Статті в журналах: "Psychology of protest moods"

1

Pecherkina, Irina F. "Determinants of Protest Moods." Tyumen State University Herald. Social, Economic, and Law Research 3, no. 4 (2017): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-7897-2017-3-4-86-97.

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Latov, Yuriy V. "Russian Protest Moods and Actions." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social'naja praktika 5, no. 1 (2017): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2016.5.1.4992.

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Latov, Yuriy V. "Russian Protest Moods and Actions." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social'naja praktika 5, no. 1 (2017): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2017.5.1.4992.

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4

Tanina, Maria Alekseevna, Igor Alekseevich Yurasov, Vera Alexandrovna Yudina, and Olga Alexandrovna Zyablikova. "Analysis of Digital Protest in The Religious Semiosphere of Russian Provincial Cities." Теория и практика общественного развития, no. 11 (November 6, 2020): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/tipor.2020.11.4.

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Анотація:

Digitalization that have been actively developing in Russia over the past ten years have an impact on the protest moods of people who share a religious worldview. The subject of this analysis is the forms of virtual protest activity on the Internet, which are classified as: protest against religion as an institu-tion that protects the existing political, economic and social foundations of Russian society from the atheism and other faiths and religious systems point of view; protest against the existing official confes-sional hierarchy within the normative religious dis-course; protest against internal confessional dog-mas aimed at reform or division. Digital protest ac-tivity is based on a marginal religious identity that does not affect the normative and confessional dis-course, but is formed within the framework of politi-cal, mythological, and ideological discourses. Pro-test moods against religion as a social institution, or atheistic protest correlates with political and socio-economic protest moods in provincial cities of Rus-sia.

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Dementieva, Irina N. "PROTEST MOODS OF THE REGION'S RESIDENTS AS A MANIFESTATION OF DESTRUCTIVE FORMS OF CIVIC ACTIVITY." Society and Security Insights 3, no. 2 (June 21, 2020): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2020)2-06.

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The article analyzes the protest moods of residents of the Vologda region in the context of the development of civil activity of the population. The main trends of protest potential in various socio-demographic categories are considered, and the most significant factors affecting the formation of protest socio-political moods of the population of the region are determined. The research is based on the results of regular monitoring of public opinion conducted by the Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences in the Vologda region. It is concluded that in the period from 2008 to 2019 the protest potential of residents of the Vologda region remains at a relatively stable level. The highest indicators of potential protest activity are the categories of the population that negatively characterize the socio-economic and political situation in the country and region, are dissatisfied with their own financial situation, do not approve of the activities of government structures, and experience negative emotions. Particular attention is drawn to the significant share of potential participants in protest actions among those who demonstrate low indicators of civil participation. Protest moods do not contribute to the development of conventional activity of citizens, prevent the consolidation and solidarity of the population. In this context, the protest potential acts as a destructive form of civil activity of the population.

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Pyrma, R. V. "Protest Moods of Russian Youth in a Digital Network." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 6 (February 10, 2020): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-6-100-110.

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This article discusses the protest activity of Russian youth in social media as one of the aspects of the concept of “digital citizenship”. The relevance of the study is due to the expanding influence of digital communications, the possibilities of initiating, disseminating, coordinating and mobilising protest actions in social media. The author outlines the main approaches to the study of the “ageing” of the mood of protest in the digital environment. Based on sociological research, the areas of interest of young users of digital communication are determined, and civic activity of young people is compared online and offline. In the course of the study, the intensity of protest messages on the Internet and social media was established, and the topics of protest content in the digital environment were determined. The study allowed us to identify the most common patterns of behaviour as the reaction of young Internet users to calls for protest actions. The author conducts a role differentiation of the protest audience by gender and age groups, in the direction of training and time spent on the network, as well as ways to receive online news. The research data obtained are correlated with current trends in civic activity in modern societies. Finally, the author indicated the underlying factors contributing to the growth of protest moods.

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Dementieva, I. N. "The role of the Internet in formation of the protest mood of the region’s population." Digital Sociology 4, no. 2 (August 4, 2021): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2658-347x-2021-4-2-32-43.

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This article analyses the degree of Internet penetration and the level of involvement of the Vologda region residents in the information and communication space. The author made an attempt to establish the existence of a connection between the protest moods of the residents of the region and the use of Internet resources, including for participation in public life. The information and empirical base of the study was the data of the monitoring of public opinion conducted by the Vologda Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences on the territory of the region.The results of the study showed that in recent years there has been a significant increase in the use of Internet technologies and social networks. According to calculations, the demand for information provided by the electronic mass media is increasing among the residents of the region who show protest moods, and the level of trust in this communication channel is growing. However, there is no direct correlation between the dynamics of the growth of Internet engagement and protest moods. The Internet and social media are not a factor of protest potential. They act as an information and communication platform that creates a technical opportunity for public discussion and facilitates the organization of protest moods. At the same time, the Internet can strengthen the effect of other factors, such as: dissatisfaction of the population with their own material well-being and the general economic situation in the country and the region, disapproval of the activities of the authorities, uncertainty of prospects and uncertainty in the future.

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8

Gulin, K. A., and I. N. Dement'eva. "Main Trends of Protest Moods in Vologda Oblast." Sociological Research 49, no. 2 (March 2010): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/sor1061-0154490204.

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Shaikhislamov, Rafael B., Guselia R. Asadullina, and Evellina V. Sadretdinova. "Youth protest moods through the eyes of Russian youth." Research Result Sociology and Management 7, no. 3 (October 8, 2021): 104–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2408-9338-2021-7-3-1-0.

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MARIN, EGOR, and NADEZHDA OSMACHKO. "DYNAMICS OF STUDENT PROTEST MOODS IN THE REGIONAL CONTEXT: AT THE EXAMPLE OF PRIMORSKY REGION." Sociopolitical sciences 10, no. 5 (October 30, 2020): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-5-20-35.

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The article presents the results of sociological research conducted in 2017 and 2020 years at the Primorsky region. The purpose of the repeated study was to identify the dynamics of student protest moods, taking into account regional specifics. The choice of the object of research is due to the significant importance of young qualified specialists for the development of the far East and Transbaikalia, whose training is carried Out in universities of the far Eastern Federal district (DFO). Primorsky region occupies a leading position in the economy and political system of the Federal district and Vladivostok city being the capital of the region is the capital of the district too. According secondary sources, was found that the number of open protests at this region were significantly fewer compared to 2017, but the protest potential of the population is still high. A comparative analysis of the data of two surveys showed a significant increase in the number of young people, including students, who are dissatisfied by the state’s policy and have negative emotions about it. Over the past three years, the protest potential of the students has grown: the number of young people, who support rallies and demonstrations against state policy, increased, the number of the respondents, who find it difficult to assess their own level of readiness for protest activity, decreased. A group of actors of protest behavior in relation to problems at law enforcement agencies, security and politics has grown. Respondents prefer the following forms of protest activity: thematic concerts, exhibitions, performances, installations, flash mobs; signing of collective protest appeals, petitions; permitted protest actions; peaceful change of government. The complex and ambiguous dynamics of protest moods and protest potential of students in Primorsky region should be taken into account by educational organizations and management bodies of various levels in order to navigate the situation, predict its development, and make informed management decision.

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11

Chebotareva, I. V., L. V. Mrochko, and L. I. Pirogova. "Causes and Special Aspects of Protest Moods among Young People." Ekonomicheskie i sotsial’no-gumanitarnye issledovaniya 3 (23) (September 2019): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24151/2409-1073-2019-3-145-152.

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12

Vasilchenko, Maksim Anatolevich, and Aleksandr Mikhailovich Zakharov. "“A Foreign City”: Dr. František Langer and the battles for Kazan in August – September 1918." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2021): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.4.35379.

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  The object of this research is the participation of the soldiers and officers of Czechoslovak Corps on the Volga front of the Russian Civil War reflected in the documentary novel by F. Langer. The goal of this work consists in the analysis of evolution of the relations of Czechoslovak legionnaires on the Russian events in the context of the large-scale socioeconomic crisis. The research is based on the novel by F. Langer, which was written in 1920 but became available for scholarly reflection almost a century later. This novel introduces new records on the events of 1918 in Kazan, which became a turning point in the battle for the Volga Region, and allows revising the chronology of protest moods within the Czechoslovak Corps. The most well-known manifestation of the refusal from participation in combat operations is the actions of the personnel of the 1st regiment of the corps under the command of the Colonel Y. Shvets, who committed suicide in the late autumn of 1918. This fact is regarded as most striking manifestation of demoralization of the military personnel; however, these symptoms could be traced in September if referred to the text of F. Langer’s chronicles, which has not previously become the subject of scientific analysis. The documentary novel expand the boundaries of protest moods in the soldier environment; it forms a solid representation on the intrapersonal conflict among the participants of the events back in the early September of 1918, which adds more details on the motivation of the participants of combat operations. The conclusion is made that the Czechoslovak Corps, solving virtually pointless battlefield tasks, not only suffered heavy losses, but also lost the meaning of its actions in general. The work of F. Langer indicates the first protest moods among the soldiers in the early autumn of 1918.  

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13

DeLancey, Craig. "Basic Moods." Philosophical Psychology 19, no. 4 (August 2006): 527–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09515080600806567.

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14

Samoylov, N. Yu. "The Motives of Socio-political Protest and the British Rock Culture of the 1960s-1970s." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 2(112) (June 10, 2020): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)2-15.

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The article studies the protest moods expressed by British rock musicians in their compositions of the 1960s and 1970s.The song lyrics of the popular British rock performers of that time were analyzed. It is established that the critical thrusts in the lyrics moved in line with the domestic changes in the UK. In the period of relative economic prosperity, from the second half of the 1960s to the early 1970s, the criticism was dominated by the theme of war, particularly the Vietnam War. As the economic and social situation declined, the focus of criticism shifted to domestic problems — recession, unemployment, the growth of radical movements in society, the shortcomings of the British educational system and other negative phenomena. It is concluded that the British musicians followed the moods within the country, and spoke critically about the existing problems both the internal problems of the UK, and the negative phenomena that existed outside the country. In that way, they increased awareness of the listeners and contributed to the growth of protest activity among the main audience — young people. Thus, British rock culture has made a contribution to the formation of the mass youth movement in the United Kingdom.

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15

Tong, Eddie M. W., Cindy R. M. Tan, Nareeman A. Latheef, Mohammad F. B. Selamat, and Dennis K. B. Tan. "Conformity: moods matter." European Journal of Social Psychology 38, no. 4 (2008): 601–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.485.

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16

Milberg, Sandra, and Margaret S. Clark. "Moods and compliance." British Journal of Social Psychology 27, no. 1 (March 1988): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2044-8309.1988.tb00806.x.

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17

YURASOV, IGOR А., MARIA А. TANINA, and VERA A. YUDINA. "DIGITAL RELIGIOUS PROTEST IN PROVINCIAL RUSSIAN CITIES: RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND FORMS." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2021): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2021.2.110-118.

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Анотація:

Digitalization trends that have been actively developing in the Russian Federation over the past ten years have an impact on the protest moods of people who share a religious worldview. The authors of the publication were interested exclusively in digital forms of protest activity within the traditional confessions of Russian provincial cities, namely Orthodoxy and Islam. In view of the small number of people who profess Judaism in the provincial cities of the Russian Federation, and because of the dogmatic foundations of traditional Buddhism, which is extremely negative to any form of protest against existing political, economic, and social realities, these denominations have not given any significant examples of virtual protest on the Internet. The authors clearly distinguish between legal forms of digital protest in the religious semiosphere and forms of religious extremism and xenophobia, which are also beyond the scientific interest of the authors of this study. The subject of this analysis is the forms of virtual protest activity on the Internet, which are classified in the following areas: protest against religion as an institution that protects the existing political, economic, and social foundations of Russian society from the point of view of atheism and other faiths and religious systems; protest against the existing official confessional hierarchy within the normative religious discourse; protest against internal confessional dogmas aimed at reform or division...

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18

Kaptsevich, Olga Aleksandrovna, Egor Borisovich Marin, and Nadezhda Vladimirovna Osmachko. "Psychological aspects of political participation and protest readiness of the youth of Primorsky Krai." Психолог, no. 1 (January 2021): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8701.2021.1.34979.

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Changes that take place in the Russian society generate conflicts that are often implemented in  form of a protest. Youth is the peculiar actor of protest behavior. The subject of this research is the psychological, namely emotional aspect of the attitude towards politics and its engagement into political interest and political behavior (including protest behavior) of youth of the Far East. The research involved 254 students from several universities of Primorsky Krai. Questionnaire that included a number of blocks aimed at studying emotions, interest in politics, political participation, and protest behavior was used for collecting the information. Application of the categorical method of key components, the author determined the two forms of potential protest behavior: “radical” and “moderate”. “Radical protest” reveals correlation with an entire range of negative emotions, while “moderate protest” has relatively few emotional correlates and is more typical among female respondents. “Radical” protest indicates high political activity: its supporters actively participate in politics in one or another way; “moderate” protest does not indicate such correlates. Therefore, politically active youth is more likely to have radical protest moods. The analysis of emotional attitude towards government can be considered as a marker of protest potential and its vector towards “softer” or “aggressive” forms of protest. The acquired results are valuable for government authorities, political parties, and educational institutions.

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ALEKSEYENOK, A. A. "THE MAIN DIRECTIONS OF IMPROVING YOUTH POLICY: SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS OF THE ALL-RUSSIAN STUDY." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 16, no. 5 (2021): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2021-16-5-30-40.

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The purpose of the article is to identify the main directions of improving the effectiveness of youth policy based on sociological analysis, the results of the all-russian empirical research presented in the work. The article analyzes such areas of youth policy as stimulating the political participation of young people in elections and youth organizations; control of protest activity of young people; analysis of the main problems present in the youth environment; ensuring the consolidation of youth organizations of public authorities in matters of youth policy. It is summarized that the main directions of improving youth policy are: stimulating the political participation of young people in elections and in youth organizations; control of protest moods and protest activity of young people; analysis of the main problems present in the youth environment; ensuring the consolidation of youth organizations and federal, regional and municipal public authorities in matters of youth policy and solving youth problems.

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20

Stanevich, A. Yu. "Political moods of Russian youth: common state and distinctive features." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 24, no. 4 (January 12, 2019): 254–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2018-24-4-254-272.

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The following article highlights the applied aspect of studying of political moods. The author gives definition of under investigation phenomena on the grounds of theoretical analysis of approaches of sociologists to studying of political moods. The applied aspect of given work is connected with analysis of results gathered during initiative all-Russian poll which was conducted on December 15–25 of 2017. The poll was executed among young people in the age of 18–30 years old. The survey was conducted online. According to the author’s definition, political moods include the following categories: political attitudes, political expectations and political behaviour. Given categories provide the basis for formation of indicator groups, on which the author’s survey is conducted. The following indicators express political attitudes: interest to politics, attitudes to democracy, interaction with the authority and their evaluation, evaluation of political atmosphere and attitudes towards opposition. Political expectations are understood as the set of the following indicators: expectations from authority and from presidential elections in March 2018. Politically directed behaviour is understood as intention to participate personally in politics and the forms of participation, readiness to vote and to participate in protest actions. The author offers to review the results of her survey, in which it is emphasized on demography features of political moods of Russian youth. By results of the survey, it was revealed that political moods of Russian youth are contradictory: on the one hand, young people give neutral-negative evaluations of political reality, on the other hand, they are set-up to stability and at the same time, they demonstrate low political activity.

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21

Kiselev, Igor Yu, and Anna G. Smirnova. "Deprivation of Needs as the Mechanism in the Formation of the Protest Political Moods." Politics, Culture and Socialization 4, no. 1 (October 7, 2013): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v4i1.19786.

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22

Siemer, Matthias. "Mood Experience: Implications of a Dispositional Theory of Moods." Emotion Review 1, no. 3 (June 10, 2009): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1754073909103594.

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The core feature that distinguishes moods from emotions is that moods, in contrast to emotions, are diffuse and global. This article outlines a dispositional theory of moods (DTM) that accounts for this and other features of mood experience. DTM holds that moods are temporary dispositions to have or to generate particular kinds of emotion-relevant appraisals. Furthermore, DTM assumes that the cognitions and appraisals one is disposed to have in a given mood partly constitute the experience of mood. This article outlines a number of implications of DTM (e.g., regarding the noncognitive causation and rationality of moods) and summarizes empirical results supporting the theory.

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23

Astakhova, S. "Belarus: Political Situation around the Presidential Election – 2020." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2020): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2020-3-9-24.

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The elections of the President of Belarus were held on August 9, 2020. According to official reports the current President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko won them in the first round of voting. The election campaign was extremely tense. Throughout it, protest moods were growing in the Belarusian society. The reason for the mass protests was distrust of the electoral system of the Republic. The harsh actions of law enforcement agencies to disperse demonstrators caused an outraged reaction in the Belarusian society, which led to an increase in protest activity. After Lukashenko's appeal on August 17, 2020 to workers at enterprises that went on strike, civil society activity declined – the transfer of power did not take place. The development of the situation in the future largely depends on the position that the newly elected President Lukashenko will take.

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Yudina, Tatyana N., Yuriy N. Mazaev, Tatyana M. Bormotova, and Pavel S. Zhukov. "State and dynamics of protest activity in modern Russian society." Вестник Пермского университета. Философия. Психология. Социология, no. 1 (2020): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2078-7898/2020-1-139-151.

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Protest actions of the population are the most important factor in the transformation of the society’s political systems. The authors consider protest moods monitoring to be an indicator of the government legitimacy and an integral part of public opinion. At the same time, indicators of citizens’ protest activity often become hostages of political technologies and public consciousness manipulation. The paper attempts to give an analytical description of dynamic potential and actual indicators of street protest activity in modern Russian society, which is done based on the materials of monitoring surveys conducted by leading sociological agencies, as well as information from the media and non-government organizations. It is shown that street protest activity as such can indicate deep social contradictions in Russian society. The main reason for mass protests of the population is essential problems that affect specific vital interests of ordinary people. In addition, the border between socioeconomic and political requirements is becoming increasingly blurred. At the same time, it is revealed that manifestations of street protest activity in modern society are situational. The social resource of rallies and demonstrations among the population is relatively limited. Survey data indicate that the majority of Russian citizens do not support participation in mass protests against decreasing living standards, in defense of their rights. In case of such protests they will most likely not take part in them, and, in general, they hold an opinion that mass street protest movement is unlikely to develop. According to the authors, the possible scenario for the protest situation development in society will depend on what problem factors determining the «peak» social tension and protest potential will coincide, as well as on the intensity of those factors.

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Nagaytsev, Victor V., Angelina N. Shrayber, and Valentina A. Artyukhina. "Social protest in the Altai Territory: research experience in the methodology of social conflict." Siberian Socium 4, no. 4 (2020): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2587-8484-2020-4-4-41-53.

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Анотація:

This article studies the phenomenon of social protest in the Altai Territory. The authors present the data from a sociological study on this issue conducted in 2018-2020. The main method of empirical research was a survey of the population in various territories of the region, which revealed the real and potential level of protest activity of citizens. This article considers the process of formation and development of protest as a special form of social conflict, studying the influence of a complex of factors on the formation of protest moods, as well as the real protest behavior of the population. The authors show the social nature of protest, which is based on contradictions in the interests of various social groups in the regional society. In the authors’ understanding, the protest behavior is represented as individual or collective actions of subjects demonstrating dissatisfaction with the existing situation in society. The significance of the research lies in the understanding of social protest as a form of conflict. This article deals with problems related to various scientific interpretations of the essence and content of social protest, traditional and non-classical methodological approaches to determining its essence and content. Attention is paid to the functions of protest, the constructive orientation of some protest actions of civil activists, and the extent to which the protest behavior of the population affects various aspects of the life of the regional society. In the course of the research, the following components of social protest in the region were analyzed: the real and potential level; causes; and the forms of manifestation, among others. As it turned out in the course of the study, social protest actions in regional society are one-time and situational in nature, and they can be prevented and regulated. The authors conclude that the lack of effective mechanisms for managing the protest behavior of social actors in regional society can lead to the most unfavorable social consequences — an increased conflict between different levels of subjects, increased tension, aggravation of social problems and other crisis phenomena in society. The conclusions are also formulated, according to which the reason for the protest is the rejection of certain subjects of the current social situation in society, dissatisfaction with various aspects of their life.

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26

Pomelova, Yulia. "Protest actions of the Tibetans in the People's Republic of China." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2021): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.2.35553.

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This article examines the methods of protest actions of the Tibetans residing in the territory of the People's Republic of China. The inability for legal self-organization and representation of the interests of ethnic minorities in the public space of PRC leads to the emergence of new forms of expressing protest moods, such as social network movements. Tibetan Buddhism is an important element of integration and construction of the identity of Tibetan society, which intensifies both positive and negative effects of China’s religious policy, and thus, causes various forms of disturbances from individual protest to large-scale temporary training centers of Tibetan Buddhism. The Russian scientific literature on the “Tibetan question” gives ample attention to China's religious policy pertaining to the Tibetan Buddhism monasteries and protests of Tibetan monks. The monasteries that have consolidated the religious and political power since the region became part of PRC, received particular attention of the party; organization and participation of the Tibetan monks and nuns in the protests seemed as the logical continuation of their traditional social role. The article systematizes the methods of protest activity of laity Tibetans, who believed that opposing the state policy implies the defense of their identity, which subsides due to the state homogenization project.

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Gavrilov, Sergey Dmitrievich, and Sergey Ivanovich Morozov. "Communication strategies within the public political space of Russia: from integration to protest." Право и политика, no. 2 (February 2021): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2021.2.35100.

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Анотація:

This article is dedicated to the analysis of communication strategies of various political actors within the Russian public space, as well as to conceptualization of integration and protest moods in the Russian society. The research problem consists in elucidation of the optimal strategies of communicative interaction between different subjects of the political process, including society and the government in the process of implementation of public policy. Special attention is given to the interpretation of integration and protest moods of population of the Russian Federation in the conditions of constant transformations of the Russian political system. Methodological foundation for this research became the basic provisions of the political communication studies, as well as the noninstitutional paradigm, according to which the communication process is presented as multidimensional interactions influenced by formal and informal factors of the implementation of public policy. The research is aimed at conceptualization of collective communication in the context of achieving public consensus. Special research methods include quantitative content analysis of the strategies for socioeconomic development of the Russian regions, as well as statistical analysis of secondary empirical data of the Russian sociological centers. The author reveals the conditions for the functioning of public policy, which determine the variability of communication strategies, consisting in the the normative legal differences of inclusion of different social institutions, as well as in ambiguity of actions of the subjects of communication for achieving public consensus. The scientific novelty lies in the proposal of three strategies of communication and institutional interaction between different actors of the Russian political process based on their socio-psychological attitudes: “integration dialogical interaction”, “separate coexistence”, “patron-client relationship”.

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Areni, Charles S., Mitchell Burger, and Natalina Zlatevska. "Factors Affecting the Extent of Monday Blues: Evidence from a Meta-Analysis." Psychological Reports 109, no. 3 (December 2011): 723–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/13.20.pr0.109.6.723-733.

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A meta-analysis of 34 samples identified a small but reliable “Monday blues” effect (−.08≤ d≤−.06) in samples reporting current or real-time moods for each day of the week. However, the size of the effect in samples reporting recalled summaries of moods experienced over the course of a day varied depending on whether the sample involved university students or nonstudents. University students reporting recalled summaries of daily moods showed a large Monday blues effect ( d = −.25), whereas married men who were not students reported smaller effects with greater variance (−.19≤ d≤−.01). The 34 samples reporting recalled summaries of moods experienced over multiple days produced effects ranging from −.25 to −1.28, but the variance among these samples was too great to estimate an aggregate d statistic.

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McConville, Chris, and Colin Cooper. "Personality correlates of variable moods." Personality and Individual Differences 26, no. 1 (January 1998): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0191-8869(98)00139-1.

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Kelloway, E. Kevin, Lori Francis, Victor M. Catano, and Michael Teed. "Predicting Protest." Basic and Applied Social Psychology 29, no. 1 (April 13, 2007): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01973530701330884.

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Chelnokova, Maria Leonidovna. "Non-Systemic Opposition in Modern Russia: Stages of Transformation and Political Activity Technologies." Общество: политика, экономика право, no. 11 (November 20, 2020): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2020.11.4.

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The present study considers the specifics of trans-formation of the Russian non-systemic opposition in 2000–2020, and the main technologies of its activi-ty at present time. The first stage of changes (2000–2011) was characterized by marginalization of oppo-sition in the context of development of a stable “Putin majority” and the building of a “vertical of power”. The second stage (2012–2017) was associ-ated with the activation of opposition forces against the background of the so-called “fatigue effect”, as well as the pressure on social, economic and politi-cal processes from the government. The third stage (since 2018 till present), which was initiated by the pension reform, is characterized by the erosion of trust in the government institutions and the growth of local protest moods, which were mainly socially oriented. Among the political technologies used by non-systemic actors these days it is important to outline the following: “embedding” in local protest actions; territorial differentiation of protests (their transfer from Moscow to the regions); total protest voting; attempt to design various attractive, alt-hough quite amorphous images of the future of Russia.

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Poma, Alice, and Tommaso Gravante. "“This Struggle Bound Us.” An Analysis of the Emotional Dimension of Protest Based on the Study of Four Grassroots Resistances in Spain and Mexico." Qualitative Sociology Review 12, no. 1 (January 31, 2016): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.12.1.07.

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The aim of the paper is to present the results of our research regarding the role of emotions in local struggles. Focusing on the analysis from below, we have paid special attention to the emotions felt by ordinary people. Our research shows that emotions are useful in order to understand struggles because they are present in every phase and every aspect of protest. We have seen that emotions play an important role in the day-to-day practices of the groups we have studied and that they interact with cognition in determining an individual’s behavior. Emotions not only motivate individuals but they might change their beliefs, too. In conclusion, we have seen that emotions play an important role in the protest. They not only influence the emergence and maintenance, but also affect some outcomes of the protest at the micro-level, like empowerment. Our research is based on in-depth interviews and narrative analysis of the biographical material, and the analysis gives special attention to the different labels we have assigned to different emotions, feelings, and moods that play an important role in the protest. We will present some results based on the analysis of four specific case studies: the insurgency of Oaxaca, Mexico (in 2006) and three resistances against dams in Spain and Mexico.

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Marin, Egor B. "The idea of social protest among Russian youth of the Far East." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 12, no. 1 (2021): 62–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2021.12.1.699.

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The article presents materials of the semantic reconstruction of ideas of various forms of social protest among young people of two age groups based on the materials of an empirical study conducted in 2020. In the course of the study representatives of two socio-demographic groups of youth from Vladivostok (Primorsky Territory) were interviewed: higher education students aged 18–24 and young adults aged 25–30. The carried out semantic reconstruction allowed to formulate the structural and content characteristics of the young people ideas about the five significant forms of the collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and rebellion. The semantic connections of the protest forms with the existential and political values of the young people were revealed. The study also succeeded in reconstructing the emotional component of the protest phenomena ideas. The category structure of the semantic space of ideas about the forms of protest has been determined. Common categories identified on the basis of associations include “values and goals”, “subjects”, “emotions”, “characteristics of a phenomenon”, “protest”, and “cultural and historical connotations”. The general categories of protest assessment, according to the semantic differential (SD), include “iintellectuality and honesty”, “hypocrisy and self-interest (honesty)”, “peace – aggressiveness”, “strength”. These categories, identified on the material of associations, in comparison with the categories of thinking obtained using factor analysis of the semantic differential data, allow to reconstruct both rational and unconscious levels of ideas about protest. Comparative analysis of ideas about different forms of protest demonstrates that on an emotional level a rally is the closest to youth. On a rational level, the petition is also positively assessed, while the youth of both groups are dissatisfied with the ineffectiveness of this form in practice. Young people do not associate radical forms of protest (riot and rebellion) with values and goals significant to them. At the affective level, they are perceived mostly negatively. In general, the identified categories allow to reconstruct the structure of the organization of the subjective experience of perceiving different forms of political and social protest in two age groups of young people. The data obtained in this study can be useful for further study of protest moods, used by state authorities and political parties in practical work.

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Belyaeva, Aya Abilmanatovna. "ON INTERACTION OF PUBLIC ASSOCIATIONS WITH STATE AUTHORITIES." Chronos 6, no. 6(56) (June 13, 2021): 40–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.52013/2658-7556-56-6-13.

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The article defines the place and role of public associations in the socio-political processes of modern Russia, analyzes the political activity of society. Public associations are able to structure and streamline the activity of Russian citizens, directing it in a constructive direction, while reducing the degree of protest sentiments if it is present. They do this work more efficiently than authorized state authorities, since they act “on the ground”, that is, they work directly with community representatives, understand its needs, capture moods and are able to change the current agenda without resorting to radical methods

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Davydov, Dmitry M., David Shapiro, and Iris B. Goldstein. "Moods in everyday situations." Journal of Psychosomatic Research 56, no. 1 (January 2004): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0022-3999(03)00602-0.

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Len’kov, R. V., O. A. Kolosova, and S. V. Kovalyova. "Socio-psychological diagnostics and forecasting protest behavior of youth in the digital environment." Digital Sociology 4, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2658-347x-2021-4-1-31-41.

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The article provides the results of a search empirical study of the impact of digital communications on the protest behavior of young people in the digital environment. The authors conducted the study on the basis of the State University of Management from November 2019 to April 2020. In the course of its implementation, the civil and political practices of student youth during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic and mass self-isolation were studied and updated. The paper determines the most common forms of protest activity of university students, names the main reasons for their participation or non-participation in mass protest actions. It has been empirically proven that the increase in protest behavior of young people is determined by an increase in the amount of political information with a high number of likes and reposts. In order to deactivate protest moods among young people, reduce the threats of their protest behavior and improve attitudes towards the authorities, the authors developed practical recommendations that involve social monitoring of sites, forums, pages and communities on the Internet, where young people can freely express their opinions, express dissatisfaction, and receive explanations about the actions of the authorities. The study also recommends to stimulate “feedback” with the authorities, improve public opinion on the actions or inaction of the authorities, increase the influence of citizens’ assessments on the work of state and municipal authorities. The paper states the importance of tracking youth groups prone to extremism, carrying out preventive measures with students in schools, students in colleges and universities, teaching them legal literacy. To get answers to questions about the political and economic consequences awaiting our country after the end of the coronavirus pandemic, as well as about the essence of the predicted threats, the authors plan the study on a more representative sample.

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Bayer, Jordana K., Ann V. Sanson, and Sheryl A. Hemphill. "Children's Moods, Fears, and Worries." Journal of Emotional and Behavioral Disorders 14, no. 1 (January 2006): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10634266060140010401.

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DR.SAJID REHMAN KHATTAK, HAIDER ALI, YASIR KHAN, and MUKHARIF SHAH. "Color Psychology in Marketing." Journal of Business & Tourism 4, no. 1 (November 6, 2021): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.34260/jbt.v4i1.99.

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The purpose of this research was to review the psychology of colors in marketing. People make their minds about product or people within 90 seconds. About 62 to 90 % of a product or people assessment is based on colors alone. Thus, a color is not only using to differentiate your product from your competitors, but it also affects the moods and feelings of the individual buyers, thus colors make attitude towards a certain product. Human feelings and moods are changeable overtime; thus, every marketing managers should know the importance of colors and make their products or packaging accordingly. This study evaluates the literature linking to color psychology. The study found that colors play an important role in marketing. Managers should give immense attention to their brands and products colors in order to attract a large number of customers. Limitations and future research agenda are presented.

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Eich, Eric, and Dawn Macaulay. "Are Real Moods Required to Reveal Mood-Congruent and Mood-Dependent Memory?" Psychological Science 11, no. 3 (May 2000): 244–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9280.00249.

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While simulating, or acting as if, they were either happy or sad, university students recounted emotionally positive, neutral, or negative events from their personal past. Two days later, subjects were asked to freely recall the gist of all of these events, and they did so while simulating a mood that either did or did not match the one they had feigned before. By comparing the present results with those of a previous study, in which affectively realistic and subjectively convincing states of happiness and sadness had been engendered experimentally, we searched for—and found—striking differences between simulated and actual moods in their impact on autobiographical memory. In particular, it appears that the mood-congruent effects elicited by simulated moods are qualitatively different from those evoked by induced moods, and that only authentic affects have the power to produce mood-dependent effects.

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Rottenberg, Jonathan. "Mood and Emotion in Major Depression." Current Directions in Psychological Science 14, no. 3 (June 2005): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0963-7214.2005.00354.x.

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Nothing is more familiar to people than their moods and emotions. Oddly, however, it is not clear how these two kinds of affective processes are related. Intuitively, it makes sense that emotional reactions are stronger when they are congruent with a preexisting mood, an idea reinforced by contemporary emotion theory. Yet empirically, it is uncertain whether moods actually facilitate emotional reactivity to mood-congruent stimuli. One approach to the question of how moods affect emotions is to study mood-disturbed individuals. This review describes recent experimental studies of emotional reactivity conducted with individuals suffering from major depression. Counter to intuitions, major depression is associated with reduced emotional reactivity to sad contexts. A novel account of emotions in depression is advanced to assimilate these findings. Implications for the study of depression and normal mood variation are considered.

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Triandafyllidou, Anna, and Bert Klandermans. "The Social Psychology of Protest." British Journal of Sociology 49, no. 2 (June 1998): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591325.

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van Stekelenburg, Jacquelien. "The Political Psychology of Protest." European Psychologist 18, no. 4 (January 1, 2013): 224–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040/a000156.

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We live in contentious times. Why are people prepared to sacrifice wealth, a pleasant and carefree life, or sometimes even their lives for a common cause? This question brings us to the individual level of analysis, and therefore to political psychology. People live in a perceived world. Indeed, this is what a political psychology of protest is about – trying to understand why people who are seemingly in the same socio-political configuration respond so differently. I will illustrate this point with an overview of state-of-the-art theoretical approaches and up-to-date empirical evidence. Discussed are grievances, efficacy/cynicism, identification, emotions, and social embeddedness. Most recent approaches combine these concepts into one model comprising two routes: An efficacy route steered by social embeddedness and a grievances route steered by cynicism. The working of the model is illustrated by empirical evidence from contemporary events such as migrants, collective action, demonstrating diasporas, and Social Media protests. Each of these illustrations exemplifies how different aspects of the socio-political context as dual identification, group status, and virtual embeddedness affect individuals’ protest behavior. As such the paper aims to provide an overview of political psychological work that may contribute to the understanding of our contentious times.

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McVeigh, Rory, and Bert Klandermans. "The Social Psychology of Protest." Social Forces 77, no. 1 (September 1998): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3006033.

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Killian, Lewis M., and Bert Klandermans. "The Social Psychology of Protest." Contemporary Sociology 27, no. 1 (January 1998): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654745.

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van Stekelenburg, Jacquelien, and Bert Klandermans. "The social psychology of protest." Current Sociology 61, no. 5-6 (March 15, 2013): 886–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392113479314.

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Acevedo Tarazona, Álvaro, and Andrés David Correa Lugos. "Nuevos modos de protesta juvenil e indignación en Colombia." Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud 19, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.11600/rlcsnj.19.2.4549.

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(analítico)Desde el año 2011 la juventud es partícipe de oleadas de indignación que invitan a repensar la movilización social y el protagonismo de las redes sociales. Por tanto, es importante plantearse ¿cuáles son los impactos en las acciones colectivas y discursos empleados en dichas movilizaciones? Este artículo analiza los nuevos modos en que se generan las movilizaciones y la relevancia de las redes sociales frente a problemáticas como la defensa de la educación y la protección del medio ambiente. Basándose en una metodología cualitativa e interpretativa usando fuente periódica de prensa y revistas en formato físico y digital. La contrastación de la información permite establecer nuevos modos de movilización ante la comunidad y la opinión pública desde la virtualidad y las redes sociales. Palabras clave: Investigación sobre los conflictos, medios de comunicación de masas, movimiento de protesta, movimiento juvenil, sensibilización ambiental.

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D’yakova, L. "New Government of Chile: Challenges of Equality and Efficiency." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-71-80.

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The paper specifies current politico-social situation in Chile, in particular the challenges associated with wide-scale public expectations of recent years, with development and expansion of radical and protest moods. While pointing at the advantages of Chilean development model shown over the period of 1990–2014 (namely, successful transition to democracy, efficient economy and large-scale social policy) the author turns to the analysis of the causes of political turbulence that acutely emerged at a time of President S. Piňera (2010–2014) in the form of mass youth’s protests against unpopular project of educational reform which has been proposed by the government. Against the background of rising of protest moods, supported in a greater degree by young students, and the mass social expectations, the author is dealing with different domestic and foreign policy challenges facing M. Bachelet, the newly elected President (2014–2018). This refers to implementing the promised educational reform focused on principles of free-of charge and affordability for everybody, the electoral system reform extending the area of political participation for small parties, to adoption a new Constitution. The new democratic government of Chile faces very serious challenge domestically. On the one hand, Chilean electorate demands to secure more social equality within the nation. On the other hand, there is an obvious need to promote more effective, dynamic development for creation competitive marketable economy. The article considers the first steps of M. Bachelet concerning tax and education reform, positions of the pro-Presidential parties and the center-right opposition. Finally, the author deals with the main aspects of Chile’s foreign policy agenda, in particular, participation in the Pacific Alliance, delimitation of a new sea border between Peru and Chile, as well as dealing with Bolivia’s claim to provide it an outlet to the sea via Chilean territory.

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McFarlane, Jessica, Carol Lynn Martin, and Tannis MacBeth Williams. "Mood Fluctuations: Women Versus Men and Menstrual Versus Other Cycles." Psychology of Women Quarterly 12, no. 2 (June 1988): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1988.tb00937.x.

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Mood fluctuations in women and men were studied both prospectively and retrospectively to determine whether cyclic changes occur over phases of the menstrual cycle, lunar cycle, and/or days of the week. The participants (15 women using oral contraceptives, 12 normally cycling women, and 15 men), who did not know the purpose of the study, recorded the pleasantness, arousal, and stability of their moods daily for 70 days (concurrent data). Later they recalled (retrospective data) their average mood for each day of the week and phase of the menstrual cycle (women only). The only evidence of mood fluctuation over the menstrual cycle in the concurrent reports was that normally cycling women reported more pleasant moods in the follicular and menstrual phase than did men and women on oral contraceptives. Women's moods fluctuated less over the menstrual cycle than over days of the week. Recollections of menstrual mood changes differed from actual changes: Women recalled more pleasant moods in the follicular phase and more unpleasant moods in the premenstrual and menstrual phases than they had reported concurrently. Bias also was evident in recollections of weekday mood fluctuations: Weekend highs were exaggerated and Monday blues were reported even though they were not reported concurrently. There was no evidence of mood fluctuations over the lunar cycle and the groups did not differ in mood stability. The retrospective reporting bias for both the menstrual cycle and days of week suggests the influence of stereotypes about moods. Implications for research and practice are discussed.

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De Weerd, Marga, and Bert Klandermans. "Group identification and political protest: farmers' protest in the Netherlands." European Journal of Social Psychology 29, no. 8 (December 1999): 1073–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-0992(199912)29:8<1073::aid-ejsp986>3.0.co;2-k.

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Otjes, Simon, Katherine Stroebe, and Tom Postmes. "When Voting Becomes Protest: Mapping Determinants of Collective Action Onto Voting Behavior." Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 4 (October 10, 2019): 513–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619872482.

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Do people signal protest by bringing out a protest vote when they feel they have been collectively disadvantaged? Political scientists have been interested in “protest voting” yet theoretical understanding is limited. Social psychologists have studied other forms of collective protest extensively. The present study integrates insights from the political science approach to protest voting and the social psychological approach to protest behavior to study how a context of perceived collective disadvantage influences voting for protest parties. We conducted a field study with a quasi-experimental design. This allowed us to study effects of a plausibly exogenous variable—the presence versus absence of societal disadvantage (the experience of man-made earthquakes)—on both determinants of and on subsequent protest voting. Results reveal that the presence of earthquakes affects levels of protest voting via (national) trust, regional identification, and perceptions of efficacy.

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