall religious diversity, and conflict between religious-conservative and secular-liberal groups play an important role in how people view politics, growing in importance over the past three decades.

47

Sandeen, Peggy Jo Ann. "Public Opinion and the Oregon Death with Dignity Act." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1015.

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Oregon voters legalized physician-assisted death in 1997 by passing the Oregon Death with Dignity Act. This law allowed terminally ill, mentally competent adult residents of the state to legally obtain a physician's prescription to hasten death under narrow sets of circumstances. The purpose of this study was twofold: to examine contemporary patterns of support for the law in Oregon and to explore how opinions have changed over time on the issue. This study examined patterns of public support among a random sample of registered Oregon voters for the state's death with dignity law, using a mixed mode (mail, online, and phone) cross-sectional survey (n = 442). The findings indicate a pattern of growing support with potential Oregon voters split 80%-20% on the issue, a substantial increase from the 60%-40% approval margin at the ballot box in 1997. Various demographic variables, as well as attitudinal factors, were explored in building a binary logistic regression model predicting probability of support. Frequency of church attendance, views about physician participation in the process, and opinions about Death with Dignity as an individual right were significant predictors of support. Frequent churchgoers, regardless of denomination or religious tradition, were nearly five times more likely to oppose Death with Dignity than support it, holding all other variables constant. While the findings indicate a pattern of growth in support over the past 15 years, they indicate also a stability of opinion, with few individuals indicating they had changed their opinions about the issue since the first time they encountered it.

48

Bly, Theresa. "Impact of public perception on US national policy : a study of media influence in military and government decision making /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02sep%5FBly.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Information Systems and Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Steven J. Iatrou, Anthony Pratkanis. Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-144). Also available online.

49

Kobes, Shannon K. "Analysis of victim and perpetrator blame in incident reports depicting sexual assault." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1318619.

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The relationship between blame attribution, characterological and behavioral blame, and rape and prostitution myth acceptance was investigated. After reviewing an incident report of a sexual assault in which the victim was portrayed as either a prostitute, bank teller, or nun, 291 college-aged participants rated their level of agreement with rape myths and prostitution myths. They also assigned blame to the victim and/or perpetrator of the sexual assault. Results indicated that as rape and prostitution myth acceptance increased, victim blame increased and perpetrator blame decreased. Participants tended to blame the victimized prostitute more for the assault than the victimized bank teller and nun; similarly, participants tended to blame the perpetrator of the nun and bank teller more than the perpetrator of the prostitute. Gender differences in rape and prostitution myth acceptance and blaming attributions were also investigated. The findings are congruent with previous research on rape myth acceptance and blame.
Department of Psychological Science

50

Cato, John Carson. "Environmental public policy: An analysis of public opinion and environmental legislation in North Carolina." ScholarWorks, 1995. http://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dilley/2.

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The research was designed to give additional insight into the public policy process. Specifically, the focus of the study was on environmental public policy and the assumed relationship between public opinion on environmental issues and environmental legislation. A secondary emphasis of the research was to review environmental quality and consider the environmental quality as a function of legislative and regulatory impact. The study was restricted to the state of North Carolina and used a public opinion survey, legislative record review, and environmental quality data as the primary indicators. The results of the study showed that (a) citizens in North Carolina have a high degree of concern and personal responsibility for environmental issues, (b) a significant volume of environmental legislation is introduced and ratified in the state's General Assembly, and (c) the state's environmental quality has improved or held its level of quality over the past 5 to 20 years. The conclusions and directions for future inquiry should be of benefit to students of the public policy process, politicians, regulatory agencies, and environmental advocacy groups. Public opinion on environmental issues appears to be reflected in the introduction and ratification of environmental legislation. The relationship between public opinion and environmental legislation has been examined and the impact of the environmental legislation analyzed from the perspective of the state's environmental resources.

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