Дисертації з теми "Psychology of protest moods"

Ненасильницький конфлікт можна вважати особливим видом соціально-політичного конфлікту. Нормативно-правова база України не готова регулювати даний вид протестів. Інстинктивно люди схильні збиратись у натовпи та захищатись. У натовпі людина піддається психологічним змінам: зниження соціальної відповідальності, зниження когнітивних компонентів в поведінці, діє інфантильно. Конфлікт слід розуміти як вид взаємодії між людьми. Трансформація конфлікту полягає у зміні реальності конфлікту через 3 його виміри: сприйняття, контекст та поведінку. Для трансформації конфліктів існують внутрішні інститути (відділи поліції превентивного впливу (поліція діалогу), Національна служба посередництва і примирення) та міжнародного рівня організації (ООН, ОБСЄ) та фонди (РАХ, Berghoff foundation, Caritas, фонд «Відродження»). Серед методів та інструментв трансформації конфліктів я виділила 3: діалог, фасилітація та медіація. У роботі я описала технологію трансформації конфлікту між групами людей під час ненасильницьких протестів – вулична фасилітація. Вулична фасилітація має такі етапи: намір, моніторинг конфлікту, оцінка та картування конфлікту, моделювання та визначення точок входу, первинний психологічний контакт, контакт. Завершальний етап інтервенції в конфлікт виводить людину на зміну стратегії, поведінки. Вуличний фасилітатор здійснює кризову інтервенцію в умовах ненасилля, в точці активної «сірої маси» та надає голосу мовчазній більшості. Вуличний фасилітатор має розвинуті такі компетенції: комунікабельність, емоційний інтелект, гнучкість, здатність до емпатії та самоемпатії, вміння структурно мислити, розуміння власних кордонів та обмежень.
Nonviolent conflict can be considered a special kind of socio-political conflict. The legal framework of Ukraine is not ready to regulate this type of protest. Instinctively, people tend to gather in crowds and defend themselves. In the crowd a person undergoes psychological changes: reduced social responsibility, reduced cognitive components in behavior, acts infantile. Conflict should be understood as a kind of interaction between people. The transformation of the conflict is to change the reality of the conflict through its 3 dimensions: perception, context and behavior. There are internal institutions (preventive police units (dialogue police), National Mediation and Reconciliation Service) and international level organizations (UN, OSCE) and foundations (PAX, Berghoff foundation, Caritas, “Vidrodgennja” Foundation) for the transformation of conflicts. Among the methods and tools for conflict transformation, I identified 3: dialogue, facilitation and mediation. In this paper, I described the technology of transforming conflict between groups of people during nonviolent protests – urban peacebuilding. Urban peacebuilding has the following stages: intention, conflict monitoring, conflict assessment and mapping, modeling and identification of entry points, primary psychological contact, contact. The final stage of intervention in the conflict brings a person to change strategy, behavior. The urban peacebuilder carries out crisis intervention in conditions of non-violence, at the point of active "gray mass" and gives a voice to the silent majority. The urban peacebuilder has developed the following competencies: sociability, emotional intelligence, flexibility, ability to empathize and self-empathy, the ability to think structurally, understanding their own boundaries and limitations.
Ненасильственный конфликт можно считать особым видом социально-политического конфликта. Нормативно-правовая база Украины не готова регулировать данный вид протестов. Инстинктивно люди склонны собираться в толпы и защищаться. В толпе человек подвергается психологическим изменениям: снижению социальной ответственности, снижению когнитивных компонентов в поведении, действует инфантильно. Конфликт следует понимать как вид взаимодействия между людьми. Трансформация конфликта заключается в изменении реальности конфликта через 3 его измерения: восприятие, контекст и поведение. Для трансформации конфликтов существуют внутренние институты (отделы полиции превентивного воздействия (полиция диалога), Национальная служба посредничества и примирения) и международного уровня организации (ООН, ОБСЕ) и фонды (РАХ, Berghoff foundation, Caritas, фонд «Возрождение»). Среди методов и инструментв трансформации конфликтов я выделила 3: диалог, фасилитация и медиация. В работе я описала технологию трансформации конфликтов между группами людей во время ненасильственных протестов - уличная фасилитация. Уличная фасилитация имеет следующие этапы: намерение, мониторинг конфликта, оценка и картирование конфликта, моделирования и определения точек входа, первичный психологический контакт, контакт. Завершающий этап интервенции в конфликт выводит человека на смену стратегии, поведения. Уличный фасилитатор осуществляет кризисную интервенцию в условиях ненасилия, в точке активной «серой массы» и дает голос молчаливому большинству. Уличный фасилитатор имеет развитые такие компетенции: коммуникабельность, эмоциональный интеллект, гибкость, способность к эмпатии и самоемпатии, умение структурно мыслить, понимание собственных границ и ограничений.

Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan 22, 2010). Advisor: Dan Neal. Keywords: Drinking Motives; Affect; Electronic Diary. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-60).

Актуальность исследования подтверждается указом Президента РФ «Стратегией противодействия экстремизму в Российской Федерации до 2025», который предоставляет возможность, чтобы противостоять кризисным положением как в социальной, политической, информационной и нравственной сфере. Протестные настроения является актуальной проблемой в условиях российской действительности, во всех своих проявлениях он стал одной из основных внутренних угроз безопасности Российской Федерации, опираясь на происшествия последнего времени (СКВЕР, Московское дело). Изменение ситуации заставляет искать новые научные решения, позволяющие вести профилактическую работу с протестным потенциалом среди студенческой молодежи с помощью социальных сетей интернет которыми они пользуются и получают основную информацию и ей руководствуются. Цель исследования разработка механизмов профилактики влиянию контента социальных сетей на формирование протестных настроений в студенческой среде. Задачи исследования заключаются в следующем: - Определить вовлечения студенчества в протестные акции; - Проанализировать профилактику и мотивы возникновения протестных настроений в студенческой среде. - Изучить механизмы воздействия социальных сетей на возникновение студенческих протестов. - Оптимизировать программу обучения СООПр «Феникс», по технологии профилактики экстремизма среди студентов в социальных сетях на основе УрФУ. Для решения поставленных задач использовались общенаучные методы: теоретические – системный анализ, метод «адресной рассылки», сравнительный анализ, контент-анализ, изучение и обобщение; эмпирические – наблюдение, анкетирование. Экспериментальной базой исследования является УрФУ. Применение данных методов позволило автору определить теоретические основания исследования студенческого протеста, сконструировать соответствующий социологический инструментарий и на основе проведенных эмпирических замеров выполнить оптимизацию программы обучения СООПр «Феникс» УрФУ. Научная новизна исследования – применяется комплексное обучения информационного противодействия силами СООПр «Феникс» в социальных сетях, для профилактики и выявлении протестных настроений у студентов УрФУ. Практическая значимость работы заключается во внедрении программы обучения СООПр «Феникс», методикой которого является выявление, влияние и профилактика деструктивного контента социальных сетей на формирование экстремистских взглядов в молодежной среде.
The relevance of the study is confirmed by the decree of the President of the Russian Federation «Strategy to Combat Extremism in the Russian Federation until 2025», which provides an opportunity to counter the crisis situation in the social, political, informational and moral spheres. Protest mood is an urgent problem in the context of Russian reality, in all its manifestations it has become one of the main internal threats to the security of the Russian Federation, relying on recent incidents (SQUER, Moscow Case). The changing situation makes us look for new scientific solutions that allow us to conduct preventive work with protest potential among students using the social networks Internet that they use and receive basic information and are guided by it. The purpose of the study is to develop mechanisms for preventing the influence of social media content on the formation of protest moods in the student community. The objectives of the study are as follows: - Determine the involvement of students in protests; - To analyze the prevention and motives for the emergence of protest moods in the student community. - To study the mechanisms of the impact of social networks on the emergence of student protests. - To optimize the training program of COOPr «Phoenix», on technology for the prevention of extremism among students in social networks based on UrFU. To solve the tasks set, general scientific methods were used: theoretical - system analysis, the method of "address mailing", comparative analysis, content analysis, study and generalization; empirical - observation, questionnaire. The experimental base of the study is UrFU. The application of these methods allowed the author to determine the theoretical foundations of the study of student protest, to design appropriate sociological tools and, on the basis of empirical measurements, to optimize the training program of the Phoenix Ural Federal University. The scientific novelty of the study - a comprehensive training of informational countermeasures by the forces of the «Phoenix» COOPr in social networks is used to prevent and identify protest sentiments among students of UrFU. The practical significance of the work lies in introducing the «Phoenix» COOPr training program, the methodology of which is to identify, influence and prevent the destructive content of social networks on the formation of extremist views in the youth environment.

This thesis consists of two objectives which divide it into two parts. Thus, part one explores the cyclicity of protest mobilisation in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in the 1992–2009 period and part two investigates the relationship between protest mobilisation and democratisation in the 1990s, a decade marked by early progress in democratisation followed by an abrupt reversal to authoritarianism. Acknowledging the existence of numerous competing explanations of protest cyclicity, the first part of this study utilises four major social movement perspectives – relative deprivation (RD), resource mobilisation (RMT), political opportunity structures (POS) and collective action frames (CAF) – to explain variances in protest mobilisation in Kazakhstan over time and four issue areas. Adopting a small-N case study and process-tracing technique, the thesis’s first research question enquires into which of these four theoretical perspectives has the best fit when seeking to explain protest cyclicity over time. It is hypothesised that the ‘waxing and waning’ of protest activity can best be attributed to the difficulties surrounding the identification and construction of resonant CAFs. However, the study’s findings lead to a rejection of the first hypothesis by deemphasising the role of CAFs in predicting protest cyclicity, and instead support the theoretical predictions of the POS perspective, suggesting the prevalence of structural factors such as the regime’s capacity for repression and shifts in elite alignments. The second research question revolves around variations in protest mobilisation across four issue areas and explores the reasons why socioeconomic grievances mobilised more people to protest than environmental, political and interethnic ones. According to the second hypothesis, people more readily protest around socioeconomic rather than political and other types of grievances due to the lower costs of participation in socioeconomic protests. While the regime’s propensity for repressing political protests could explain the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the 2000s, the POS perspective’s key explanatory variable failed to account for the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the early 1990s, resulting in the rejection of the second hypothesis. The second part of the thesis attempts to answer the third research question: How does protest mobilisation account for the stalled transition to democracy in Kazakhstan in the 1990s? Based on the theoretical assumption that instances of extensive protest mobilisation foster democratic transitions, the study’s third research hypothesis posits that transition to democracy in Kazakhstan stalled in the mid-1990s due to the failure of social movement organisations to effectively mobilise the masses for various acts of protest. This assumption receives strong empirical support, suggesting that protest mobilisation is an important facilitative factor in the democratisation process. The thesis is the first to attempt to employ classical social movement theories in the context of post-communist Central Asian societies. Additionally, the study aims to contribute to the large pool of democratisation literature which, until recently (following the colour revolutions), seemed to underplay the role of popular protest mobilisation in advancing transitions to democracy. Finally, the research is based on the author’s primary elite-interview data and content analysis of five weekly independent newspapers.

The influence of right-wing political conservatism on support for democracy and the criminalization of social protest is analyzed in a sample of university students from the city of Lima (N = 201). As indicators of the right-wing political conservatism, measures of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing political orientation were used. Two path diagrams were proposed: the second diagram showed a proper degree of fit and proposes a positive covariance between RWA, SDO and right-wing political orientation. The diagram also suggests that RWA, SDO and right-wing political orientation exert a direct influence on the criminalization of social protest, while SDO and RWA exert an indirect influence on support for democracy. Finally, support for democracy present an inverse correlation with the criminalization of social protest.
Se analiza la influencia del conservadurismo político de derecha sobre el apoyo a la democracia y la criminalización de la protesta social en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios de Lima (N = 201). El conservadurismo político de derecha fue evaluado utilizando medidas de autoritarismo (RWA), orientación hacia la dominancia social (SDO) y orientación política de derecha. Dos diagramas de sendero (Path Analysis) fueron propuestos: el segundo diagrama presentó un ajuste adecuado y propone, en primer lugar, una covarianza positiva entre el RWA, la SDO y la orientación política de derecha. Asimismo, tanto el RWA, como la SDO y la orientación política de derecha ejercen una influencia directa sobre la criminalización de la protesta social, mientras solo la SDO y el RWA ejercen una influencia inversa sobre el apoyo a la democracia. Finalmente, se observa una correlación inversa entre el apoyo a la democracia y la criminalización de la protesta social.

This study investigated the understanding of normativity and free will from a developmental perspective. Being a new field of investigation, there is not much research conducted which points to different aspects of normativity. Current study, therefore, aimed to assess Turkish children&rsquo
s normative development on a sample of 2 and 3 years old in the context of games. It was expected, first, that children would show more protest when there is a norm violation. Moreover, older children would show more normative protest than younger ones. The results confirmed these hypotheses. In a second study, it was investigated whether the actor&rsquo
s being free to act as s/he wills versus constrained so that cannot act otherwise had an effect on children&rsquo
s protest in response to norm violations. It was hypothesized that a decrease in normative reactions and an increase in help responses would be observed. No age effect for help responses was expected. The results of this study did not reveal any decrease in normative reactions, but there was an increase in help responses regardless of the age.

This study sets out to explore how people who took part in mass protests in Russia produce and negotiate accounts of their protest involvement in talk. Although there has been a proliferation of research on protest in Russia, especially after the first mass demonstration in December 2011, the existing literature tends to prioritise the role of structural and demographic factors in mobilising dissent. However, there has been little investigation into how protesters themselves account for protest involvement and how they make such factors relevant. In addition, no in-depth social psychological exploration of protesters’ views has been conducted in Russia to date. This thesis addresses these gaps by offering a detailed empirical investigation of autobiographical accounts produced by Russian protesters regarding the reasons and motives for taking part in active protest and the subjective interpretations of what being a protester means. Semi-structured interviews with 48 Russian participants were collected, transcribed and translated. The data were analysed within the framework of discursive social psychology (DP). The analysis focused on how particular descriptions were used by protesters in talk to justify and contest certain versions of reality, and on the social actions thereby accomplished. The analysis led to novel insights into how protesters in Russia construct the causes and motives of their dissent, negotiate problematic identity categories and manage issues revolving around accountability and blame. For example, the analysis illustrated the potentially problematic nature of defining protesters’ interests and objectives as ‘political’. That is, when asked about their political attitudes, the interviewees actively justified these as not intentional. They mobilised various discursive resources to imply that they did not intend to become interested in politics and protest, but rather experienced situations that ‘naturally’ led to the acquisition of political interest. Similarly, when talking about motives for active protest participation, protesters tended to downplay explicitly political motivations. Instead, they portrayed their actions as a logical consequence of the deteriorating situation: some participants justified their involvement in terms of duty to defend their loved ones and the country in general, while others defended the appropriateness of active resistance through invoking powerful negative emotions. Such accounts functioned to protect protesters from being seen as motivated by personal or economic concerns, and warranted active protest as the only available means to address the unjust state of affairs in the country. Furthermore, I have shown that identifying with the label of ‘opposition’ is problematic for protesters, with oppositional membership being either denied or delimited in a number of ways. For example, the analysis demonstrated how respondents accomplished denials by making claims about the activities and attributes associated with the category of ‘member of the opposition’ and by invoking the negative connotations of the very term ‘opposition’. The instances of self-ascription of opposition membership further illustrated the sensitive nature of the topic: affirmation accounts were often modified to delimit the extent and nature of membership, with it being portrayed as a logical consequence of a speaker’s views, rather than in terms of emotional or psychological basis, such as shared identity or desire to belong. Finally, my study focused on the arguments relating to the people who do not protest. Interestingly, I found that, despite routinely warranting rationality and necessity of active protest, respondents portrayed the passive members of the public as not blameworthy. The behaviour of non-protesters was justified through attributing it to various practical hindrances and to specific cultural/generational mindsets, thereby placing it outside of peoples’ control. Overall, my thesis contributes to the social psychological literature on protest, by providing a complementary model of contention through the prism of protesters’ own orientations. The study demonstrated that, for protesters in Russia, protest experiences appear to be closely linked with interpersonal and normative considerations, with dissent being manufactured as a necessary and inherently moral act aimed at protecting Russia and its people. The study thus illustrated the utility of putting people’s accounts at the forefront of the analysis and treating them as valuable in their own right. In adopting a novel methodological approach to exploring protest realities as products of interaction, this thesis created an opportunity for a better understanding of the complexities and challenges of popular protest in Russia.

The aspiration of every organization is to collectively gather people in order to perform structured activities to fulfill its purpose. But what if there are circumstances within an organization that interferes with this? The thesis of this study is to scrutinize how employees experience their position in a hierarchical organizational structure, and what management strategies they use to direct and indirect protest against this structure. Through semi-structured interviews, employees have shared their experience of how they cope with being a part of an organization that has, against its own will, a hierarchical organizational structure. By analyzing their empiricism in the context of theories about hierarchy, organization culture and Hirschman’s theory about Exit, Voice and Loyalty, this study concludes that a hierarchical structure roots a barrier between management and its employees. This barrier has caused a lack of trust between these two much needed groups of the organization.                       The employees within the organization that the study is based on, use a varied amount of management strategies due to how they experience their position. These strategies include using their voice for the reason of feeling loyal to the organization, they use their ability to exit the organization for the lack of loyalty, and the employees experience the lack of both voice and exit, because they are finding themselves being dependent of the organization. To manage the rooted barrier and decrease the employees need to use management strategies, management should consider developing a strong organization culture, due to increase trust and motivation among its employees.

Two modalities of research design's workshops -long and short- were developed to qualify 658 Hispanamerican research workers, whom were divided into 30 groups, and were applyied along ten years. The terminal efficiency of the workshops was measured with a pre-post-test design and the differences were assessed with a t-test -for dependent samples-. The results showed that the values of the post-test were higher -p ≤ 0.001- than the pretest averages. Contrasting the two workshop versions, the average of the long workshop was significantly higher -p ≤ 0.001- than the short one, by means of a multiple pre-post-test design and the t-test for independent samples. Using Solomon four-group design it was feasible to establish that the significant increase of knowledge about research designs was not influenced by the interaction of the pretest and treatment factors and there was not observed any significant difference between both versions.
Se aplicaron dos modalidades de talleres de investigación -corta y larga- para habilitar por espacio de diez años a 658 investigadores hispanoamericanos, divididos en 30 grupos. La eficiencia terminal de los talleres fue medida con un diseño de pre y post-test y las diferencias con una prueba t-Student -para muestras dependientes-. Los resultados mostraron que los valores del post-test eran más elevados -p ≤ 0.001- que los del pretest. Contrastando las dos versiones del taller, el promedio del largo fue significantemente mayor -p ≤ 0.001- que el del corto; esto, bajo la tutela de un diseño múltiple de pre y post-test y la prueba t-Student, pero para muestras independientes. Con el diseño de cuatro grupos de Solomon se estableció que el incremento significativo en el conocimiento sobre diseños de investigación no fue intervenido por los factores tratamiento y pretest -interacción- y no se observaron diferencias significativas entre ambas versiones.

With an eye on the current social and political situation in Europe, and with regards to the so-termed refugee crisis, this study aims to map the discourse on assumed good and evil shared among Western cultures, as represented by Sweden, Germany and the United States.  The thesis takes its point of departure from essayistic reflections of the philosophical tradition and theological and religious analytical positions respectively. These are then followed by two investigative main chapters, designed along the lines of Norman Fairclough’s approach to critical discourse analysis (CDA). The first of these chapters studies the narratives of good and evil employed in the mainstream cinema of the past ten years in the mentioned countries. The second analysis is made up of three case studies, in turn looking at similar narratives in the campaigns of the two main competitors in the 2016 presidential race, a German protest movement against free trade agreements, and the everyday political communication of Swedish Facebook users. In a final chapter, findings from all four preceding chapters are brought together in an attempt to sketch an image of the congruences and discrepancies of narratives on good and evil in the overall discursive field. The thesis finds that the discursive field shared by the three investigated societies is largely homogenous, with certain imagery permeating all analysed orders of discourse. Many of the reoccurring images are however likely rooted in the human psyche and therefore less dependent on discourse practice. Furthermore, certain principles are agreed upon in theory while not reproduced in social practice. Themes assigned to either good or evil often seem to take on secondary functions next to assumed fixed identities of in- and out-groups.  Being a qualitative study, this thesis aims at giving an overview and delivering a base for further investigations rather than providing definitive answers.

The affect and decision literature has established that incidental moods affect our decisions and choices. Yet few studies have gathered process data to examine the role of affect on the cognitive processes underlying decision-making. The primary purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the effects of induced moods on the process and outcomes of decisions under risk, using mixed-domain financial problems. In two empirical studies, an eye tracker was used to record decision-makers’ distribution of attention across specific aspects of the decision problems, and transitions in attention. Both studies tested for possible mood congruency effects and mood effects on depth of processing in the decision-making task. In Study 1, viewing of short movie clips was used to induce either happy or sad mood in participants, who then made choices between pairs of mixed-domain options consisting of a probabilistic gain coupled with a probabilistic loss. Data were also gathered in a control condition, where participants were instructed to use an EV-calculation strategy, a prototypical integrative compensatory strategy. In Study 2, instead of movie clips, the mood induction task involved reading a sad or neutral news story. Inclusion of a neutral condition enabled inferences about the specific effect of the induced sad mood condition. Also, the decision task in Study 2 was modified in structure by always pairing a sure option with a mixed-domain risky option. Study 1 results showed significant differences in choices and in attention transitions between the EV-instruction and the induced mood conditions, but no significant differences between the happy and sad induced mood conditions. Participants with induced moods showed relatively more evidence of heuristic strategy use, but analytic strategies remained the modal strategy in all conditions. Importantly, key types of attention transitions were shown to reliably predict the frequency of observed choices consistent with optimal (EV- maximizing) and heuristic strategies. Study 2 found significant effects of problem structure (domain) on choices and distribution of attention. Participants in general had longer fixations and showed more EV-maximizing choices for problem structure 2 (sure loss versus mixed risky option) than for problem structure 1 (sure gain versus mixed risky option) problems. Across both studies, however, the results did not demonstrate any effect of specific induced incidental mood on decision-making. Limitations of the findings and future research directions are discussed.

The participation of advantaged group members in collective action with the disadvantaged group to challenge inequality is crucial to building a social movement. Although prior work has found that an invitation to participate in collective action is a strong predictor of participation, the extent to which advantaged group members are influenced by such invitations is not known. The present research investigates the effect of the race of an inviter (White vs. Black) on Whites’ willingness to participate in collective action for racial justice as a function of their underlying prejudicial attitudes. Study 1 found that greater internal motivation to respond without prejudice (IMS) was associated with greater willingness to participate in collective action for racial justice. Study 2 found a marginal interaction between race and IMS in predicting collective action, such that for Whites high on IMS, a Black (vs. White) inviter evoked greater willingness to participate in collective action; however, this effect was not replicated in Study 3. Instead, Study 3 found that IMS and the Black (vs. White) inviter independently predicted greater willingness for collective action. Study 3 also found initial evidence of conferred psychological standing to explain how inviter’s race shapes collective action. Specifically, a Black (vs. White) inviter was perceived to have greater psychological standing on issues of racial justice, which increased Whites’ personal standing, and subsequently, Whites’ willingness to participate in collective action for racial justice.

The study examined the differential effect of cognitive and affective fraternal relative deprivation (RD) on protest orientation. The subjects were 120 Indian adults comprising 60 professionals and 60 non-professionals. Cantril's (1965) ladder was used to tap cognitive fraternal RD. A list of six emotions gauged affective fraternal RD and the Muller (1972) and Grofman and Muller (1973) measure of potential for collective violence assessed protest orientation. Results show that blacks are perceived to be worse-off, whites better-off and coloureds similar to the ingroup. Professionals experience a greater absence of cognitive fraternal RD than nonprofessionals when the target comparison groups are blacks and coloureds, and greater affective fraternal RD than non-professionals when the target comparison groups are blacks and whites. To examine the effect of cognitive fraternal RD, affective fraternal RD and occupational status on protest orientation, a stepwise multiple regression analysis was conducted. The model revealed that 35% of the variance was significantly accounted for (p<0.05). The affective component contributed the greater proportion of the variance. The results highlight the importance of differentiating the cognitive from the affective component of fraternal RD. The limitations of the study are considered and directions for future research are offered.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1991.

A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Clinical Psychology In the faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg July 2017
This research project is a part of a larger umbrella study that aims to explore the perceived psychological effects of Silent Protest day at the University of Witwatersrand. The research participants were students that participated in the event, whether or not they have been victims of sexual violence, or participated to show support for those who have. The intention of this research project was to identify factors that influence the disclosure of sexual violence on the Silent Protest day but also in general, and to explore the process of, and reasons for keeping silent about or disclosing the experience of sexual violence (whether to one person or to many). Sexual violence is a considerably big problem in South Africa, and unfortunately the majority of sexual offences go unreported. It has been shown that survivors of sexual violence often display signs of psychological distress and might develop a psychological disorder. The silence and stigma around sexual violence can prevent victim-survivors from reporting incidents and most importantly from seeking help. Research has shown that emotional inhibition about and/or nondisclosure of traumatic events is significantly associated with psychological problems such as dissociation, anxiety, depression, PTSD and mood disorders. The aims of this research project were therefore to get a better understanding of the nuances surrounding the actual process of disclosure on Silent protest day and in victim-survivors lives, to explore why individuals decide to, or not to, disclose sexual violence, and the emotional and psychological aspects and effects that are elicited and experienced within that process. Five participants that had participated in the 2015 Silent Protest were interviewed. The themes that emerged from the research were: factors that may prevent disclosure; factors that may facilitate disclosure; factors that appear to have a mixed effect on disclosure; and the researcher’s reflections on participants’ disclosure to her. Underlying these themes were various sub-themes such as feelings of shame, not knowing how to disclose, fear, having the opportunity to disclose; the nature of the relationship to the perpetrator; anticipated reaction from others; the survivor’s general feelings on disclosure, and their views of other survivors’ experiences of disclosure. The findings imply that the ability to tease out and understand the survivors’ internal processes from the external factors is key in aiding the actual process of disclosure in a supportive manner.
XL2018

This exploratory study set out to uncover views from the Occupy Movement’s Johannesburg leg. The Occupy Movement arose in late 2011, aiming to occupy public space and challenge conventional economics, politics, and governance. Data were collected by means of an online survey amongst 39 ‘core’ members of the group. The study took up a mixed methods approach underpinned by critical realism. Basic descriptive statistics and cross tabulations were used to analyse 6 closed-ended survey items in a quantitative fashion; thereafter, 4 open-ended items were qualitatively examined by delineating responses into discursive themes based on response content and positions taken up by respondents in their claims and statements. Finally, a cluster analysis was performed in order to cluster or profile significant groups that emerged from the data based on demographics, selection of closed-ended items, and quantitatively transformed response content to qualitatively examined open-ended items. It was found that the sample mirrored the demographics present in foreign movements as it was primarily male (61.5%), white (87.2%), highly educated (51.4% holding a bachelor’s degree or higher) and young (74.4% in the 21 to 40 age range). Furthermore, it was found that within a group that stood against various macro-level social systems, confidence in all social institutions was extremely low, in particular for big corporations, national government, and political parties. This sample was highly comparable to a representative South African sample as regards their views on the causes of social division; the factors that were seen as most socially divisive (in descending order) were: (1) socio-economic status; (2) race; (3) politics; (4) cultural differences; (5) language; (6) religion; (7) AIDS/disease. Qualitatively, the first item asked whether or not they believed that their movement lacked focus. Upon analysis it was found that four distinct themes existed in response: (1) duality (those revealing support for the movement but disdain for its processes); (2) aggressive justification (vehement justification and defense of the Occupy stance); (3) denial (lacking full knowledge of Occupy processes but ardently defending them while moving away from the difficult questions); (4) straddling the fence (vague and contradictory positions). Members responded to the question of whether their movement differed from foreign movements by stating that it did, based primarily on local socio-historical, economic, and contemporary issues peculiar to South Africa – these members sought a special place for their movement and acted in contradiction to the global Occupy stances; others said no and based this on appeals to homogeneity of cause, global concerns, and an Occupy solidarity. When asked why they, personally, were motivated to engage with the movement, the sample maintained either: (1) the unfair world argument (a strong theme in which perceived ‘systemic unfairness’ proved motivation enough); (2) socialist argument (a string of socialist-based positions connected to classic socialist disdain for the creation of capital, accruing of personal wealth, estrangement of labourers from produce etc.); (3) personal plight argument (exclusively personal standpoints appealing to individual socio-economic woes). Finally, pressure was placed upon the Occupy protestors to reveal what their ideal, utopian society would look like, given the option. The sample called for: (1) orthodox anarchy (stark calls for 4 absolute anarchy); (2) anarchic socialism (marrying socialism and anarchy – less extreme than anarchy, more equal than capitalism, incorporating multiple freedoms and backed by orthodox socialist rhetoric); (3) advancing through decentralized civil society (no clear ideology, rather providing a special place for civil society with few central power structures; driving forth through family and community); (4) fundamental equality and freedom (emphasis of final desires over process and ideology with a belief that society does not require strict regulation, it rather holds its own ‘homeostatic’ capabilities). The hierarchical cluster analysis for this study found 4 distinct clusters; each cluster was defined by a generally homogeneous set of responses and demographics. Significantly, cluster 3 included 50% of the cases analysed (50% of the sample) and uncovered a common profile (homogeneous demographics, vastly similar stances on sources of social division, similarity in terms of confidence in social institutions, and agreement on the rationale and motivation to be personally involvement in Occupy). Cluster 4 consisted of so-called outliers.
Psychology
M. A.( Psychology with specialisation in Research Consultation)

Based on social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and the social identity approach to leadership (Haslam, Reicher, & Platow, 2011), the present research addressed the question of how collective action is coordinated. Three studies are reported, which address the interplay between in-group identification, identity leadership and collective action in three social group contexts (i.e., political parties, civic society and workgroup). The results of Study 1 replicated that identity leadership is a four dimensional construct. However, these four dimensions had strong intercorrelations. Study 2 and 3 supported the hypotheses that the more people identify with the group, the more they will engage in collective action (Hypothesis 1) and in-group identification results in the perception of identity leadership which, in turn leads to collective action in certain group contexts (Hypothesis 2-5). Study 3 demonstrated that the relationship between in-group identification and collective action, via identity leadership is indeed context dependent (Hypothesis 6). Implications of the current research are outlined in relation to the discourse on collective action and identity leadership.
Grow-your-own-timber programme at Unisa
Psychology
M.A. (Psychology, with specialisation in Research Consultation)

近年来，针对就业和就学中遭遇歧视的困境，中国乙肝携带者发起一场要求消除歧视、维护合法权益的抗争运动。为什么乙肝携带者就业歧视问题在中国如此显著？面对国家和市场这两大最具权势的系统，公民社会将何以对抗？本文旨在从社会学的视角对这场“将‘乙肝’去除"的运动进行解读。
本文采用个案研究方法，以北京益仁平中心为主要研究对象，围绕 “乙肝"在中国的建构和重构过程，将研究聚焦于三个方面：第一，乙肝污名化过程以及国家、市场中的话语权；第二，反乙肝歧视维权运动的条件和动员机制；第三，“将‘乙肝’去除"中的政治和权力话语三角。
本文从社会运动理论中的资源动员、政治机会结构和框架理论出发解读中国乙肝携带者的维权运动；将运动中的微观景象与宏观社会结构结合起来，考察影响乙肝携带者维权运动的主要因素以及运动的动员机制。研究伊始分别从国家和市场两个领域审视乙肝歧视问题在中国的建构过程，阐明乙肝污名化是政府权威以及市场中医药商和医学权威共谋下的合力作用，从而为乙肝携带者反歧视抗争运动的后续研究选择一个合适的立足点。笔者在案例中发现，组织在维权运动中将乙肝携带者群体动员起来，采取有效的策略，充分利用其在资源获得方面的优势、建立乙肝维权组织网络、善于把握时机营造政治机会空间、并能够吸纳律师和媒体的专业力量是维权行动能取得成功的重要因素。
组织在维权行动中的话语框架对运动的发展至关重要。乙肝携带者群体对组织运动框架的认同是动员成功的基础；掌握定义“乙肝"的主动权、运动领袖的可信性、框架话语表达的日常化、与媒体的良好关系等策略有助于框架在动员中与参与者、旁观者产生共鸣；抗争精英通过话语框架为抗争活动提供合法性。
反乙肝歧视维权运动可以看作是一个“将‘乙肝’去除"的“去污名化"运动。一方面，中央政府与地方政府有着各自自主性利益；另一方面，乙肝携带者群体内部就抗争形式也难以统一，这两种分裂情况交叉形成了一个围绕“将‘乙肝’去除"的，以规则、效益和权利为话语的权力三角，支撑反歧视行动的抗争空间。权力三角的多变性决定去除“乙肝"的行动是有策略的、冒险的，但却相对稳定。
Hepatitis B Virus carriers (HBVers) have launched series social movements targeting at eliminating discriminations against HBVers in job market and promoting fair employment in recent decade of years. Why does nowhere match the HBV discrimination in such country like China? How is contentious politics possible when the powerless engage in struggles with power holders, like state and market in China? The thesis attempts to learn the intricacies of body politics with sociological approaches.
Yirenping, a NGO located in Beijing, is selected as research object in this case study. Concentrating on the political nature of the HBV confrontations, this thesis is comprised of three parts: first, the stigmatization of HBV in China; second, tactics and strategies that employed against the system of discrimination; third, the politics of “Removing HBV" and the power triangle among state, market and civil society.
The analysis of the HBV movement is informed by three sociological theories of social movements: resource mobilization, political opportunity structure and framing, meanwhile macro structure and micro interaction are combined. It is postulated that this disease discrimination in China occurs when confronting an entrenched stigmatization conjoined from both state and market dedicated to keeping the HBVers excluded and marginalized, which serves as a departure point for further analysis of the struggles for power against this discrimination. Resources mobilized, leaderships and organizations, networks among HBVers and outside supporters, strategies in mobilization positively facilitate the anti-discrimination movements. Utilizing the institutional advocacies as well as informal networks with officials, NPC & CPCCC delegates open more political opportunities within the preexisting political environment.
Framing is essential to the movement mobilization. Identifying closely with the visions and missions in movements, the self conceptualization of HBV-discrimination, charismatic leaders, the everyday narrative of the frame, as well as strategic media coverage help promoting resonance among movement participants and standers-by. Framing strategies provide legitimacy for HBV selves in collective movements.
Finally, the thesis came to the conclusion that anti-discrimination-against-HBVers social movements in China can be interpreted as a process of struggle to “Removing HBV" power. Central government and local ones have their autonomies and interests respectively, while weak but observed divisions in protesting strategies also exist within the HBVers, which shape a triangle of power struggles among the dominant and dominated groups. The power triangle is flexible, and the “Removing HBV" movements are strategic, risk-taking, while being routinized.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
郭娜.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 137-156)
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Guo Nuo.
中文摘要 --- p.i
英文摘要 --- p.ii
引言 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章 --- 导论 乙肝：作为医学问题和作为社会问题 --- p.3
Chapter 1.1 --- 作为医学问题的乙型肝炎及其全球地理分布 --- p.3
Chapter 1.2 --- 乙型肝炎在中国 --- p.6
Chapter 1.3 --- 作为社会问题的乙肝歧视 --- p.8
Chapter 1.4 --- 研究方法 --- p.10
Chapter 1.5 --- 小结 --- p.14
Chapter 第二章 --- 研究问题与文献回顾 --- p.15
Chapter 2.1 --- 社会运动理论的发展脉络 --- p.16
Chapter 2.2 --- 认同与社会运动的动员 --- p.21
Chapter 2.3 --- 中国底层社会与维权抗争研究回顾 --- p.24
Chapter 2.4 --- 中国反乙肝歧视运动的分析框架 --- p.26
Chapter 2.5 --- 小结 --- p.34
Chapter 第三章 --- 政府与入职体检 --- p.35
Chapter 3.1 --- 新中国成立之初的公共卫生政策 --- p.35
Chapter 3.2 --- 中国人事制度改革和公务员职业声望 --- p.39
Chapter 3.3 --- 体检标准与强制乙肝检测 --- p.43
Chapter 3.4 --- 小结 --- p.47
Chapter 第四章 --- 市场话语权与定义“乙肝" --- p.49
Chapter 4.1 --- 市场中的虚假广告 --- p.50
Chapter 4.2 --- 体检经济 --- p.54
Chapter 4.3 --- 医药商与医学权威 --- p.56
Chapter 4.4 --- 小结 --- p.58
Chapter 第五章 --- 乙肝携带者的个人经验 --- p.61
Chapter 5.1 --- 疾病的社会建构 --- p.62
Chapter 5.2 --- 乙肝携带者的认知过程 --- p.66
Chapter 5.3 --- 乙肝携带者的抗争选择 --- p.68
Chapter 5.4 --- 小结 --- p.74
Chapter 第六章 --- 从个体经验到集体行动：公民社会的回应 --- p.76
Chapter 6.1 --- 从个人困境到集体行动 --- p.76
Chapter 6.2 --- 反乙肝歧视运动中的资源动员 --- p.80
Chapter 6.3 --- 反乙肝歧视组织网络 --- p.82
Chapter 6.4 --- 反乙肝歧视运动中的机会空间 --- p.86
Chapter 6.5 --- 小结 --- p.90
Chapter 第七章 --- 框架策略：反乙肝歧视运动中的动员 --- p.91
Chapter 7.1 --- 认同与社会运动 --- p.91
Chapter 7.2 --- 反乙肝歧视运动的行动框架 --- p.95
Chapter 7.3 --- 反乙肝歧视运动的动员策略 --- p.100
Chapter 7.4 --- 小结 --- p.107
Chapter 第八章 --- 身体的政治：将“乙肝"去除 --- p.108
Chapter 8.1 --- 权力的维度 --- p.108
Chapter 8.2 --- 反乙肝歧视行动的抗争轨迹 --- p.111
Chapter 8.3 --- 国家、市场与公民社会：将“乙肝"去除 --- p.116
Chapter 8.4 --- 小结 --- p.130
Chapter 第九章 --- 总结与讨论 --- p.131
参考文献 --- p.137
Chapter 附录A --- 访谈提纲 --- p.157
Chapter 附录B --- 64名被访者基本信息概况 --- p.160
致谢 --- p.162