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1

Yarotskiy, Petro. "Protestantism as a Subject of Religious Studies." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 40 (October 24, 2006): 171–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.40.1807.

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In the last 15 years, in the conditions of independent Ukraine, the study of Protestantism has taken on new qualitative dimensions. The scientific and objectivity of the study was ensured through the use of a source base (Protestant German and Polish-language literature of the 16th - 17th centuries), review and critical literature of the 19th - 20th centuries. (foreign and Ukrainian researchers of Protestantism), access to archival documentation (Russian, Polish, Soviet, including KGB archives, other state institutions on religious affairs). Over the same years, a new cohort of Ukrainian Protestantism scholars has been formed, which has had ample opportunity to use these benefits to unconventionally and truthfully treat Protestantism as a religious (not party ideologically or religiously biased) subject of study.
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2

Herreros, Alfonso. "A Case Study of the Reception of Aristotle in Early Protestantism: The Platonic Idea of the Good in the Commentaries on the Nicomachean Ethics." Renaissance and Reformation 43, no. 3 (December 21, 2020): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v43i3.35301.

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The present article examines the philosophical ethics of Protestants teaching in higher education during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and their reception of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, 1.6. Two theses are illustrated. First, the survey of fourteen commentaries shows clear parallels with the medieval interpretation of the Ethics, which the Protestant authors creatively expanded. Thus, the continuity of Protestantism with the earlier tradition of Christian philosophy is substantiated in this specific case for a representative group of authors. Second, over against the prejudices according to which Protestantism simply censured ethics and subsumed it into moral theology, this article shows that, in truth, Aristotle was still the fundamental philosophical reference in a topic as central as the definition of happiness, and that the Platonic “theological” alternative was not considered appropriate for a philosophical discipline.
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3

Stasyuk, L. O. "Nyahovsky teachings as a monument of pro-reform literature." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 30 (June 29, 2004): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.30.1506.

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The activities of early Protestantism have been sufficiently researched, especially nowadays. But most of the works are mostly about his penetration into the Ukrainian land and adaptation to new socio-historical conditions. Unfortunately, the original base of early Protestantism, in particular Calvinism, has not been practically studied, though we have preserved two particularly noteworthy testimonies of Ukrainian Calvinists. One of them is the Gospel teachings that emerged in the sixteenth century. in Transcarpathia in the village of Nyagovo of the present Tyachiv district. The monument is so unexplored that even the Calvinist content is expressed in the scientific literature. In this connection, we set ourselves the task of analyzing the content of this monument and bringing it to Calvinism, that is, to reformation.
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4

Young, Samuel L. "Waldensianism Before Waldo: The Myth of Apostolic Proto-Protestantism in Antebellum American Anti-Catholicism." Church History 91, no. 3 (September 2022): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640722002116.

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Between 1820 and 1850, American presses generated an enormous amount of literature devoted to the myth of apostolic Waldensianism. Though the Waldenses began as a lay reform movement in the twelfth century, speculations about their apostolic origin were popularized in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This historical construction gave American Protestants a versatile rhetorical weapon against an increasingly encroaching Roman Catholicism. The apostolicity of Waldensianism allowed Protestants to trace their teachings not only to scripture but through the middle ages and the early church, providing a ready answer to Catholic accusations of Protestant novelty. Additionally, re-narrating the history of Waldensian persecution at the hand of Catholics reinforced nativist conceptions of Catholicism as a violently tyrannical religion, and became a call to action for Protestants to resist Rome's attempt to gain power in the United States. Though the myth of apostolic Waldensianism was widely held by American Protestants, by 1850 it became largely untenable. Historians on both side of the Atlantic contextualized the group as a medieval phenomenon, rather than the remnant of apostolic Protestantism.
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5

Aguilar, Edwin Eloy, José Miguel Sandoval, Timothy J. Steigenga, and Kenneth M. Coleman. "Protestantism in El Salvador: Conventional Wisdom versus Survey Evidence." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 2 (1993): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100037420.

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Protestantism has grown strikingly throughout Latin America in the last two decades. Estimating such growth is hazardous in the absence of firm national survey data, but the phenomenon is clearly embracing sizable segments of national populations. In Guatemala, estimates of Protestants in the national population ranged from 20 to 25 percent by the early 1980s, with more recent estimates approaching 30 percent.
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6

Kirk, James. "The ‘Privy Kirks’ and their Antecedents: The Hidden Face of Scottish Protestantism." Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010597.

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The history of Scottish protestantism as a clandestine, underground movement can be traced, albeit unevenly, over three decades from parliament’s early ban on Lutheran literature in 1525 to the protestant victory of 1560 when, in disregard of the wishes of its absent queen then resident in France, parliament finally proscribed the Latin mass and the whole apparatus of papal jurisdiction in Scotland and adopted instead a protestant Confession of Faith. Out of a loosely-defined body of beliefs in the 1530s, ranging from a profound dissatisfaction at ecclesiastical abuse (shared by those who remained Catholic), to a recognition of the need for a reformation in doctrine (less readily conceded by orthodox Catholics), Scottish protestantism by the 15 50s had developed a cellular organisation, enabling it to survive periodic persecution. Early protestants, themselves brought up within the Catholic church as baptised and communicating members, by the 1550s had taken the agonising and momentous step of separating themselves from the fellowship of the established church by forming their own separate communities of believers, worshipping in secret and centred on the privy kirks which arose in the years immediately preceding the Reformation.
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7

Davies, Michael. "Introduction: Shakespeare and Protestantism." Shakespeare 5, no. 1 (April 2009): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17450910902764256.

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8

Coleman, Dawn. "Fathers, Mothers, Saints, Martyrs: Religion as a Lineage of Belief." Modern Language Quarterly 83, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 481–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-10088718.

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Abstract Critiquing the literary-critical habit of approaching religion primarily in terms of individual belief, this essay proposes that the sociologist Danièle Hervieu-Léger’s definition of religion as a “lineage of belief” can reorient literary scholars to religion’s investment in its own survival and reproduction. Hervieu-Léger’s model emphasizes that religious institutions ensure their continuity by negotiating intracommunity conflict and intergenerational transformations. Building on this model, the essay argues that literary texts participate in religion’s collective memory and self-definition, then illustrates this point by demonstrating how Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Oldtown Folks (1869) creates a bildungsroman-like narrative to shape the story of Protestantism’s Anglican-Puritan branch from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. Although this representation is political in that it reinforces Protestantism as integral to American identity, Oldtown Folks prioritizes the vibrancy and longevity of Anglo-American Puritanism and Episcopalianism as relatively autonomous, family- and community-based institutions that maintain complex relationships to state violence and imperialism. For instance, while Oldtown Folks endorses Protestantism’s collaboration with North American settler colonialism, it also challenges the efficacy and desirability of the Congregational Church’s South Seas missionary work.
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9

Jochemsen, Henk. "The Relationship between (Protestant) Christianity and the Environment is Ambivalent." Philosophia Reformata 83, no. 1 (May 19, 2018): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23528230-08301001.

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In his contribution to this special issue, Michael Northcott argues that there is a historic association between Protestant cultures and the origins of environmentalism. It seems to me, however, that the connection between Protestantism and environmentalism is more complicated and ambivalent than the positive relation he highlights. In this paper, I will problematize that relation on the basis of various theoretical and empirical contributions in the literature on religion and environmentalism. Different positions in this regard within Protestantism will be identified and related to theological positions and the historic impact of Protestantism on culture. In the final section, the impact of environmental degradation on the (global) poor will be highlighted, which leads to the identification of a tension between an orthodox/evangelical Protestant stance towards the poor and towards the environment.
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10

Mumayiz, Ibrahim. "Spenserian Images of Catholicism In Book I of The Faerie Queene." International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.7.1.2.

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Due to the continuously hostile Elizabethan-Papal relations which persisted throughout Elizabeth's reign (/558-1603) and covered Spenser's entire lifetime, Spenser nurtured pejorative images of Catholicism of a monstrously graphic nature. In Book I of The Faerie Queene, Papal-led Catholicism was regarded as being satanic evil. This evil Catholicism was used by Protestantism to define and defend itself. Spenser's vilifying views of Catholicism are expressed through the character of Archimago, who represents all what Protestants like Spenser saw in Catholicism such as pilgrimages, falsity, magical practices, hypocrisy, deception, and disguise. These accusations were based on what Protestants saw in the behavior of "Church Papists". The paper also puts forward the view that Archimago was a Jesuit, probably Robert Persons, the arch Jesuit that the black insects, flies, and sprites in Book I refer to Catholic missionary priests sent by the Pope and the Jesuits secretly into England..
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11

Burnett, Virginia Garrard. "Protestantism in Rural Guatemala, 1872–1954." Latin American Research Review 24, no. 2 (1989): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910002286x.

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For eighteen months, between March 1982 and August 1983, Guatemala was ruled by a born-again Christian, General Efrain Ríos Montt. He drew world attention to Guatemala because of his brutally effective suppression of the nation's guerrilla movement and his idiosyncratic style of rule but above all, because of his religion. The idea that a Protestant could serve as the chief of state in a country as staunchly Catholic as Guatemala struck many observers as an anomaly. Closer examination reveals, however, that it was not anomalous for a Protestant to be president of Guatemala. By 1982 nearly 30 percent of the Guatemalan population were Protestants, the result of a quiet wave of conversion that started during the nineteenth century and has accelerated dramatically in the last three decades. The idea that President Ríos Montt's religion would influence his entire administration was even less surprising, for Protestantism has been wed to politics in Guatemala ever since it first arrived in the country. The purpose of this research report is to examine the development of patterns in the relationship between the Guatemalan state and Protestantism as they evolved during the formative years between 1872 and 1954 and to explore the effects of this relationship on Protestant conversion.
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12

Garrard-Burnett, Virginia. "The Politics of the Spirit: The Political Implications of Pentecostalized Religion in Costa Rica and Guatemala. By Timothy J. Steigenga. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2001. 220p. $70.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 673–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402870368.

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The Politics of the Spirit is Timothy Steigenga's long-awaited quantitative study of religious affiliation and political behavior in Central America. What he has done in this spare and conscientious study is to take to task the “conventional wisdom” about Protestantism in Central America. This is a formidable endeavor, given the flood of scholarly literature that has been produced by anthropologists, historians, and sociologists about Protestantism, and especially Pentecostalism, in Latin America over the past two decades. Because Pentecostalism seemed to emerge in Central America during the region's political crisis of the late twentieth century, much of this literature carried with it a highly deterministic subtext, defined by Max Weber and by models of political behavior borrowed from the United States and European experiences.
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13

Jiang, Zhuoxu. "Protestant Influence on American Elitism and Democracy." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 30, no. 1 (December 7, 2023): 46–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/30/20231579.

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Protestantism is essential in US history and politics and predominantly affects how the American government and people behave. This paper focuses on how Protestant theology and churches affect the politics of the US by discussing the historical background of some denominations in America, the elitism in politics from church traditions, and the dual influence of Protestantism on democracy. Using literature research methodology, the paper concluded that Protestant Christianity, especially the Reformed church, has a considerable impact on US education, politics, and democracy that anyone who wants to analyze American politics cannot ignore. Also, the work ethic derived from Protestantism suggests that Protestant values have contributed to the development of capitalism and industrialization in the United States. Meanwhile, the research of different denominations can help people understand seperation of some states and parties. The research paper provides a perspective for readers to consider America a religiously affected country that cultures and policies are nearly all under Christian influences.
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14

Kos, Janko. "Contemporary Slovene Literature." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 1 (1993): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408261.

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Contemporary Slovene literature from 1950 to the present has been deeply influenced, above all, by two major factors: first, its own tradition through a century-long development, and secondly, the socio-political position of literature immediately after the Second World War. As concerns tradition, it should be noted that the beginning of literature in the Slovene language coincided with the arrival of Protestantism in the sixteenth century; only sparse religious records are known from previous centuries. This literature remained within the framework of ecclesiastical needs until the late eighteenth century, similar to those found in Lithuania, Estonia or Finland. At the end of the eighteenth century, Slovene literature began to resemble the Central European literature typical of Croatia, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland. This is not only evident in the same literary trends and genres, but above all in the fact that national ideology as well as social and moral ideas acquired a significant role in its concepts.
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15

Sorett, Josef. "A Fantastic Church? Literature, Politics, and the Afterlives of Afro-Protestantism." Public Culture 29, no. 1 81 (November 28, 2016): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-3644361.

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16

McKay, Belinda. "Living in the End Time: Ecstasy and Apocalypse in the Work of H.D. and Janette Turner Hospital." Queensland Review 17, no. 2 (July 2010): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005432.

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Despite the current preoccupation with globalisation, literary criticism remains heavily focused on national cultures. In the context of Australian literature, comparisons are regularly made with the literatures of other British Commonwealth nations, but surprisingly infrequently with that of Britain's first and most successful colony, the United States. This article explores thematic and cultural connections between the work of American-born modernist poet and novelist H.D. (1886–1961) and the Australian-born postmodern novelist Janette Turner Hospital (born 1942). It suggests that the transnational phenomenon of ecstatic Protestantism, which originated in northern Europe and was disseminated widely around the globe along the channels of commerce and colonisation, has been a key influence in shaping the literary imaginations of these writers. Indeed, Protestantism – far from being a spent or reactive force – continues to generate new forms of modernity as its emphasis on transformation is exported from somewhat inward-looking religious communities into broader cultural domains.
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17

Best, Thomas W. "EVERYMAN AND PROTESTANTISM IN THE NETHERLANDS AND GERMANY." Daphnis 16, no. 1-2 (March 30, 1987): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90000363.

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18

Lander, J. M. "Print and Protestantism in Early Modern England." Common Knowledge 9, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-9-3-548.

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19

Seeman, Erik R. "The Presence of the Dead among U.S. Protestants, 1800–1848." Church History 88, no. 2 (June 2019): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071900115x.

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Historians have long known that antebellum American Protestants were fascinated by death, but they have overlooked Protestant relationships with the dead. Long before the advent of séance Spiritualism in 1848, many mourners began to believe—contrary to mainstream Protestant theology—that the souls of the dead turned into angels, that the dead could return to earth as guardian angels, and that in graveyards one could experience communion with the spirits of the departed. The version of Protestantism these mourners developed was therefore, to use Robert Orsi's term, a religion of “presence,” a religion in which suprahuman beings—in addition to God—played an important role. Based on diaries and popular sentimental literature written mostly by women, this article brings to light an unexplored facet of antebellum Protestant lived religion: that the dead were “present with us tho’ invisible,” as one young woman wrote about her deceased sister.
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20

Burnett, Virginia Garrard. "Protestantism in Latin America." Latin American Research Review 27, no. 1 (1992): 218–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016708.

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21

Wardley, L. "Divine Destiny: Gender and Race in Nineteenth-Century Protestantism." American Literature 73, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 869–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-73-4-869.

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22

Bastian, Jean-Pierre. "The Metamorphosis of Latin American Protestant Groups: A Sociohistorical Perspective." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 2 (1993): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100037390.

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Study of religious phenomena in Latin America and the Caribbean covered by the generic term Protestantism has opened up a fertile field of research for sociologists, anthropologists, and historians in the last thirty years. The exponential growth in new non-Roman Catholic religious movements since the 1950s and the breadth of their organized networks have stimulated research based more often on sensationalism than on a scientific perspective. The complex and pluralistic manifestations of this heterodox religious phenomenon have generally been reduced to a notion of Protestantism rarely found in scholarly usage. The multiplicity of non-Roman Catholic religious movements cannot be reduced to some catchall category of “Protestantism.” Moreover, one must also analyze the connection between usage of the term Protestant and a culture marked by the Spanish Inquisition, which shaped the Ibero-American collective unconscious for more than three centuries, in order to understand why a fair number of Latin American researchers look at religious dissidence rather superficially, reducing it immediately to “Protestantism.”
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23

Chapman, Alison A. "Marking Time: Astrology, Almanacs, and English Protestantism*." Renaissance Quarterly 60, no. 4 (2007): 1257–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2007.0466.

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AbstractThis essay correlates changes in early modern astrological almanacs with broad changes in early modern English Protestant culture over the sixteenth and seventeenth century. These almanacs show an increasing tendency to be highly specific as to place and time and to suggest that precise times and precise places are given a larger meaning by their relationship to the stars and planets wheeling overhead. By lending a vertical significance to place and time, almanacs run counter to early modern Protestantism, which suggested that place and time have no inherent sacred significance. Thus the rise of the early modern astrological almanac may have been impelled by a desire on the part of early modern men and women to have time and place mean something.
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24

MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "2. Protestantism in Mainland Europe: New Directions." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 3 (2006): 698–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0404.

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Most stimulating — for this Anglophone historian, at least — has been the reintegration of religious history into mainstream social and political history generally, and also the heightened sense of an international movement embracing an entire continent and beyond. We no longer make artificial distinctions between the Reformations of the Atlantic Isles and those on the mainland; we can see more clearly what is local and what is part of an international phenomenon; and we can also appreciate the artificiality of considering Protestantism in isolation from reform movements in both the Pre-Reformation Western Church and Post-Tridentine Roman Catholicism. I commend the advantages of emancipating religious history from specific religious commitment. I also discuss the effect of the breaking down of barriers to travel and research in the wake of the 1989–90 revolutions in the recovery of our sense of the importance of Reformations in Eastern Europe, and also highlight our realization that a heritage of Southern European dissent shaped the heterodoxy that dissolved Reformation certainties.
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25

Moorhead, James H. "Perry Miller’s Jeremiad Against Nineteenth-Century Protestantism." South Atlantic Quarterly 86, no. 3 (July 1, 1987): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-86-3-312.

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26

Holly, Carol. "“You Ain't No Christian, Not ‘Cordin’ to Gospel Truth”: The Literary Theology of Rose Terry Cooke." New England Quarterly 83, no. 4 (December 2010): 674–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00047.

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New England regionalist writer Rose Terry Cooke, energized by the transformation of nineteenth-century evangelical Protestantism, used a variety of narrative strategies to convey her practical theology. Her fiction, which appeared in mainstream literary magazines as well as antebellum Protestant periodicals, betrays religious anxieties not dissimilar to those dominating public discourse today.
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27

Goodwin, Jamie. "The Double Character of Cuban Protestantism and Philanthropy." Religions 9, no. 9 (September 7, 2018): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9090265.

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In Cuba and the United States, Protestant institutions exist that are both reflective and nonreflective about their culture’s influence on belief and practice. The case of Cuba sheds light on how Christian churches and voluntary associations operate in an authoritarian regime. Despite the tension and enmity that have typified Cuba’s geopolitical relationship with the United States since the colonial days, cross-cultural Christian philanthropic partnerships exist. The “doble carácter” (double character) of Cuban Protestant churches has grown out of both collaboration with, and resistance to U.S.-style evangelicalism (Arce Valentín 2016). Adaptations of liberation theology, adopted among Cuban Christians, provide an influential counterweight to the mighty Western theological and philanthropic tradition (González 2012). The nature of this engagement influences Cuban civil society, the survival of the Cuban regime, and provides an extreme case for cross-cultural philanthropy worldwide. This socio-historical account utilizes the data collected from personal interviews with Cuban Protestant leaders, primary sources found in the library at the San Cristobal Presbyterian Seminary and Cuban theological journals, and a qualitative analysis of literature on Cuba, Protestants, missions, philanthropy, nongovernment organizations (NGOs) and civil society.
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28

Segre, Sandro. "Religion and Black Racial Identity in Du Bois’s Sociology." American Sociologist 52, no. 3 (May 6, 2021): 656–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12108-021-09488-y.

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Abstract This article focuses on W.E.B. Du Bois’s ambivalent reception of Protestantism, and of religion in general. It argues that he rejected institutional Protestantism as characterized by cold formalism, but thought that the teaching and practices of this religion as taking place the Negro Churches were still relevant to most American Blacks. As pointed out by some secondary literature, Du Bois maintained that religious institutions gave comfort, social cohesion and a collective identity of their own to Blacks, who were an oppressed minority; however, only the Blacks’ racial consciousness could improve their social and political position. Institutional religion was then an important identity source for Blacks in general. It was not, however, for Du Bois himself. Du Bois had experienced racial discrimination and abuse based on the color line, and had therefore formed his social identity as a member of the Black race in the United States. This identity was the most salient to him and elicited his greatest commitment.
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29

Laluev, Vladimir. "How the Visions Genre Correlates in the Protestant and Orthodox Christian Culture of the Nineteenth Century: a Theological and Philosophical Analysis." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2020, no. 4 (January 18, 2021): 330–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2020-4-4-330-337.

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The increasing interest of the mass audience to various types of fantasy art triggered an interest for the genre of religious vision, a phenomenon of the theological literature of the XIX century. The present research featured a philosophical and theological analysis of the genre of vision in the Western European and Russian religious culture of the XIX century. The research objective was to identify the origins of the genre of vision that arose in the religious culture of the XIX century and to give it a general description. The author compared the visionary experiences of the Protestant author Ellen G. White and an anonymous Orthodox author. The study helped to reveal that people's idea of the existence of the other world is an integral component of the imaginary world that underlies any religion and can be a subject of comprehensive analysis in modern theology and cultural studies. The author used the following research methods to comprehend the spiritual experiences embodied in the genre of visions and recorded in the doctrinal literature of Protestantism and Orthodoxy: the comparative historical method and the textual analysis of visionary texts, theological literature, and ontopsychological studies. The theoretical basis included various works by Russian philosophers, cultural scholars, and theologists, who elevated the visionary literature to the level of meta-scientific synthesis. The scientific novelty of the research is that it compares the spiritual experiences of Protestantism and Orthodoxy. The paper introduces a method that can be used to study other religious confessions in philosophical and religious discourse.
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30

Fichtner (book author), Paula Sutter, and Edward J. Furcha (review author). "Protestantism and Primogeniture in Early Modern Germany." Renaissance and Reformation 28, no. 2 (January 24, 2009): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v28i2.11653.

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31

Streete (book author), Adrian, and Mark Albert Johnston (review author). "Protestantism and Drama in Early Modern England." Renaissance and Reformation 34, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v34i4.18675.

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32

Berek, Peter. "Tragedy and Title Pages: Nationalism, Protestantism, and Print." Modern Philology 106, no. 1 (August 2008): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/597246.

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33

Hillenbrand, Rainer. "KONTROVERSTHEOLOGISCHE BILDINTERPRETATIONEN VON FISCHART UND NAS." Daphnis 42, no. 1 (May 1, 2013): 93–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90001128.

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The images of a church service with animal figures — in Strasbourg cathedral —, later destroyed, are characteristically interpreted by the Protestant Fischart and the Catholic Nas in favour of their own denomination, although they agree in their misunderstanding of the actual meaning of the images. The view of Nas that heretical dissenters are criticized through the animals, is more convincing than the attempt by Fischart to see the medieval sculptors as critics of the church and thus as precursors of Protestantism.
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34

Rolsky, L. Benjamin. "Producing the Christian Right: Conservative Evangelicalism, Representation, and the Recent Religious Past." Religions 12, no. 3 (March 6, 2021): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030171.

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This essay explores how conservative evangelical Protestants have been represented by both sociologists and journalists of American religion through the narrative of the “rise of the Christian Right” beginning in the late 1970s. By exploring both popular and academic analyses of conservative Protestantism as understood through terms such as “the Christian Right” and “the Electronic Church”, one is able to identify a set of intellectual assumptions that characterize the study of American evangelicalism and politics in the recent past. In particular, this essay suggests that studies of conservative evangelicalism as understood through “the rise of the Christian Right” tend to reveal as much about their interpreters as they do their respective evangelical subjects. The essay first identifies what these barriers and limitations are by exploring the social scientific literature on conservative evangelicalism at the time. It then foregrounds news reports and academic studies of “the Christian Right” in order to connect journalistic and academic inquiries of the conservative Protestant to the emergence of the evangelical. It then suggests a number of historical and methodological avenues for future research on American evangelicalism and politics that foreground self-reflexivity, interdisciplinarity, and the close reading of conservative texts.
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35

Morgan, David. "Seeing Protestant Icons: The Popular Reception of Visual Media in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century America." Studies in Church History 42 (2006): 406–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400004113.

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Although it is commonly asserted that Protestantism bears an intrinsic antagonism toward images, this claim is manifestly, contradicted by a long history of the production and use of images among Protestants the world over. At the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth, British organizations such as Hannah More’s Cheap Repository and the Religious Tract Society, and a host of tract and Sunday school societies formed in the United States, all made zealous use of illustrated tracts, handbills, broadsides, newspapers, magazines and books in order to address the disparity between the small number of evangelists and the vast number of those requiring evangelization. Founded in 1825, the American Tract Society invested unprecedented sums in materials and technology to illustrate its tracts and children’s literature and attracted the best wood engraver in the United States to do so. British and American tract producers explicitly felt that illustrations were a strong form of appeal to children and the semi-literate, such as immigrants and the poor. And they happily relied on images in urban settings to compete with secular advertisements and the rival trade of books and pamphlet sellers.
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36

Bross, Kristina. "Making Heretics: Militant Protestantism and Free Grace in Massachusetts, 1636-1641 (review)." Early American Literature 39, no. 1 (2004): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eal.2004.0003.

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37

김진호. "The Political Empowerment of Korean Protestantism since around 1990." Korea Journal 52, no. 3 (September 2012): 64–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.25024/kj.2012.52.3.64.

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38

Gradert, Kenyon. "The Mayflower and the Slave Ship: Pilgrim-Puritan Origins in the Antebellum Black Imagination." MELUS 44, no. 3 (2019): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlz025.

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Abstract This essay argues that antebellum black writers claimed America in part by reimagining a national rhetoric of Pilgrim-Puritan origins. Various connections have been drawn between the Puritans and early black writers, including a revised tradition of typological identification with Israel, captivity narratives, and, most frequently, the “black jeremiad.” In addition to these scholarly genealogies, black writers struggled more directly with their spiritual genealogies in an effort to reconcile a growing investment in American and Protestant identity with an emergent sense of black roots. Since Paul Gilroy, a growing number of scholars have examined the importance of origins for antebellum black writers in conversation with dominant Euro-American traditions, yet American Protestantism remains a minor presence in these studies. If early black studies of antiquity, biblical history, and European historiography, for example, were crucial to an emergent sense of black roots, they intertwined in complex ways with black writers’ investment in American Protestantism and its vision of history. Ultimately, black writers further radicalized abolitionists’ revolutionary Puritan genealogy as they made it their own, expanding this spiritual lineage to sanction fugitive slaves, black revolutionaries, and eventually the black troops of the American Civil War, imagined as the culmination of a sacred destiny that was both black and American, traceable to the Mayflower and the slave ship alike.
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39

Caldwell, Patricia. "The Self and the Sacred: Conversion and Autobiography in Early American Protestantism (review)." Early American Literature 35, no. 3 (2000): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eal.2000.0004.

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40

Nockles, Peter B. "‘The Difficulties of Protestantism’: Bishop Milner, John Fletcher and Catholic Apologetic against the Church of England in the era from the First Relief Act to Emancipation, 1778–1830." Recusant History 24, no. 2 (October 1998): 193–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002478.

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‘It is an old theory of ours, that there are very few of the positions assumed by the antagonists of the Catholic church, which may not be turned against each other, with far more effect than they carry against the common adversary whom they all seek to assail. A skilful use of the weapons employed against each other by various sects of Protestantism, in their internecine warfare, would supply one of the most curious, and we will venture to say, one of the most solid and convincing arguments of the truth of the Catholic religion to be found in the whole range of polemical literature’.(Dublin Review, 1855).Anti-Catholicism, represented in the era of the eve of Emancipation by a rich genre of polemical literature focusing on the supposed ‘difficulties of Romanism’, has been the subject of much recent study; notably for the eighteenth century by Colin Haydon, and for the nineteenth, by Walter Amstein, Edward Norman, D. G. Paz, Walter Ralls, F. M. Wallis and John Wolffe. In contrast, English Catholic controversial writing against the Church of England, focusing on what one Catholic writer (in a conscious reversal of the stock Anglican polemical title) called the ‘difficulties of Protestantism’, with notable exceptions such as Sheridan Gilley, Leo Gooch and Brian Carter, 5 has been comparatively neglected for the half century prior to the dawn of the Oxford Movement in 1833.
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41

Deason, G. B. "The Protestant Reformation and the Rise of Modern Science." Scottish Journal of Theology 38, no. 2 (May 1985): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600041363.

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The vast literature on the Reformation and the rise of science has produced what may be called strong and weak interpretations of their relation. The strong interpretation holds that specific doctrines or attitudes affirmed by the Reformers and their followers contributed directly to the growth of science. On this view, the Reformation was among the causes of the Scientific Revolution. Without the changes in thought and values wrought by the Reformation, proponents of the strong interpretation argue, modern science would not have developed as it did. The weak interpretation, on the other hand, does not claim a direct influence of Protestantism on science. It acknowledges that modern science developed as a movement independent of the Reformation and it claims only that Protestantism offered relatively few obstacles to scientific expansion. On the weak interpretation, the absence of the Reformation would have had little, if any, effect on the Scientific Revolution. After brief discussion of each of these interpretations, I will argue that the strong interpretation is too strong and that the weak one can be strengthened. I will outline an indirect approach, which falls between the above extremes, and offers advantages not offered by either of them.
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42

Gargett, Graham. "Trublet, the "Journal Chretien," and Protestantism: An Ecumenism of Convenience?" Modern Language Review 92, no. 1 (January 1997): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3734683.

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43

Sluhovsky, Moshe. "The Confessing Subject and the Construction of Modern Catholic Selves." Culture & History Digital Journal 6, no. 2 (November 29, 2017): 013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2017.013.

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Historians and sociologists have argued that the practices of confession played a major role in the transition to modern, introspective individuality. Until the 1970s, tough, the literature had dealt mostly with Protestantism and Protestant modes of confession, first and foremost the practice of writing spiritual diaries and then reading and rereading them. The article looks at Catholic confessional practices and how they, too, have shaped modern notion of subjecthood. Centering on Foucault’s contribution, the article argue that Catholic confession, just like its Protestant avatar, paved a route to modernity.
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44

Marsden, Simon. "‘Vain are the thousand creeds’: Wuthering Heights, the Bible and Liberal Protestantism." Literature and Theology 20, no. 3 (June 23, 2006): 236–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/frl025.

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45

Ruff, Mark Edward. "Integrating Religion into the Historical Mainstream: Recent Literature on Religion in the Federal Republic of Germany." Central European History 42, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 307–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000326.

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Those discovering the growing number of writings on the religious history of the Federal Republic of Germany might be forgiven for thinking that they had entered a parallel universe. To use the terminology popularized by M. Rainer Lepsius, Christian milieus have largely disintegrated and their members been integrated into the mainstream of political and economic life. Yet until recently, research on German Catholicism and Protestantism has remained confined to confessional ghettos that many members of these religious subcultures once sought to escape. The dozens of monographs that have appeared in the last five years have yet to be incorporated into the central narratives that dominate the secular histories of the postwar era. Many have still to be reviewed in non-religious journals. Edited volumes that purport to analyze the many facets of the Federal Republic include few if any chapters on religion.
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46

Lawlor, Clark. "Marvelous Protestantism: Monstrous Births in Post-Reformation England by Julie Crawford." Modern Language Review 103, no. 1 (2008): 187–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2008.0127.

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47

Questier, Michael C. "John Gee, Archbishop Abbot, and the Use of Converts from Rome in Jacobean Anti-Catholicism." Recusant History 21, no. 3 (May 1993): 347–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001667.

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This article is concerned with one aspect of movement between religions in England at the end of the Jacobean period, namely the polemical use which could be made of the convert to Protestantism. The increasing likelihood of a successful conclusion of the Spanish Match negotiations had for some time been threatening the Protestant Establishment. In this climate, prominent changes of religion were of great interest to polemicists of both sides. As in Elizabeth’s reign, Protestants could attack the Church of Rome by focusing on the apostates from it. The point of reference from which this polemical use of conversion will be analysed is the best-selling vitriolic anti-Catholic tract written by the wavering Protestant minister John Gee, entitled The Foot out of the Snare. Gee is familiar to modern historians as a source on Roman Catholic priests in the 1620s but he is important also for the way in which he was employed as an anti-Catholic writer. His tract originated with the clerical group which gathered around Archbishop Abbot, clerics distinguished by their violent opposition to encroaching Roman Catholicism, evident in the likely success of the Spanish Marriage project and the conversions which had started to occur as the political climate changed. Gee’s tract may be used as a starting point to explore some of the politics and literature of conversion at this time.
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48

Sitarchuk, Roman Anatoliyovych. "A Review of Contemporary Historiographical Studies on the Seventh-day Adventist History in Ukraine." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 49 (March 10, 2009): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.49.2018.

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After the declaration of independence of our state and the beginning of the change of ideological accents in the scientific historical literature, we trace the revival of interest among contemporary religious scholars to the history of Protestantism, in particular to its later varieties - Baptism, Evangelism, Adventism, Pentecost. This is due primarily to the presence of many "vacant" topics, as well as the emergence in some academic and educational institutions areas and even schools that specialize in this area. Work began to emerge in the study of confessions, which increased the total number of religious and historical literature and prompted its systematization. The purpose of this publication is to analyze above all those works that have advanced new conceptual approaches to working out the history of Seventh-day Adventists in Ukrainian lands.
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49

Schabas, Margaret. "DAVID HUME AS A PROTO-WEBERIAN: COMMERCE, PROTESTANTISM, AND SECULAR CULTURE." Social Philosophy and Policy 37, no. 1 (2020): 190–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052520000114.

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AbstractDavid Hume wrote prolifically and influentially on economics and was an enthusiast for the modern commercial era of manufacturing and global trade. As a vocal critic of the Church, and possibly a nonbeliever, Hume positioned commerce at the vanguard of secularism. I here argue that Hume broached ideas that gesture toward those offered by Max Weber in his famous Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904-5). Hume discerned a strong correlation between economic flourishing and Protestantism, and he pointed to a “spirit of the age” that was built on modern commerce and fueled by religious tolerance. The Roman Catholic Church, by contrast, came under considerable attack by Hume, for fostering intolerance and draining and diverting funds. Hume recognized several of the dispositions that later appealed to Weber: an increased work ethic and tendency to frugality, enterprise, and investment in Protestant regions. A neo-Weberian literature now points to additional factors, the spread of literacy and the fostering of a network of trust among strangers, both of which Hume noted. Insofar as modern commerce both feeds upon and fosters more liberties and representative government, Hume also linked these with the advent and spread of Protestantism. My aim is not to suggest that these arguments have merit—there is good reason to question each and every assertion under the historical microscope—but rather to highlight the broader religious and cultural context in which Hume’s economics was broached.
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50

Horton, Ray. "“Rituals of the Ordinary”: Marilynne Robinson's Aesthetics of Belief and Finitude." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 1 (January 2017): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.1.119.

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Marilynne Robinson, the author of Housekeeping, Gilead, Home, and Lila, has garnered attention for her sustained engagement with religious themes. Yet for all its robust participation in the theology of a distinctively Calvinist Protestantism, Robinson's fiction is invested in religious forms that are less propositional than phenomenological. It imagines belief as both a perceptual background and a system of thought that activates concentrated aesthetic attention to quotidian moments of temporal contingency and worldly ephemerality. Consequently, Robinson's work intervenes in the burgeoning critical discourse surrounding religion and literature, offering an alternative to methodologies that prioritize the ontology of belief over the aesthetic modes of perception that belief makes available.
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