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1
Wahrman, Dror. "“Middle-Class” Domesticity Goes Public: Gender, Class, and Politics from Queen Caroline to Queen Victoria." Journal of British Studies 32, no. 4 (October 1993): 396–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386041.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In early 1831, the novelist Edward Bulwer-Lytton contributed a comparative essay to the Edinburgh Review on “the spirit of society” in England and France. A key issue for discussion, of course, was that of fashion. “Our fashion,” stated Bulwer-Lytton, “may indeed be considered the aggregate of the opinions of our women.” The fundamental dichotomy which ran through these pages was that between public and private: “the proper sphere of woman,” Bulwer-Lytton continued, “is private life, and the proper limit to her virtues, the private affections.” And in antithesis to the aggregate opinions of “the domestic class of women”—in his view, the only virtuous kind of women—which constituted fashion, stood “public opinion”; that exclusive masculine realm, that should remain free of “feminine influence.”Some two years later, in his two-volume England and the English, Bulwer-Lytton restated the antithesis between fashion and public opinion, both repeating his earlier formulation and at the same time significantly modifying it. By 1833, his definitions of fashion and opinion ran as follows: “The middle classes interest themselves in grave matters: the aggregate of their sentiments is called OPINION. The great interest themselves in frivolities, and the aggregate of their sentiments is termed FASHION.” Here, Bulwer-Lytton no longer designated fashion as the aggregate of the opinions of women but, instead, as the aggregate of the opinions of the upper classes; and public opinion was no longer the domain of men but, instead, the aggregate of the opinions of the “middle class.”
2
Hill, David. "Public opinion in Victoria about the dangers of passive smoking." Medical Journal of Australia 144, no. 11 (May 1986): 615–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1986.tb112334.x.
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3
Warner, Kate, Julia Davis, Caroline Spiranovic, Helen Cockburn, and Arie Freiberg. "Measuring jurors’ views on sentencing: Results from the second Australian jury sentencing study." Punishment & Society 19, no. 2 (August 1, 2016): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474516660697.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper presents the results of the Victorian Jury Sentencing Study which aimed to measure jurors’ views on sentencing. The study asked jurors who had returned a guilty verdict to propose a sentence for the offender, to comment on the sentence given by the judge in their case and to give their opinions on general sentencing levels for different offence types. A total of 987 jurors from 124 criminal trials in the County Court of Victoria participated in this mixed-method and multi-phased study in 2013–2015. The results are based on juror responses to the Stage One and Stage Two surveys and show that the views of judges and jurors are much more closely aligned than mass public opinion surveys would suggest.
4
Magallón-Rosa, Raúl. "The forbidden opinion polls of the Spanish Transition. Access to public information and Digital History." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 2 (January 17, 2019): 019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.019.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The goal of this research is to analyse the role played by social media, the periodicals library and access to public information when revisiting collective memory on the Spanish Transition. The analysis is carried out based on an unpublished interview to Adolfo Suarez in 1995. During the interview, and off-the-record, former Spanish president Adolfo Suarez confessed to journalist Victoria Prego that the monarchy was not subjected to referendum because the opinion polls suggested they would lose. Those statements came to light 20 years later, after a special TV program broadcast by La Sexta Columna that turned Adolfo Suarez into a trending topic for several days. Between 1955 and 1972 at least six opinion polls were carried out - perfectly documented and censored or silenced at the time - asking Spaniards about their preferences on the best government system for Spain.
5
Swerissen, Hal, and Linda Tilgner. "Development and Validation of the Primary Care Consumer Opinion Survey." Australian Journal of Primary Health 7, no. 1 (2001): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py01005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Using past measures of consumer feedback, the aim of the present study was to construct a consumer opinion survey for use in community health centre settings; to pilot the survey instrument across a number of community health centres; and to validate the instrument. A total of 950 consumers attending one of six targeted services (physiotherapy, dental, podiatry, counselling/social work, dietetics, and speech pathology) across four northern metropolitan community health centres in Victoria were invited to participate. Returned surveys were analysed using principal component analysis and the extracted scales were tested for internal consistency and validity. Out of the 950 surveys distributed 471 were returned (response rate of 50%). The survey instrument was found to measure consumer opinion regarding satisfaction with centre environment and satisfaction with service provision. The centre environment scale consisted of one factor, with a Cronbach alpha of .80. The service provision scale consisted of two factors: 'aspects of the service provider' and 'benefits of the visit'. Reliability for the total scale was .93. The two scales correlated moderately with a validity item measuring overall satisfaction. The Primary Health Care Consumer Opinion Survey is a reliable and valid measure, which provides the potential for the establishment of norms to assess consumer opinion.
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Biles, David, and Vicki Dalton. "Deaths in Private and Public Prisons in Australia: A Comparative Analysis." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 34, no. 3 (December 2001): 293–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486580103400306.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Public opinion in Australia has been divided on the question of whether private prisons are welcome and one of the issues in dispute has been the question of whether or not private prisons are associated with proportionately more or fewer deaths of prisoners, particularly suicides, than public prisons. The available evidence is examined, and when the number of deaths, or suicides, per 1000 prisoner years served for all private and public prisons are calculated it is found that the rate for all deaths is significantly lower in private prisons at the 0.05 level of confidence. However, the difference in the suicide rates is not statistically significant.The lower overall death rate is particularly surprising as private prisons in Australia hold proportionately more unconvicted remandees,who are at higher risk, than public prisons. A close examination of the data for three relatively new remand and reception prisons, two private and one public, shows that all have much higher rates for both all deaths and for suicides than the national averages. This is an updated and expanded version of a paper by the same authors published by the Australian Institute of Criminology in June 1999. That paper was admitted into evidence at a coronial inquiry that was held into five deaths that occurred in the Port Phillip Prison in Victoria. Address for correspondence: D. Biles, 25 Kidston Cres, Curtin ACT 2605, Australia.
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Pašeta, Senia. "Nationalist responses to two royal visits to Ireland, 1900 and 1903." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014371.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In July 1903 Maud Gonne hung a black petticoat from the window of her Dublin home, insulting her unionist neighbours and provoking what became known as ‘the battle of Coulson Avenue’. Aided by nationalist friends, athletes from Cumann na nGaedheal and her sturdy housekeeper, she defended her ‘flag’ against police and irate neighbours. Gonne’s lingerie — allegedly a mark of respect for the recently deceased pope — flew in stark and defiant contrast to the numerous Union Jacks which lined her street in honour of King Edward VII’s visit to Ireland. This episode heralded a month of spectacular protest which polarised nationalist opinion. Like the visit to Dublin of Queen Victoria in 1900, King Edward’s tour provoked both enormous public interest and rivalry between various Irish institutions which vied to express their loyalty to the crown. But the royal tours also instigated fierce debate within the nationalist community and highlighted the ever deepening rifts between constitutional nationalism and ‘advanced’ nationalism.
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Burgmann, Verity, and Andrew Milner. "Tomorrow, Tomorrow and Yesterday: Eutopia, Dystopia and Violence in Marjorie Barnard and Flora Eldershaw’s Tomorrow and Tomorrow." Utopian Studies 33, no. 3 (November 2022): 447–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/utopianstudies.33.3.0447.
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ABSTRACT Marjorie Barnard (1897–1987) and Flora Eldershaw (1897–1956) were prolific Australian authors who co-wrote, under the pseudonym “M. Barnard Eldershaw,” five novels and four works of nonfiction published between 1929 and 1947. Their final collaboration, a future fiction entitled Tomorrow and Tomorrow, first appeared in Melbourne in 1947 and was reissued by the London feminist publisher Virago in 1983. Lyman Tower Sargent’s bibliography of Australian utopian fiction describes the novel thus: “Dystopia. Public opinion sampling used to limit liberty.” This is a reasonable enough shorthand description of the novel’s frame narrative, set in the “Tenth Commune” located somewhere in what is now the Riverina district on the border of New South Wales and Victoria, at some time in the twenty-fourth century. This article will argue, however, that the Tenth Commune is closer to a flawed eutopia than an outright dystopia; and that the novel’s truly dystopian content lies in its core narrative, Knarf’s novelistic account of mid-twentieth century Australia, which culminates in a quasi-apocalyptic destruction by fire of the city of Sydney. The extraordinary violence of this account will be contrasted to the essentially nonviolent character of the Tenth Commune and both will be situated in relation to Barnard’s growing involvement in the pacifist Peace Pledge Union.
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Duminy, Andrew, and Michael Streak. "Victoria's Stepchildren: Public Opinion and the South African Problem, 1795-1899." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 2/3 (1999): 477. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220384.
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Nanayakkara, Janandani, Claire Margerison, and Anthony Worsley. "Teachers’ perspectives of a new food literacy curriculum in Australia." Health Education 118, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/he-05-2017-0024.
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Purpose Implementation of a new food literacy curriculum provides multiple health and social benefits to school students. The success of any new curriculum execution is partly determined by teachers’ perceptions about the new curriculum contents, and barriers and challenges for its delivery. The purpose of this paper is to explore teachers’ views of a new food literacy curriculum named Victorian Certificate of Education Food Studies for senior secondary school students in Victoria, Australia. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative study design was used in this study. In total, 14 teachers who were planning to teach the new curriculum were individually interviewed in October-December 2016. The interviews were transcribed and analysed using the template analysis technique. Findings The majority of teachers appreciated the inclusion of food literacy and nutrition concepts in the new curriculum. However, half of the teachers had doubts about their readiness to teach it. Most teachers mentioned that they needed more training and resources to increase their confidence in teaching the curriculum. Practical implications These findings reveal that teachers need more awareness, resources, and guidance to increase their confidence in delivering the new curriculum. Provision of more resources and opportunities for training in food literacy concepts and instructional methods could facilitate its implementation. Originality/value These findings serve as an important first step to gain the perspectives of secondary school teachers’ opinions about the new curriculum. Moreover, these opinions and suggestions could inform the future design and implementation of similar food literacy curricula in Australia or elsewhere.
11
Pontin, B. "Environmental Law-Making Public Opinion in Victorian Britain: The Cross-Currents of Bentham's and Coleridge's Ideas." Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 34, no. 4 (July 16, 2014): 759–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/gqu015.
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Hill, David. "PUBLIC OPINION ON TOBACCO ADVERTISING, SPORTS SPONSORSHIPS AND TAXATION PRIOR TO THE VICTORIAN TOBACCO ACT, 1987." Community Health Studies 12, no. 3 (February 12, 2010): 282–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-6405.1988.tb00588.x.
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Warner, Kate, Caroline Spiranovic, Arie Freiberg, and Julia Davis. "Mandatory sentencing? Use [with] discretion." Alternative Law Journal 43, no. 4 (December 2018): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x18793967.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When asked about sentencing discretion and mandatory sentences, jurors participating in the Victorian Jury Sentencing Study expressed strong support for sentencing discretion and weak support for mandatory sentences despite a belief by jurors that, in general, sentences are too lenient. This strengthens the argument that polls that pose a general question about mandatory sentences or sentencing severity divorced from the context of a specific case are an inadequate and misleading measure of public opinion.
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KANTER, DOUGLAS. "THE GALWAY PACKET-BOAT CONTRACT AND THE POLITICS OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE IN MID-VICTORIAN IRELAND." Historical Journal 59, no. 3 (February 5, 2016): 747–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000369.
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AbstractThis article argues that political considerations, economic theory, attitudes toward public finance, and concerns about regional development all influenced contemporary responses to the Galway packet-boat contract of 1859–64. Though historians have conventionally depicted the dispute over the contract as an episode in Victorian high politics, it maintains that the controversy surrounding the agreement between the Galway Company and the state cannot be understood solely in terms of party manoeuvre at Westminster. In the context of the Union between Britain and Ireland, the Galway contract raised important questions about the role of the British government in fostering Irish economic development through public expenditure. Politicians and opinion-makers adopted a variety of ideologically informed positions when addressing this issue, resulting in diverse approaches to state intervention, often across party lines. While political calculation and pressure from interest groups certainly affected policy, the substantive debate on the contract helped to shape the late Victorian Irish policy of both British parties by clarifying contemporary ideas about the economic functions appropriate to the Union state.
15
Tusan, Michelle. "Laurence Fenton. Palmerston and The Times: Foreign Policy, the Press and Public Opinion in Mid-Victorian Britain." American Historical Review 119, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.1.253.
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STEPHENS, JULIA. "The Phantom Wahhabi: Liberalism and the Muslim fanatic in mid-Victorian India." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 1 (December 5, 2012): 22–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000649.
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AbstractIn the late 1860s and early 1870s the British colonial government in India suppressed an imagined Wahhabi conspiracy, which it portrayed as a profound threat to imperial security. The detention and trial of Amir and Hashmadad Khan—popularly known as the Great Wahhabi Case—was the most controversial of a series of public trials of suspected Wahhabis. The government justified extra-judicial arrests and detentions as being crucial to protect the empire from anti-colonial rebels inspired by fanatical religious beliefs. The government's case against the Khan brothers, however, was exceptionally weak. Their ongoing detention sparked a sustained public debate about the balance between executive authority and the rule of law. In newspapers and pamphlets published in India and Britain, Indian journalists and Anglo-Indian lawyers argued that arbitrary police powers posed a greater threat to public security than religious fanatics. In doing so, they embraced a language of liberalism which emphasized the rule of law and asserted the role of public opinion as a check on government despotism. Debates about the Great Wahhabi Case demonstrate the ongoing contest between authoritarian and liberal strands of imperial ideology, even at the height of the panic over the intertwined threat of Indian sedition and fanatical Islam.
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Hawkins, Angus. "Palmerston and The Times: Foreign Policy, the Press and Public Opinion in Mid-Victorian Britain, by Laurence Fenton." English Historical Review 130, no. 544 (June 2015): 769–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cev086.
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Martínez, José Enrique. "Victoriano Crémer, un espíritu rebelde." BOLETÍN DE LA BIBLIOTECA DE MENÉNDEZ PELAYO 85, Único (December 10, 2009): 643–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.55422/bbmp.508.
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Se recuerda la figura de Victoriano Crémer, que fue desde joven periodista, tanto en prensa como en radio, cronista, universitario, escritor y poeta. Debido a su carácter recio y crítico, estuvo en la cárcel dos veces durante la guerra civil española y, tras ella, comenzó su trabajo como poeta, escritor y periodista. Colaboró en muchos periódicos, incluso el mismo día de su muerte publicó un artículo de opinión, contando con 102 años. La necrología también repasa diversas de sus novelas más importantes y de sus poemarios, además de mencionar los premios y reconocimientos que se le atribuyeron.
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Fantauzzo, Justin. "The Finest Feats of the War? The Captures of Baghdad and Jerusalem during the First World War and Public Opinion throughout the British Empire." War in History 24, no. 1 (January 2017): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515592911.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In March and December 1917 the British Empire won two much-needed victories in Mesopotamia and Palestine: Baghdad and Jerusalem. Both cities were steeped in biblical and oriental lore and both victories happened in a year that had been otherwise disastrous. Throughout the British Empire the press, public, and politicians debated the importance of the two successes, focusing on the effect they would have on the empire’s prestige, the Allies’ war strategy, and the post-war Middle East. Far from being overwhelmed by the ‘romance’ of the fighting in the Middle East, the press’s and public’s response reveals a remarkably well-informed, sophisticated, and occasionally combative debate about the empire’s Middle Eastern war effort.
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Kull, Irene. "Dear reader,." Juridica International 31 (October 25, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/ji.2022.31.00.
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Dear reader, In 2022, we are celebrating several important anniversaries related to the adoption of laws important for the building of the Estonian legal order. Against the backdrop of a major forum for the Estonian legal profession – Estonian Lawyers’ Days 100 – this year’s edition is dedicated to another important anniversary: the 70th birthday of the University of Tartu’s Professor Emeritus Paul Varul. It is difficult to overestimate Prof. Varul’s contribution to the rebuilding of the Estonian legal system after regaining of independence. In this connection, I would like to draw special attention to his belief in young lawyers. Thanks to his support, many of the students from those days now hold positions that play an essential role in the legal profession. It is precisely this belief in young people alongside respect for more seasoned peers that Prof. Varul’s colleagues and students alike have inherited from him. In addition, there are many important qualities to be learnt from his example, such as the importance of infinite kindness and patience, the fundaments of academic ability, and the value of charm and personality. While he was the main architect of Estonia’s civil-law system in general, Prof. Varul’s favourite area of attention over the years has always been bankruptcy law, which he has been intimately involved in reforming. His willingness to speak up and actively contribute to the legislative process is testimony to the jubilarian’s thoughtfulness and continuing high level of professionalism. In this edition of the journal, readers will find an article by Chirstoph G. Paulus, a long-time colleague of Prof. Varul, which is dedicated to bankruptcy law. It provides a historical overview of the relationship between debtors and creditors and analyzes the contracting process as eternal struggle for supremacy. Silvia Kaugia and Raul Narits devote their article to finding an answer to the question of how to create a law that corresponds to the idea of law. In this issue, the reader can also find a paper written by Katre Luhamaa and Merike Ristikivi about the role of the judiciary in the transitional debates, judicial reform, and changes in the professional requirements set for judges in Estonia. Modern problems of the independence of the judiciary are reflected upon specifically in an article contributed by Jesús Manuel Villegas Fernández and Victoria Rodríguez-Blanco, and Anneli Albi’s article examines another angle of the ongoing evolution: the changing role of courts in Europe – which is shifting from protecting the fundamental rights of individuals toward protection of the neoliberal economic order. Alongside these pieces are three articles dedicated to matters of criminal law. Mari‑Liis Tohvelmann and Kristjan Kask have focused their contribution on interviews with children as evidence in criminal proceedings; Carri Ginter and Anneli Soo offer the reader a meaningful analysis of the arguments for and against the criminalisation of hate speech; and, finally, Mario Truu discusses the principle of foreseeability of liability and punishment in the practice of the ECHR. The volume meshes well with Prof. Varul’s ethos in one other respect too: doctoral students have had a say in the publication, representing younger voices. One can find a discussion centred on the need to use artificial intelligence in the context of deciding on the patentability of an invention, provided by Liva Rudzite, and the concept of the duty of diligence in procurement law from the standpoint of CJEU practice is tackled by Kadri Härginen. Finally, the fine tradition of publishing opinions by official opponents in public defence of doctoral dissertations has been maintained, with the opinion written by Marta Otto on the dissertation of Seili Suder. Congratulations to Professor Emeritus Paul Varul and to all who have had the opportunity to know him. We are all richer for your work.
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Kollar, René. "A Question of Rescue Work or Abduction: Eliza McDermot, Legal Opinion, and Anti-Convent Prejudice in Victorian England." Recusant History 29, no. 2 (October 2008): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012036.
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At first glance, the actions of Fr. Charles Bowden, a member of the Brompton Oratory in London, toward a troubled, adolescent, Roman Catholic girl, Eliza (in some reports referred to as Ellen) McDermot, would appear as a praiseworthy and unselfish example of Christian charity. Fr. Bowden, a young cleric, acted on information he allegedly learned from Miss McDermot in the confessional and worked to save her from a possible life of ruin on the London streets. Fr. Bowden eventually urged the young sixteen year old pregnant girl to seek refuge at a local convent where she would have the opportunity to repent and reform her life. McDermot followed his advice, but this seemingly innocent plan to save her soul fanned the flames of hatred against Catholicism and sisterhoods. Without informing her family, Miss McDermot secretly took up residence in a convent, and she did not reveal the location to her mother. When her family complained about this so-called ‘abduction’, critics of Roman Catholicism, and sisterhoods in particular, took their campaign to the public and attacked the actions of Fr. Bowden in letters to the press, graphic pamphlets, and speeches in Parliament. The case of Eliza McDermot quickly emerged as another example which illustrated the evils of Catholic convents, but it failed to capture public attention. Several reasons help to explain the short-lived notoriety of this story, especially the failure to prove that Bowden had broken any English laws.
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Berkman, Michael B., and Eric Plutzer. "Scientific Expertise and the Culture War: Public Opinion and the Teaching of Evolution in the American States." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 3 (August 19, 2009): 485–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270999082x.
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The teaching of evolution in public schools has been a central element in the nation's “culture wars” since the 1920s and remains a contentious issue today. Content standards for the teaching of biology have been flashpoints for conflict, with well publicized battles occurring in state governments, in federal courts, and in local school districts. We show that a full understanding of evolution politics at the state level must simultaneously account for three important features. First, cultural politics typically includes an important role for public opinion. Second, scientists and their professional organizations have actively sought a monopoly on defining what is and is not science by marginalizing their uncredentialled opponents and by erecting boundaries that buffer science policy from the influence of politics and public opinion. Third, in the American federal system courts rarely settle cultural issues but merely narrow the space within which politics can operate. In accounting for these features, we explain why court victories for science have had only limited impacts and provide a model for understanding other issues—such as sex education, stem cell research, and global warming—in which moral and ideological arguments may conflict with scientific consensus.
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Kollar, Rene. "Power and Control over Women in Victorian England: Male Opposition to Sacramental Confession in the Anglican Church." Journal of Anglican Studies 3, no. 1 (June 2005): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740355305052820.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTThe patriarchal environment of nineteenth century England viewed women as weak and naïve creatures who should submit to the dictates of men. Religion, however, could give women a sense of freedom and independence from male authority. When auricular confession began to gain acceptance in some sections of the Anglican Church, women saw this as a way of asserting their independence because they could confide their personal thoughts and problems to a clergymen. This could, in the opinion of some, threaten the powerful role of the husband or father by substituting an alternative patriarchal system, and many critics warned of the dangers associated with the confessional, especially the weakening of the male dominated family structure. The Priest in Absolution gave advice to Anglican confessors, but the sexual nature of the questions, made public in 1877, shocked the public and confirmed the fears of the opponents of auricular confession.
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Dreher, Nan H. "The Virtuous and the Verminous: Turn-of-the-Century Moral Panics in London's Public Parks." Albion 29, no. 2 (1997): 246–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051812.
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Public parks offered many attractions to Victorian Londoners: natural beauty, healthful fresh air, facilities for sports and socializing, and grounds for civic pride. The efforts of individuals, private groups, and government officials increased the number of public parks in the metropolis from about a dozen at mid-century to more than 200 in 1898. Parks became integral parts of city life and stimulated the development of a diverse community of park users. These citizens did not hesitate to express their views about appropriate behavior for public space, demonstrating their role in the public sphere. While park users differed in class, gender, age, religion, and politics, most agreed that the city's public spaces should encourage “respectability” and good citizenship, especially as an example to children. When these values, vaguely defined though they were, seemed threatened by specific park behaviors, the community displayed a remarkable consensus. Two particular types of park use—public displays of affection by “courting couples” and the presence of “verminous persons” (mostly vagrants)—aroused public opinion in the 1890s and early 1900s to moral panic. Reluctant royal and municipal park authorities were pressured into passing more restrictive park laws in both cases, though the “problems” themselves did not disappear.This article explores how these crises developed and why public reaction to them was so vehement. The material reality behind the “courting couples” and “verminous persons” crises, as far as can be determined, seems not to justify the level of outrage that occurred. The strength of public reaction must reflect the extreme sensitivity of a culturally unstable community in the process of redefining itself and its values. Public parks changed patterns of social interaction in the late Victorian city, bringing diverse citizens into proximity by creating new common spaces. Early nineteenth-century class discrimination against workers and the poor in public space then gave way to a new form of exclusion that emphasized individual behavior rather than inherited status.
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Allen, Marc. "Outing the Majority: Gay Rights, Public Debate, and Polarization after Doe v. Reed." Michigan Journal of Gender & Law, no. 20.1 (2013): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.36641/mjgl.20.1.outing.
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In 2010, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Doe v. Reed that Washington citizens who signed a petition to eliminate legal rights for LGBT couples did not have a right to keep their names secret. A year later, in ProtectMarriage.com v. Bowen, a district court in California partially relied on Reed to reject a similar request from groups who lobbied for California Proposition 8-a constitutional amendment that overturned the California Supreme Court's landmark 2008 gay marriage decision. These holdings are important to election law, feminist, and first amendment scholars for a number of reasons. First, they flip the traditional roles of the civil rights litigants from earlier cases, like NAACP v. Alabama. In those early cases, publicly persecuted groups sought protection from disclosure laws, but, here, the persecutors themselves are looking for help. Second, the Doe v. Reed opinion, and especially Justice Scalia's concurrence, articulate an age-old conception of republican citizenship, one supported by a number of modern and contemporary political theorists. Last, this conception of citizenship has interesting, and largely positive, implications for political polarization, especially in the context of LGBT rights. It facilitates the realization of the fruits of hard-fought public opinion victories by the LGBT community and their allies. The Reed holding has the potential to help turn the ever-growing support for LGBT rights into concrete policies in the next decade. Marriage rights and employment protections for gays, lesbians, and transgender Americans have been put up for public referenda in a number of states. While the last few months have seen a number of key victories for the LGBT community, most states still have laws preventing gay and lesbian couples from marrying. Increased transparency might be good for LGBT legislative battles for a number of reasons. I argue that the LGBT movement is at a place where embracing Scalia's combative public citizenship is a winning strategy. Justice Scalia has provided the LGBT community with a critical weapon in its fight for marriage equality. By examining political science literature and public opinion polling, I hope to show that making public ballot initiatives transparent will curb the trend of states taking away rights and privileges from their LGBT citizens. I share the concerns of commentators like Cass Sunstein, who fear the phenomenon of insular political communities moving to extremes. I also share the concerns of thinkers ranging from James Madison to Alexis de Tocqueville to modern day political scientists about political majorities targeting unpopular minorities in winner-take-all elections. The "brave citizen" of Scalia's concurrence is a conception of deliberative democracy that serves the LGBT community well. In this Note I look at the likely impact of Doe v. Reed on the politics of the fight for LGBT rights.
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Cawood, Ian. "Corruption and the Public Service Ethos in Mid-Victorian Administration: The Case of Leonard Horner and the Factory Office*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (August 2020): 860–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa249.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract While the problem of political corruption in mid-nineteenth century Britain has been much studied, the experience of corrupt behaviour in public bodies, both new and long established, is comparatively neglected. This article takes the example of one of the first inspectorates set up after the Great Reform Act, the Factory Office, to examine the extent of corrupt practices in the British civic state and the means whereby it was addressed. It examines the changing processes of appointment, discipline and promotion, the issues of remuneration and venality, and the relationships between inspectors, workers, factory owners, the government and the wider civil service, and the press and public opinion. The article argues that the changing attitudes of the inspectors, especially those of Leonard Horner, were indicative of a developing ‘public service ethos’ in both bureaucratic and cultural settings and that the work of such unsung administrators was one of the agencies through which corrupt behaviour in the civic structures of Victorian Britain was, with public support, challenged. The article concludes that the endogenous reform of bureaucratic practice achieved by the factory inspectorate may even be of equal significance as that which resulted from the celebrated Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854.
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Dronova, Nataliya V. "On the political technology of Victorian England: the concept of “jingo” in the publishing practice of “Punch” magazine (1878–1879)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 190 (2021): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-190-223-234.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We explore the logic and techniques of using the concept of “jingo” in the publishing practice of “Punch” magazine as a tool of political technologies aimed at shaping public opinion on key issues of foreign policy and electoral behavior in Britain in 1878–1879. The urgency of the problem being analyzed is due to the importance of a comprehensive understanding of the pheno-menon of jingoism as one of the significant manifestations of the political history and culture of Victorian England. The study adopted a cross-disciplinary approach, which involves politically and linguistically indirect analysis of the concept of “jingo” in the context of the political and ideological realities of British history during the Eastern crisis of the 1870s of the 19th century. Specific examples show that the peculiarities of the genre of the magazine, its popularity, consideration of the cultural request of its audience determined the choice of language means, the style of presentation of the material and the choice of images. It is justified that the methods used in the texts of Punch were aimed at maintaining a positive image of the liberals and discrediting opponents both at the personal level and the party. It is concluded that the concept of “jingo” in the propaganda campaign of “Punch” has taken meaning propaganda cliches, which acted as a means of political identification, social and political advertising and anti-advertising, served as a tool to manipulate public opinion. This study may provide material for a number of further studies in the study of British political culture.
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Mitchell, Ian. "Ethical shopping in late Victorian and Edwardian Britain." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 7, no. 3 (August 17, 2015): 310–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-08-2014-0021.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the significance and limitations of ethical shopping in Britain in the period between the 1880s and 1914 and, in particular, the use of white lists as a means of encouraging consumers only to buy goods produced in satisfactory working conditions. Design/methodology/approach – A brief survey of earlier examples of ethical shopping provides the context for a discussion of the published prospectus of the “Consumers” League’. Unpublished records of the Christian Social Union (CSU), supplemented by newspaper reports, are used to examine the rationale for white lists, their creation and effectiveness. Findings – The paper demonstrates that, contrary to what has generally been thought, consumers’ leagues originated in Britain not the USA. The CSU was not ineffective but provided an ethical and religious rationale for consumer activism. It was also responsible for the creation of white lists in several towns and cities in Britain and promoted the concept of preferential buying. CSU activity helped shape public opinion, but sustained improvements to working conditions also required effective trade unions and government intervention. Research limitations/implications – Relatively few CSU branch records survive and this precludes a comprehensive survey of its role in ethical shopping. Originality/value – The British consumer movement in this period has been little studied and often dismissed. By making use of archives, particularly CSU branch records, that have generally been ignored, the paper demonstrates that ethical shopping mattered and deserves more attention. It also highlights the importance of setting this in a wider context, particularly trade unionism and co-operation.
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Gluck, Abbe R., Alexander Nabavi-Noori, and Susan Wang. "Gun Violence in Court." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 48, S4 (2020): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110520979406.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Litigation cannot solve a public health crisis. But litigation can be an effective complementary tool to regulation by increasing the salience of a public health issue, eliciting closely guarded information to move public opinion, and prompting legislative action. From tobacco to opioids, litigants have successfully turned to courts for monetary relief, to initiate systemic change, and to hold industry accountable For years, litigators have been trying to push firearm suits into their own litigation moment. But litigation against the gun industry poses special challenges. Not only has the regulatory regime failed to prevent a public safety hazard, Congress has consistently underfunded and understaffed the relevant regulatory actors. And in 2005 it legislatively immunized the gun industry from suit with the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA). This paper surveys the field of litigation in response to gun violence, tracking the limited successes of victims and stakeholders suing the gun industry. We find that victories remain confined to individual actors and unlike high-impact public litigations in other areas, aggregate class actions and major public litigation led by state attorneys general are noticeably absent in the firearm context.
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Flowers, Betty S. "Virtual and Ideal Readers of Browning's “Pan and Luna”: the Drama in the Dramatic Idyl." Browning Institute Studies 15 (1987): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0092472500001917.
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Most of “Pan and Luna” is addressed not to an internal auditor but to what Gerald Prince calls the “virtual reader,” the reader the author imagines himself or herself to be writing to – in the case of “Pan and Luna,” the Victorian reading public. Prince observes:Every author, provided he is writing for someone other than himself, develops his narrative as a function of a certain type of reader whom he bestows with certain qualities, faculties, and inclinations according to his opinion of men in general (or in particular) and according to the obligations he feels should be respected. This virtual reader is different from the real reader: writers frequently have a public they don't deserve. (9)In addition to the distinction between the virtual reader and the real reader, Prince makes a further distinction between the real reader and the ideal reader. From the writer's point of view, “an ideal reader would be one who would understand perfectly and would approve entirely the least of his words, the most subtle of his intentions” (9).
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Marroni, Michela. "The Abstruse Syntax of Law in Wilkie Collins’s The Law and the Lady." Pólemos 13, no. 2 (September 25, 2019): 265–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2019-0021.
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Abstract From the point of view of the British juridical system, The Law and the Lady can be interpreted as a sensation novel whose crucial albeit indirect message must be read in the context of Collins’s legal reformism. As well as challenging the Scottish verdict of Not Proven, the heroine of the novel, Valeria Brinton, presents herself as a woman detective who is anxious to prove her husband’s innocence before both the court and public opinion. Underlining the peculiarity of her mission is a destabilising tension which, in its social implication, is aimed to challenge the conformism and love of orthodoxy typical of the Victorian ethos. In this sense, Valeria’s gendered autobiographical writing, while giving full evidence to her resourceful womanhood, dramatises the blurring of the confine between masculinity and femininity and, at the same time, offers a representation of the old-fashioned and abstruse protocols of British law.
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Devlin, Brooke L., Kiera Staley, Gina L. Trakman, Adrienne J. Forsyth, Matthew G. Nicholson, Grant Cosgriff, Melanie Chisholm, and Regina Belski. "Attitudes and Opinions of Parents towards Water-Only Drink Policy at Junior Triathlon Events." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 14 (July 12, 2022): 8529. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19148529.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Rates of childhood obesity within Australia continue to rise, with consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages one contributing factor. Community sport provides an opportunity to implement policies promoting water as the beverage of choice. However, the attitudes of parents toward a water-only policy are not known. This cross-sectional study aimed to investigate parents’ opinions towards beverage consumption and a water-only policy. Data were collected from participants (n = 159) using an investigator-designed questionnaire, administered using iPads, at a junior Triathlon Victoria event. Water was the most popular beverage provided before (75%), during (85%) and after (61%) sport. Parents were more likely to provide sports drinks to children older than 14 years (27%). Three-quarters (77%) of parents reported having received no information regarding hydration requirements. Parents rated the importance of hydration prior to, during and after a triathlon as high (9.08 ± 1.2, 8.76 ± 1.3 and 9.30 ± 0.4 out of 10, respectively). Parents were supportive of a water-only policy at all junior triathlon events and all junior sporting events (7.94 ± 1.3 and 7.86 ± 1.9, respectively). There was less support for a water-only policy for adult triathlons (6.40 ± 3.1). A water-only drink policy at junior sport is viewed positively by parents. This warrants further research and policy development to facilitate behaviour change.
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Patten, Eve. "Trinity Professors versus Men of Letters: Ferguson, Dowden and De Vere." Irish University Review 52, no. 1 (May 2022): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2022.0547.
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This essay considers the relationships between Samuel Ferguson, Edward Dowden, and Aubrey de Vere in the late nineteenth century. In evaluating Ferguson’s career shortly after the poet’s death in 1886, W. B. Yeats considered him as being ill-served by the ‘English notions’ of Irish criticism, a slight which was particularly directed at Edward Dowden, then Professor of English at Trinity College Dublin. Rather than viewing this schism solely as a difference of opinion on Gaelic antiquarianism and Celtic Revivalism, this essay considers the divergence between these men as an effect of their respective positioning inside and outside the institutions of academia. It also interprets their relationship against the backdrop of public debates in the period about the nature of literary criticism as well as the role and function of the critic. Drawing on the correspondence between Ferguson, Dowden, and their mutual friend and frequent intermediary Aubrey de Vere, this essay examines how their friendship was affected by a growing distinction between the ‘man of letters’ and the professional academic in the later Victorian period. In particular, it offers an alternative view of Dowden, whose public commitment to the development of English Literature as an academic subject was sometimes belied by his private warmth towards Ferguson and his project of Celtic Revivalism.
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Rawlings, L. "54. CAPITALISING ON THE UNIQUE OPPORTUNITY OF THE HPV VACCINE, FOR A CERVICAL SCREENING PROGRAM." Sexual Health 4, no. 4 (2007): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/shv4n4ab54.
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The medical advancement of the human papilloma virus (HPV) vaccine and it's swift addition to the National Immunisation Program, caused a sudden surge in the public's awareness and interest in HPV. The challenge for PapScreen Victoria, a state based cervical screening program, was to react quickly and strategically to ensure that this new knowledge did not prevent women from having Pap tests. PapScreen pre-empted that the vaccine would have a huge impact on the current program, and undertook an educational journey to identify issues. The program sought expert opinions, formulated new partnerships in the immunisation sector and examined the current research. The program identified that its role was to inform women about HPV and the importance to continue screening in this new era of HPV vaccination. In the prevention of cervical cancer, there was also a role to inform health professionals, parents and young women about the benefits of the vaccine. The challenge was capatilising on the unique opportunity that the vaccine created. Developing and implementing strategies quickly was paramount in the program's success on capitalising this interest. Across three main areas - community, communications and research - the program implemented a range of strategies, including new resources, media opportunities, formative research and education, among others. PapScreen's aim was to remain the prime source of information for the prevention of cervical cancer in Victoria. The success of these strategies has been profound and immunisation messages are now included in all program messages across a range of sectors. The program was able to capitalise on this unique occasion by being flexible, proactive and strategically adaptable to the public health environment.
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Duplé, Nicole. "La Cour suprême et le rapatriement de la constitution : la victoire du compromis sur la rigueur." Les Cahiers de droit 22, no. 3-4 (April 12, 2005): 619–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042460ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On September the 28th 1981, the Supreme Court of Canada made public its opinion as to the constitutionaly of the Federal government's plan to repatriate and amend the B.N.A. Act. Modifications affecting provincial powers require, according to convention, the existance of which is recognized by six of the Judges, a certain degree of provincial consensus. The federal projet, contested by eight of the ten provinces, was therefore considered unconstitutional by a majority of the Judges. The Court mentioned furthermore that the federal plan, should it become law, would impinge upon the distribution of powers set forth in the B.N.A. Act. Seven of the nine Judges so deciding declared, on the other hand, that the Senat and House of Commons' resolution pertaining to the plan of repatriation and amendement was perfectly legal and that the British Parliament was, in law, the only authorized body to bring about the changes sought by said plan.
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Fadeev, Pavel V. "Sports Victories as a Value Uniting Russians (Through the Example of the Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics)." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social naja praktika 8, no. 1 (2020): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2020.8.1.7099.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Based on research performed by the Russian Public Opinion Research Center and the Russian Society of Sociologists, the mechanism for identifying Russian society under the influence of the victory of the Russian national team at the Olympic Games in Sochi in 2014 is analyzed. An algorithm for identifying Russians under the influence of athletes’ successes in a stable sequence is described: from individual emotional reflection to gaining a united motivation toward improvement of the existing world order. An analysis of the secondary data of the sociological centers suggests that the influence of sports victories on the identification of Russians is neither episodic in nature, nor based on individual and collective emotions, but, on the contrary, is a kind of “building material” that strengthens the unity of the people. Every victory of Russian athletes in prestigious competitions is tied in the common historical memory of people to the past successes and achievements of the people. Thus, the successes of athletes contribute to the unity of all citizens of Russia.
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Lehmann, Jennifer, and Rachael Sanders. "Getting nowhere fast? Social work and its impact in the child, youth and family sector." Children Australia 42, no. 3 (September 2017): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.31.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
I was recently challenged by a colleague to think about the sticky question of what social work, as a discipline, has achieved over the last 40–50 years. Being challenged about the efficacy of social work and the discipline's capacity for lasting impacts is hardly a new experience. Many social workers will have confronted the opinions of clients, managers, family members and the public about the contributions or otherwise that they perceive social workers to offer. I have had these experiences too, but there are particular times when such comments remain in one's memories. After the elapse of many years I do not claim to have total accuracy of recall, but perhaps the first time I was shaken by a challenge to my noble presumptions was when Dr John Paterson, Secretary of the Department of Health and Community Services, Victoria, spoke at a meeting of child protection workers around 1989–90. He declared that he thought a mature accountant could do as well in the role. As others have recalled, Dr Paterson ‘did not blush to ignore traditional codes on the role of public servants in the policy process and overtly sought to participate in normative statements about policy’ (Barraclough & Smith, 1994, p. 16). He was known for making offensive remarks. He described disability advocacy bodies as ‘piss and wind’ groups, denigrating them as people more interested in talk than getting their hands dirty delivering services (Milburn, 1993, p. 1). He precipitated great angst amongst public servants.
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DiGrazia, Joseph, and Marc Dixon. "The Conservative Upsurge and Labor Policy in the States." Work and Occupations 47, no. 4 (September 24, 2019): 439–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888419876970.
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During the early- to mid-2010s, there was a dramatic upsurge in conservative legislation restricting labor unions in U.S. states. The sweeping Republican victories at the state level in the 2010 midterm elections certainly enabled this legislative surge, though not all states controlled by conservative governments passed such legislation and there was considerable variation in the number of laws passed among states that did. Understanding the conditions under which restrictive labor laws are passed is important for labor scholarship as well as broader academic debates on corporate power and political influence. Using a longitudinal negative binomial regression analysis, this article evaluates the role of organized business and conservative mobilization on state labor policies between 2011 and 2016. Our findings are consistent with and extend literature emphasizing the growing influence of corporate interests on politics today. At the same time, the authors find little support for explanations emphasizing the economic aftershocks of the Great Recession and public opinion and find no evidence that grassroots pressure impacted state laws.
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Makala, Melissa Edmundson. "BETWEEN TWO WORLDS: RACIAL IDENTITY IN ALICE PERRIN'S THE STRONGER CLAIM." Victorian Literature and Culture 42, no. 3 (June 6, 2014): 491–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150314000114.
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Like many Anglo-Indian novelists of her generation, Alice Perrin (1867–1934) gained fame through the publication and popular reception of several domestic novels based in India and England. However, within the traditional Anglo-Indian romance plot, Perrin often incorporated subversive social messages highlighting racial and cultural problems prevalent in India during the British Raj. Instead of relying solely on one-dimensional, sentimental British heroes and heroines, Perrin frequently chose non-British protagonists who reminded her contemporary readers of very real Anglo-Indian racial inequalities they might wish to forget. In The Stronger Claim (1903), Perrin creates a main character who has a mixed-race background, but who, contrary to prevailing public opinion of the time, is a multi-dimensional, complex, and perhaps most importantly, sympathetic character positioned between two worlds. Even as Victorian India was coming to an end, many of the problems that had plagued the British Raj intensified in the early decades of the twentieth century. Perrin's novel is one of the earliest attempts to present a sympathetic and heroic mixed-race protagonist, one whose presence asked readers to question the lasting negative effects of race relations and racial identity in both India and England.
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Sokolov, O. A. "The Crusades in the Arab Anti-Colonial Rhetoric (1918–1948)." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 4 (January 12, 2020): 924–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-4-924-941.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In search for the historical examples to mobilize the masses for the anti-colonial struggle, during the period from 1918 to 1948 Arab public, political and religious fi gures regularly appealed to the history of the Crusades. They developed the interpretations proposed by public and religious fi gures of the 19th – early 20th century and found new excuses and contexts for the use of references to the era of the Crusades. After World War One, Arab public, political, and religious leaders for the fi rst time began to criticize European interpretations of the events and consequences of the Crusades. Simultaneously, they challenged European attempts to legitimize their presence in the Arab world by referring to this historical period. Such criticism was expressed not only in publicist works and public speeches, but also in the offi cial high-level political dialogue. Arab public fi gures also considered the end of the Crusades, lamentable for Europe, as a warning to modern European colonialists, while, according to their opinion, the victories of Muslim commanders who expelled the Crusaders from the Middle East, should have served as an example for the Arab politicians of their time. The transition of “anti-crusader rhetoric” to anti-Christian one in the speeches of a number of Arab nationalists led to disunity in their ranks, as it was perceived by Christian Arabs as their exclusion from the national struggle. At the same time, the Maronite Christians appealed to the history of the Crusades to confi rm their long-standing ties with France in order to enlist its support.The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.
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Barrie, David G. "The Forgotten Liberal Social Reform? Marriage with a Deceased Wife’s Sister, Political Nonconformity and the New Liberalism in Edwardian Britain." English Historical Review 136, no. 583 (December 1, 2021): 1477–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab357.
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Abstract This article examines why Victorian Britain’s longest-running political controversy—the sixty-four-year campaign to legalise marriage between a widower and his deceased wife’s sister—was finally resolved in 1907. It explores why the Liberal government decided to support reform, what strategies it adopted and how it was able to force a deceased wife’s sister bill through an intransigent House of Lords that had, for more than half a century, succeeded in blocking similar bills. The article recognises that a multitude of factors—social, theological, imperial and legal—shaped opinion on the issue. Nonetheless, it argues that the Liberal government’s backing for marriage with a deceased wife’s sister (MDWS) should be viewed, in terms of its hegemonic public presentation, as the forgotten Liberal social reform. In keeping with the emerging New Liberalism, MDWS was packaged primarily as a social relief measure that spoke to the Liberal Party’s growing interest in the poor, child welfare, social justice, women’s rights and state support for workers. The commitment to easing the plight of those affected by the existing prohibition was real, but behind the public rhetoric lay a desire to stem nonconformist discontent among the Liberal Party’s electoral base, and an evolving constitutional crisis between the houses of parliament which gave the issue greater symbolic significance. For many peers, reform had become more than just palatable or desirable. It was necessary in the light of a change in colonial marriage law that had sought to address colonial grievances, promote imperial unity and better safeguard inherited wealth and social status.
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Hampton, Mark. "The Dawn of the Cheap Press in Victorian Britain: The End of the ‘Taxes on Knowledge’, 1849–1869/British Political Culture and the Idea of ‘Public Opinion’, 1867–1914." Journal of Victorian Culture 20, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 559–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2015.1090210.
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Peers, Douglas M. "‘Those Noble Exemplars of the True Military Tradition’; Constructions of the Indian Army in the Mid-Victorian Press." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1997): 109–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016954.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper is directed first at identifying where and by whom military influences or topics manifested themselves in the periodical pressʼns coverage of India in the period up to the Indian Rebellion. How such manifestations changed over time, as well as the convergence of Anglo-Indian and British newspapers and magazines on Indian topics, will form an important component of this study. Stemming from these initial enquiries, I will further suggest that the model often employed to comprehend such representations —namely ‘orientalism’ —is, as it is often configured, too simplistic and reductionist to account for all the forces at work in the production of images of India. Instead, the mid-Victorian image of India was produced by a very fractured discourse. Racial stereotypes and affirmations of British superiority were certainly to the forefront, but these were frequently inflected by quite separate agendaʼns, such as the military's pursuit of political and professional status and influence, publishers’ search for profits, and the quest for suitable middle-class role models. Moreover, it was a discourse constrained by the dominant contemporary literary conventions and tropes, notably the historical romance in fiction and didacticism in history and biography. Yet there is one strand that runs through these various agendas and literary strategies and that is the one provided by the Indian army. India was by the third decade of the nineteenth-century as much a military as it was a commercial site. In 1850, the then reigning governor-general, Lord Dalhousie, was reminded by John Lawrence of this fact when the latter insisted that ‘public opinion is essentially military in India. Military views, feelings and interests are therefore paramount’.
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Burrett, Tina. "Charting Putin’s Shifting Populism in the Russian Media from 2000 to 2020." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2565.
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This article analyses the changing themes of Vladimir Putin’s populist messaging during his almost 20 years at the apex of Russian politics. To reveal shifts in Putin’s populist rhetoric, the article examines Russian media framing of his four presidential-election campaigns and of Russia’s relations with China and the United States (U.S.). Public opinion data is used to assess the impact of Putin’s populist propaganda. The article begins by assessing to what degree Putin can be considered a populist politician, concluding that while his rhetoric is populist his rule is largely not. The article further finds that Putin has maintained his populist appeal by turning his ire from domestic economic elites to international political enemies, specifically by positioning himself as the main challenger to U.S. hegemony in the global system. Putin’s control of the Russian media, co-opting of opposition populist causes and geopolitical victories in Syria and Crimea have helped him maintain his populist connection with Russian voters. But, the article concludes, growing access to anti-Kremlin online media, the pain of economic sanctions, botched social welfare reforms, and the presence of effective opposition movements are causing Putin’s populism to lose its lustre.
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Carroll, Neal. "Illiberalism and the Exception in George Eliot's Early Writing." Victorian Literature and Culture 47, no. 2 (2019): 377–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150318001535.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the past two decades, studies of the Victorian novel have been enriched significantly by a growing body of scholarship looking to the literature and letters of the period to affirm for the twenty-first century the theoretical and practical value of liberal conceptualizations of critical detachment and communicative decision-making procedures. In the process, the works of George Eliot (1819–1880) have come to be understood not only as modeling forms of critical detachment and rational decision-making but also as important contributors to what Amanda Anderson has identified as “the emergence of the [Habermasian] public sphere in Enlightenment Europe, a historical condition in which critique, argument, and debate inform developing political practices and institutions,” which “helped to consolidate … the legitimating force of public opinion and the rule of law, the successor to now delegitimated forms of absolute sovereignty.” However, I will argue here that Eliot's early writing in particular demonstrates a distinct lack of faith in the power of liberalism and its political procedures and that Eliot's early work in fact exposes the illiberal tendencies embedded in these procedures. Rather than asserting the authority of the public sphere, Eliot's important early novelsAdam Bede(1859) andThe Mill on the Floss(1860) consistently look beyond themselves, so to speak, to a providential authority that exceeds the tenets of realism in their efforts to resolve conflict and provide closure to the novels. For each novel, aesthetic coherence is secured not through “critique, argument, and debate” but through recourse to metaphysics and to extrasocial and/or extraprocedural decisions. In the following pages I align this phenomenon in Eliot's early writing with the controversial German legal scholar Carl Schmitt's concept of the exception in order to argue that, by appealing to the logic of providence to resolve their most intractable legal and ethical problems, these early novels in fact demonstrate Eliot's awareness of the practical limitations of proceduralism as a legitimate decision-making instrument.
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Jackson, Alvin. "Irish unionism and the Russellite threat, 1894-1906." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025062.
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Whether as a unionist, or as an independent, T W Russell was never taken lightly by the parliamentary representatives of late Victorian unionism: directly, and obliquely, his contribution to the evolution of their movement was immense. As a popular unionist missionary in Britain between the first two home-rule bills, and as a protégé of Joseph Chamberlain, Russell was a valuable medium of communication between the British and Irish unionist parties. Moreover, he was both a champion of unionist farmer demands and a loyalist member of parliament; so Russell also created a vital bond between Irish unionism and rural opinion. As a member of the parliamentary Ulster party, Russell worked unstintingly for its success, provoking flexibility among both the more obtuse landed elements in the commons and among radical farmers in the counties. Yet, when he left unionism, his influence (now indirect) remained. Confronted by the spectre of presbyterian farmer militancy led by Russell, Irish unionist members of parliament meekly tailored their public pledges; and when, between 1900 and 1902, his agitation peaked, these members went further, revising the structure of their party in order to deflate his criticism and restore old loyalties. As one of the most significant forces in moulding twentieth-century unionism from nineteenth-century toryism, Russell merits special attention: his relationship with the unionist leadership in the strategically crucial years between 1894 and 1906 is examined here at length.
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Tsvetkova, J. D. "The Role of Public Opinion in Great Britain of the Second Half of the 19th Century in the Development of the Social Legislation in Years 1870-1890 of Queen Victoria’s Reign." MGIMO Review of International Relations 4, no. 55 (August 1, 2017): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2017-4-55-65-82.
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Hopkins, C. A., M. J. Temple-Smith, C. K. Fairley, J. E. Tomnay, N. L. Pavlin, R. M. Parker, D. B. Russell, F. J. Bowden, J. S. Hocking, and M. Y. Chen. "17. PATIENTS' PERSPECTIVES ON THE BEST WAYS TO TELL PARTNERS ABOUT CHLAMYDIA: HOW ACCEPTABLE ARE THE NEW TECHNOLOGIES?" Sexual Health 4, no. 4 (2007): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/shv4n4ab17.
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As part of a larger, combined qualitative-quantitative methods study of partner notification, 40 in-depth telephone interviews were conducted with patients diagnosed with Chlamydia from clinics in Victoria, ACT and Queensland to determine their usage and opinions of different methods partner notification. Overwhelmingly, personal methods such as telling partners face-to-face or over the phone were preferred to impersonal methods such as email, SMS and letter. Face-to-face was considered the "gold standard" in partner notification because it demonstrated courage, caring and respect. Phone contact, while considered insensitive and cowardly by some, was often used because it was quick, convenient and less confronting. Email was viewed as only being acceptable in certain circumstances, such as if the partner was overseas, because it was seen as impersonal and uncaring. SMS was considered the least acceptable method for telling partners with most interviewees seeing it as cold, disrespectful and "gutless". However, interviewees who were fearful of their partner's reaction or who had high numbers of casual partners were enthusiastic about an anonymous SMS facility. For both emails and SMS, interviewees were concerned that the message could be misunderstood, not taken seriously or shown to others. Letters, both from the patients or from their doctor, while not viewed as unfavourably as the newer technologies were less likely to be used. These findings suggest that people diagnosed with Chlamydia are reluctant to use the new technologies for partner notification, except in specific circumstances, and our efforts in developing partner notification resources may best be focused on giving patients the skills and confidence for personal interaction.
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Lannik, Leonty. "The Peak of the Kaiser's Hegemony in Eastern Europe in the Historical Memory of the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich." ISTORIYA 13, no. 4 (114) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021115-5.
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The peak of the expansion of the German Empire was reached in the short period of the implementation of the Brest peace treaties in 1918. Despite of a strong demand in the public opinion of the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich for journalism that could glorify imperial might and victories, this particular fragment of recent history did not receive proper reflection. This has become part of the general phenomenon of the replacing by the Western Front all others in historical memory, but it does not explain the position of professional military historians who could and should balance this trend for political purposes. The analysis of the factors of the development of historiography and journalism about the history of the First German Occupation and the Eastern Front in 1918 allows us to recognize the combination of various factors that prevented the necessary understanding of the course and consequences of the attempt to establish German hegemony in Eastern Europe. Herein have affected both the institutional features of the organization of military historiography and a number of subjective factors, as well as political conflicts within the military elite. Rather low level of research of the events of 1918 in the East, which could not be raised before the outbreak of World War II, should be considered as one of the important reasons for the success of the Nazi expansionist course in German society and the successful beginning of its implementation with military way in 1939.
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Averianova, Nina. "BATALISTICS IN FOREIGN AND UKRAINIAN ART HISTORY." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.1.
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he author of the article shows that in art there have always been and are works of art that accurately reflect life conflict situations. They become an object of study for their further prevention and leveling. In turn, the artistic understanding of conflict phenomena complements, strengthens and facilitates the scientific analysis of the problems of the emergence of conflicts and the dynamics of their passage. In the visual arts, the works of the master depicting war, armed conflicts and confrontations are singled out in a separate - battle genre. Its origins can be found in many ancient cultures around the world. Draws attention to the fact that each of the stages in the development of culture leaves the next generations with examples of art with the fixation of external signs of the way of life. As well as social, national, spiritual, aesthetic issues of their time. Renaissance artists in battle compositions not only glorified the victories of commanders and conquerors and recorded important historical moments of military campaigns, but also filled these plots with new deep content. Artists of the 17th century openly addressed the realities of contemporary life, in particular, such dramatic phenomena as war and armed conflicts. In their works, they praised heroes, kings and generals, at the same time exposed robberies, looting and cruelty of soldiers. During the Napoleonic War, artists concentrated on conveying victories, heroism and glory in the war. They also showed his ugly sides: fear of hunger, cruelty, executions of prisoners, rape and human degradation. In the twentieth century. the methods and means of warfare have changed significantly, this clearly manifested itself during the First World War. Accordingly, the art of this period is the art of great upheavals, revolutions and world wars. Nowadays, both foreign and domestic artists, mainly work in a realistic style, they depict in detail military equipment, elements of combat, soldiers in dynamics. The point is that such paintings are replacing color photography, because today they are in significant demand. Proves that the plots of wars, battles and conflicts remain in demand in art, they continue to actively influence people's emotions and the formation of public opinion.