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1
Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initial phase of social movement mobilization, rather than throughout the movement's lifespan. What explains declining frequencies of protest occurrence during the demobilization phase is the joint effect of two internal factors: the institutionalization of social movements and the growing violence during protests.
2
Silva, Célia Taborda. "Democracy and Popular Protest in Europe: The Iberian Case (2011)." European Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/643pea84j.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective actions prepared and led by specific actors have given way to new forms of social action, without leaders, without organisation, without headquarters, and which use social networks as a form of mobilisation. These are social movements that contest not to have more rights but to exercise those that exist, a full citizenship that offers the freedom to express one's opinion and the regalia of participation in political, economic, social, educational areas. In Europe, there are various types of such movements, but we will highlight the "Geração à Rasca (Scratch Generation)" movement in Portugal and that of the "Indignados (Outraged)" or 15 M in Spain, both started in 2011, and which had repercussions in the main European capitals. Using a qualitative methodology, through these protest movements we seek to understand how the complexity of today's social movements and their non-institutionalisation represent a challenge to European democracy.
3
Jobs, Richard Ivan. "Youth Movements: Travel, Protest, and Europe in 1968." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (April 2009): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.376.
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4
Dinev, Ivaylo. "Bulgaria and Slovenia Protest Event Dataset (2009-2017): Protest cycles and protest patterns in Southeast Europe." Intersections 8, no. 1 (April 9, 2022): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v8i1.827.
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This article aims to present findings from an original dataset on collective action in the protest arenas of Bulgaria and Slovenia in the aftermath of the global economic crisis, 2009-2017. Unlike other empirical studies which focus either on particular social movements or individual-level measurements, this dataset consists of all reports of collective action in the form of protests demonstrations, strikes, blockades, occupations, sit-ins, marches, petitions etc., derived from the national Bulgarian and Slovenian press agencies, including information about claims and actors. Along with a description of the data collection, techniques, and coding, the article identifies the phases of protest cycles and explores general protest patterns. The findings depict three distinct periods of activity in Bulgaria and Slovenia: the ascending phase of protest cycle involving immediate protest responses against austerity measures (2009-2011), massive anti-establishment discontent involving the dominant role of new informal protest movements (2012-2013), and the de-mobilization phase of mass protest and the rise of contention about cultural issues (since 2014).
5
della Porta, Donatella, and Manuela Caiani. "Europeanization From Below? Social Movements and Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.1.j48p252t414qu05x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting transnationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe—that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of "Europeanization from below."
6
Niesen, Peter. "Reframing civil disobedience: Constituent power as a language of transnational protest." Journal of International Political Theory 15, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218808001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1992, the Frankfurt scholar Ingeborg Maus launched a polemical attack against then current narratives of democratic protest, objecting to the languages of ‘resistance’ or ‘civil disobedience’ as defensive, servile and insufficiently transformative. This article explores in how far the language of constituent power can be adopted as an alternative justificatory strategy for civil disobedience in transnational protests. In contrast to current approaches that look at states as agents of international civil disobedience-as-constituent power, I suggest we look at political movements. I focus on the example of the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) which understands itself as a pan-European movement of civil disobedience, at the same time working towards an articulation and exercise of constituent power among the people(s) of Europe. In the final section, I sharpen the criteria for the invocation of constituent power in transnational protest in distinguishing between its articulation, activation and exercise.
7
tejerina, benjamín. "Cross-Border Mobilisations: Struggles, Protest and Movements in Europe." European Political Science 13, no. 2 (February 7, 2014): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2014.1.
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8
Waller, Michael. "The ecology issue in Eastern Europe: Protest and movements." Journal of Communist Studies 5, no. 3 (September 1989): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278908414978.
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9
Lunev, S. I. "SOCIAL PROTEST IN INDIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-198-207.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Economic globalization creates unfavorable conditions for some countries and social groups while the situation in other countries and social is becoming worse. That is why social problems are on the rise worldwide. Thus, social protest became the major cause of the Arab spring is. Social wave overwhelmed Western Europe and the USA. The solution of social problems depends not on the political will of the elite, but on the activity of the population, as the ruling circles will not adopt a policy of self-restrictions and concessions to the majority without the hard push from the bottom. The peculiar feature of India is the general satisfaction of the society with the political system and economic situation. At the same time the protests against specific cases and events in the country mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, be it corruption scandals or violence against women. However, cultural- civilizational factors contribute to the non-violent character of almost all mass actions. Another distinctive feature of India is the desire of the organizers of the protest to reject support of the major parties due to the belief that political leaders are interested more in strengthening their social base rather than in solving the concrete problems. There are different categories of social protest in India: peasant movements; scheduled castes' (Dalits, the former untouchables) movements; anti-corruption movements; environmental movements; backward caste movements; women's movements; tribal movements; industrial proletariat movements; students' movements; middle class movements; human rights movements. The first four movements are currently the most noticeable. Social protest has not, so far, led to any serious political instability. However, a certain development of the situation can generate it, as well as the rejection of the mainly peaceful methods. In this respect, Dalit movements, especially in case of further erosion of the caste system, are the subject of the greatest concern.
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Szymańska, Justyna Anna. "Popfeminizm w służbie rewolucji. Ruchy kobiece i praktyki protestu na przykładzie ukraińskiej grupy Femen." Adeptus, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/a.2014.011.
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Pop feminism in the service of revolution. Women’s movements and practices of protest: Ukrainian group Femen case studyIn my paper I take a close look at the protest group, Femen, the circumstances of its creation, development and recent activities - initially in Ukraine, latterly also in Western Europe. I analyse the character of the group which belongs to the category of new social movements, and I present and analyse those indications of the activity of demonstrations of the movement based on what took place at street level. The object of my interest is also the issue of the appearance of the representatives of Femen in the media (new and traditional) and the influence of the pop culture on different aspects of its activity. I also question the issue of the employment of nudity in the public domain, and its connection with the usage of the expression of nationality against the background of other feminist movements. Popfeminizm w służbie rewolucji. Ruchy kobiece i praktyki protestu na przykładzie ukraińskiej grupy FemenW pracy pochylam się nad ukraińskim ruchem protestu Femen, kontekstem jego powstania, rozwoju i działalności – początkowo w Ukrainie, a potem także w Europie Zachodniej. Analizuję charakter grupy jako należącej do kategorii nowych ruchów społecznych, a także przedstawiam i analizuję przejawy działań kontestacyjnych ruchu, opartych o konwencję performance’u i przedstawień ulicznych. Przedmiotem mojego zastanowienia jest także kwestia obecności oraz funkcjonowania przedstawicielek Femenu w mediach (nowych oraz tradycyjnych) oraz wpływów popkultury na różne przejawy jego aktywności. Rozważam także kwestię wykorzystania nagości w sferze publicznej, powiązaną z użyciem idiomu narodowościowego, w kontekście innych ruchów feministycznych.
11
Bendl, Christian. "Protest als diskursive Raum-Zeit-Aneignung. Das Beispiel der Identitären Bewegung Österreich." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Linguistik 68, no. 1 (March 29, 2018): 73–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfal-2018-0004.
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AbstractThis paper deals with the Identitarian Movement, a presently highly salient Europe-wide right-wing youth movement, and its appropriation of the concepts of ‘space’ and ‘time’ in acts of protest. This appropriation is crucial for the movement, as ‘space’ and ‘time’ refer to specific ideologies which allow a positioning towards events, actors and discourses. In this study interdisciplinary approaches are adapted that lead to a descriptive linguistic discourse analysis of a single protest event. In order to enable an extensive and in-depth analysis, this single protest event is split up in three parts: 1. The announcement of the protest, 2. its performance in a place and 3. the continuation of the protest in/through social media. The findings argue to take the ideologization of history, places and actors into account when discussing the identity-building concepts and, especially, when undertaking critical and political follow-up studies of such movements.
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ÖZTÜRK, Efe Tuğberk, and Aslı DALDAL. "New Social Movements as Postmodern Challanges To Neoliberalism and Representative Democracy." International Journal of Political Studies 7, no. 2 (August 31, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25272/j.2149-8539.2021.7.2.01.
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In this article, the relationship between new social movements, representative democracy and neoliberalism is examined. Starting with student protests in Europe and the United State, the late 1960s have witnessed the emegence of new social movements. Ecological, anti-nuclear, feminist, student, anti-racist, and LGBTI+ protests all have been examined with the scope of the new social movements paradigm. The remarkable protest wave of the 1970s has been followed by contemporary movements in different forms like the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement. Although these movements differ in terms of issues they deal with and goals they seek, they have a lot in common. Unlike the old movements like labour protests, these new movements primarily focus on postmaterial issues. Postmaterial identity demands and rights of these movements conflict with material demands of neoliberal governments. Furthermore, modern democracies fail to address these issues. Representative democracy is seen as an obstacle to political participation. On the other hand, postmodernism is a suitable concept to explain internal discrepancies and dispersion of new social movements. It is argued that (a) the legitimacy crisis of representative democracy and neoliberal response of capitalism to its structural crisis have triggered new social conflicts and movements, (b) these movements differ from old movements in terms of their forms, goals, and demands, (c) new social movements are postmodern.
13
Hadden, Jennifer, and Sidney Tarrow. "Spillover or Spillout? The Global Justice Movement in the United States After 9/11." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.4.t221742122771400.
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This article focuses on a seemingly paradoxical sequel to the 1999 Seattle WTO protests: the weakening of the global justice movement in the United States. While the movement has flourished in Europe, it seems largely to have stagnated in the American context. This outcome cannot be explained by either American exceptionalism or by a general decline in activism in the wake of the tragedies of 9/11 and the Iraq War. First comparing expressions of the American and European global justice movements and then turning to original data on social movement organizing in Seattle after 1999, we argue that the weakness of the American global justice movement can be tied to three key factors: (a) a more repressive atmosphere towards transnational protest; (b) a politically inspired linkage between global terrorism and transnational activism of all kinds; and (c) what we call "social movement spillout." We further argue that the strongest movement since September 11th—the antiwar movement—exemplifies a broader trend in the United States towards the "spillout" of transnational activism into domestic protest.
14
Formisano, Ron. "Interpreting Right-Wing or Reactionary Neo-Populism: A Critique." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 2 (April 2005): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During the 1980s and 1990s in countries across the globe, new populist protest movements and radical political organizations emerged to challenge traditional parties, ruling elites, and professional politicians, and even long-standing social norms. The revolts against politics-as-usual have arisen from many kinds of social groupings and from diverse points on the political spectrum. Through the 1980s, in Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia, and North America, populist discontent erupted intermittently. But the end of the Cold War, particularly in Europe, unleashed a torrent of popular movements and political parties opposed to what the discontented perceived as the corruption and deceitfulness of the political classes and their corporate patrons. Some protest movements promoted more democracy, pluralism, and economic opportunity; some expressed intolerance, bigotry, and xenophobic nationalism.
15
Bédoyan, Isabelle, Peter Aelst, and Stefaan Walgrave. "Limitations and Possibilities of Transnational Mobilization: The Case of Eu Summit Protesters in Brussels, 2001." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.d599r28j75356jp1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although transnational political institutions have been around for decades, it is only recently that the wave of protest against neoliberal globalization has successfully mobilized on a transnational scale. Nevertheless, barriers to transnational participation in protests are especially difficult to overcome. By means of a survey conducted with protesters from all over Europe during the 2001 anti-neoliberal globalization demonstrations at the EU summit in Brussels, we explore the specific impediments to transnational mobilization in the European context. How do anti-neoliberal globalization movement organizations manage to overcome obstacles while other movements are only able to coordinate collective action on a national level? Special attention is given to the impact these difficulties have on the motivation and profile of foreign versus local protesters. Are foreign protesters more radical in their actions than the local participants? Do they take a stronger stance towards their protest actions against globalization? We close by speculating on the future of this movement and on transnational collective action in general.
16
Messina, Anthony M. "Postwar Protest Movements in Britain: A Challenge to Parties." Review of Politics 49, no. 3 (1987): 410–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500034471.
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This article asks why new protest movements have recently emerged in Western Europe by focusing on the British postwar race and anti-nuclear movements. Contrary to “subjective” propositions which have attributed their emergence to inter-generational value change, this article instead proposes a “structural” explanation. It is argued that the failure of the major British political parties to articulate citizen concerns on a number of salient issues has generated extra-party initiatives whose willingness to “voice” citizen anxieties primarily explains their popular support. Once in existence, these groups further politicize the conflict over public policy through various unconventional activities.
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Minakov, Mikhail. "The Protest Movements’ Opportunities and Outcomes: The Euromaidan and the Belarusian Protest–2020 Compared." Protest 1, no. 2 (February 23, 2022): 272–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-01020004.
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Abstract This paper compares the mass protests in Ukraine (the Euromaidan of 2013–14) and Belarus–2020 in the recent decade. The author tests the hypothesis that social movements successfully challenge the ruling groups if protests are sufficiently supported by Western governments, if autocratic regimes are not strong and consolidated, and if the regional tendencies are supportive of the protesters’ cause. Based on the comparative analysis of the two cases, the author concludes that the hypothesis is in general correct for Eastern Europe, but should be more nuanced: it should pay attention to the external influences of both Western states and Russia; it should note that the strength of an autocracy may create new opportunities for the challengers; and that it should take into account the changing nature of regional tendencies, which can be of democratization, autocratization, or some mixture.
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Daniel, Ondrej. "From Street Parties to Hardbass: Dance and Protest in Czech Postsocialist Urban Space." IASPM Journal 13, no. 2 (July 31, 2023): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5429/2079-3871(2023)v13i2.5en.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this study, I aim to discuss the nature of protest dances taking place in urban spaces of postsocialist Czech Republic. My point of departure consist in the hardbass masked dances that were produced and propagated by activists with links to far-right social movements mainly in Eastern Europe in the early 2010s. Hardbass thus mimicked the earlier anti-globalization social movement Reclaim the Streets (RTS). The anti-globalization movement of the late 1990s and early 2000s can be considered a truly global social movement, active not only in the core capitalist countries but also in locations that are more peripheral.
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Zamov, Eduard A. "THE IDEOLOGY OF A PROTEST: THE ANTICOMMUNIST MOVEMENTS IN THE EASTERN EUROPE." Voprosy vseobshchei istorii, no. 24 (2021): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/2413-872x_2021_24_06.
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20
Bolt, Mikkel. "Teorihistorisk skitsering af den nye protestcyklus." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 51, no. 134-135 (May 2, 2023): 15–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v51i134-135.137129.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article proposes a reading of the new cycle of protests that erupted in 2011 with the so-called Arab Spring and the square occupation movements in Souther Europe before moving on to the US with the Occupy movement. The years since 2011 have been marked by a significant rise in the numer of protests, riots and revolts across the world with the years 2011, 2014 and 2019 as preliminary high points. The pandemic and the repressive anti-rebellion measures put in place during the pandemic does not seem to have stopped protests from continuing to take place. The article challenges readings of the contemporary protests that fault them for being desperate, defensive and unpolitical proposing a reading using the notion of refusal put forth by Maurice Blanchot and Dionys Mascolo in 1958 as a prims for understanding the emergence of a new anti-political protest culture.
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Roth, Silke. "Introduction: Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump." Sociological Research Online 23, no. 2 (April 17, 2018): 496–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780418768828.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Brexit and the election of President Trump in the United States are the result of the rise of far-right populist movements which can be observed in Europe, North America, and other regions of the world. Whereas populism itself is one response to neoliberalism, globalization, and austerity measures, the election of Trump, in particular, has caused a new wave of protest. To a far lesser extent, on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the European Union in March 2017, people in the UK and many European countries participated in a March for Europe. These demonstrations represent counter-movements to the growing presence of right-wing, anti-immigrant, racist, nationalist, sexist, homophobic, anti-semitic and anti-Muslim movements throughout Europe and the United States. This rapid response issue surveys right-wing populist and left-liberal counter-movements which represent different responses to neoliberalism, globalization, austerity, and to each other. Social movements reflect and contribute to social change and need to be understood from an intersectional perspective. Networked media play an important role for both populist movements from the right and progressive counter-movements.
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Chirot, Daniel, Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, Luis Roniger, and Adam Seligman. "Centre Formation, Protest Movements, and Class Structures in Europe and the United States." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 3 (May 1988): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069609.
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Eisenstadt, S. N., and Harriet Hartman. "Movements of Protest, Construction of Centres and State Formation in India and Europe." Sociological Bulletin 43, no. 2 (September 1994): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022919940202.
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Makarenko, Kirill, and Liliia Pankratova. "Contemporary State and Prospects of Female Protest Development: from Deprivation to Mobilization." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.3.16.
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Introduction. The article presents the analysis of the сontemporary state and prospects for the development of women’s protest in a global perspective. The research focuses on the study of the causes and nature of mass women’s protest in the context of the formation of a new system of relations between the authorities and society represented by certain social groups. The relevance of the problem is determined by the need for a political science analysis of modern practices, causes and forms of women’s protest, making a forecast of the prospects for the development of women’s social movements. Methods and methodology. The methodological basis of the research is the synthesis of the relative deprivation theory by T.R. Gurr and the resource mobilization theory by Ch. Tilly, which makes it possible to present women’s protest through the prism of both psychological (deprivation) and institutional determinants. The empirical basis of the work is the data (338 cases) of the quantitative study “The Women in Resistance (WiRe)”, that is available for secondary analysis in the Harvard Dataverse Repository. Analysis. Women’s protests represent an institutional and non-institutional form of changing the “political field”. A common peripheral role of women in the political space serves as a basis for the formation of a common identity among them. A high degree of consolidation, as well as an active role of women in protest, correlates with the success of collective action. Protests in which women play an active role are more peaceful in nature. This is due to the mediating role of women, which prevents the growth of tension in the conflict. Results. Based on the analysis of statistical information and case-study, it was revealed that the economic and legal structural similarity of states does not determine the nature of women’s protest participation in politics, which is more dependent on historical practices, previously achieved results of women’s protest, the presence of institutional structures that organize protests, as well as on the specific problems of women in the state. The prospects for the development of women’s protest and women’s social movements are determined by the level of success achieved. While in Western Europe and the USA, women’s social movements are fighting for the achievement of postmaterial values, due to the solution of the economic differentiation problems, in Latin America, women are fighting for their natural right to life and their own bodies. A vector of women’s protest is aimed at combating all types of discrimination, but the nature of specific problems is fundamentally different.
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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Civic Participation and Demonstrations in Portugal (2011–2012)." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/813ufy43h.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In recent years, a little over the world, emerged social protest, from the Arab Spring to the Indignados, resulting from the dissatisfaction of the citizens and fruit of the speed with which the information circulates and is shared. In Portugal, the tendency to protest was in the same direction as in Europe and the world, as demonstrated by the movements of March 12, 2011 (Scratch Generation), and of September 15, 2012 (Screw the Troika). These movements brought together thousands of people in protest against government policies and in defense of a new political, economic and social model. In several cities of the country, the Portuguese, as citizens, intervened in the public sphere and expressed themselves on issues related to them, such as the crisis, unemployment, exploitation, as persons belonging to a community. The novelty was the use of communication technologies and social networks to appear, acquire visibility, then existence, as Hannah Arendt (2005) would say. Through the use of digital communication, they ignored the traditional leaderships to call out the protests and demonstrate on the streets, causing these phenomena not to be geographically or culturally limited nor institutionally framed. The internet has brought tools that foster sharing, facilitate civic participation and collective action. Thus, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, social movements have come to play a key role in the democratic state, through the representation of the claims of different sectors of civil society, but are these manifestations indicative of a new civic consciousness?
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Wenzel, Michał. "Od Samoobrony do Agrounii. Wiejskie ruchy społeczne po 1989 roku." Teoria Polityki 7 (June 30, 2023): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25440845tp.23.009.17522.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Termin „wiejskie ruchy społeczne” (WRS) używany jest w rożnych znaczeniach, potrzeba więc spójnej definicji konceptualizującej polityczne wiejskie ruchy społeczne. Są one pozostałością agrarnej struktury społeczno-gospodarczej. Spóźniona i niepełna rewolucja przemysłowa w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz niepełna na tle regionu kolektywizacja rolnictwa w Polsce spowodowały, że zachowały się przednowoczesne formy mobilizacji. Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie koncepcji WRS i zilustrowanie jej przykładami: są nimi działania mające znamiona polityki protestu, prowadzone przez Samoobronę i Agrounię. WRS skontrastowane są zarówno z tradycyjnymi (starymi) ruchami, jak i z nowymi ruchami społecznymi. Lokują się one na uboczu głównych podziałów socjopolitycznych a ich aktorzy kontestują elity niezależnie od tego, po której stronie podziałów się znajdują. The term “rural social movements” is used in different meanings, so a consistent definition is needed to conceptualize political rural social movements. They are a remnant of the agrarian socio-economic structure. The late and incomplete industrial revolution in Central and Eastern Europe and the incomplete collectivization of agriculture in Poland, compared to other countries of the region, preserved some pre-modern forms of mobilization. The aim of this article is to present the concept of rural social movements and to illustrate it with examples: they are the politics of protest, carried out by Samoobrona and Agrounia. Rural social movements are contrasted with both traditional (old) movements and new social movements. They are located on the sidelines of the main socio-political cleavages, and their actors contest the elites en bloc.
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CHRISTIAENS, KIM. "‘Communists are no Beasts’: European Solidarity Campaigns on Behalf of Democracy and Human Rights in Greece and East–West Détente in the 1960s and Early 1970s." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 621–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000364.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ever since the collapse of the Greek military regime in 1974 European campaigns over human rights and democracy in Greece have been commonly understood within an anti-totalitarian narrative that has celebrated resistance against both communist dictatorship and right-wing authoritarianism as part of a common journey towards a democratic continent. This article analyses the little-studied history of European solidarity movements with Greece during the 1960s and early 1970s that stretched across both the West and East of the continent. In so doing, it suggests that these campaigns were a facet of the politics of détente and rapprochement that brought together Western and Eastern Europe. Communist peace movements played a central role in these human rights campaigns. This was far from a common anti-totalitarian movement; rather, campaigns for Greece were enmeshed within movements that worked on a wide range of issues – from support for Eastern European dissidents and anti-fascism to world peace and protest against the Vietnam War. Nor were they about ‘a return to Europe’: above all they thrived on common connections in East and West with the Third World.
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Roussos, Konstantinos, and Haris Malamidis. "SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THE COMMONS: A FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING COLLECTIVE ACTION IN CRISIS-RIDDEN SOUTHERN EUROPE." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-3-359.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Both social movement research and the literature on the commons provide rich accounts of the anti-austerity mobilizations and uprisings in southern Europe. Movement studies offer important insights regarding the context of mobilization and collective claim making. The commons literature emphasizes bottom-up practices of shared ownership, self-management, and social co-production that move beyond institutional solutions. Although both literatures highlight similar phenomena, they remain relatively unconnected. Their distance precludes a full grasp of the implications regarding the dynamic and abundant to-and-fro movement between protest-based politics and everyday forms of collective action in this region, which is heavily affected by the crisis’ austerity management. Drawing on the South European context, this article rethinks key concepts addressed in both literatures (social movements-commons, activists-commoners, mobilization-commoning) and highlights how a conceptual synthesis can sharpen and (re)politicize the theorization of contemporary collective action in the everyday.
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Niesen, Peter. "Introduction: Resistance, disobedience or constituent power? Emerging narratives of transnational protest." Journal of International Political Theory 15, no. 1 (November 4, 2018): 2–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218808065.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Transnational social movements, campaigns and individual activists have described their activities in the traditional vocabularies of political dissent: as protest, opposition, contestation, dissidence or rebellion. Where strategies have involved illegal, well-publicised activities, the vocabularies of resistance and of civil disobedience have become an activist lingua franca. What all such descriptions have in common is that they paint a largely defensive picture of activist aims and self-understandings. In contrast, the emergence of the ‘global constitutionalist’ paradigm in international law and politics has re-introduced the category of constituent power. Transnational initiatives such as the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) have begun to frame their activities in a ‘constitutive’ and less in a ‘reactive’ language. When countering the challenges of cross-border domination, new collectives may grasp the chance for extra-institutional self-activation. The special issue aims to assess and compare the features and the various strengths and weaknesses of the respective languages of contestatory and constitutive politics.
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Auer, Matthew R. "Environmentalism and Estonia's Independence Movement." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 659–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408593.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The spirit of environmentalism generated some of the most memorable images of the eastern and central European independence movements of the late 1980s and early 1990s. In 1988, protesters formed a human chain around the Ignalina nuclear reactor in Lithuania. That same year, thousands of Hungarians marched through downtown Budapest to rally against their government's prospective participation in the construction of a dam on the Danube River. The environmental movements in the former eastern bloc marked the beginning of the end of Soviet era communism in Europe. However, many commentators have implied that environmental protest was a proxy for other, more politically explosive grievances. Environmentalism was decisive, it is argued, because it provided a release valve for pent-up frustrations and repressed nationalistic ardor. Re-examining the independence movement in Estonia, this article contends that environmentalism was not incidental to citizens’ larger aims. The specific, environmentally destructive activities people condemned embodied many of the features of the Soviet system that people despised generally. Resource-intensive and pollution-prone projects proposed by Moscow provoked a broadly conceived environmental revolt rather than environmental protest “in name only.” The environmentally related constituents of Estonia's independence movement included citizens’ opposition to pollution of the environment and waste of natural resources; perceived “mindlessness” of industrial policy in Estonia; the promise of new Russian-speaking immigrants to work in environmentally unfriendly industries; and economic exploitation of natural resources in Estonia for the benefit of other Soviet republics, especially the Russian RSFSR.
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Murphy, Michael PA. "Potentiality, political protest and constituent power: A response to the special issue." Journal of International Political Theory 16, no. 3 (June 29, 2019): 361–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088219860858.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Emergent forms of political protest and constitution often provide limit cases for their contemporary theoretical models, and transnational protest movements from Occupy to Democracy in Europe 2025 are no exception. The recent special issue of the Journal of International Political Theory offers a number of different conceptual paths towards understanding these developments, revising and refreshing categories like civil disobedience, opposition, resistance, as well as constituent and destituent power. However, the plurality of perspectives in the special issue leads to a certain degree of uncertainty in the use of terms. This response to the special issue begins with a reflection on its major conceptual developments, addresses the missed encounter with Giorgio Agamben’s theory of ‘destituent potential’ and develops a framework for contrasting different theoretical approaches to political protest and constitution through their relation to potentiality. This taxonomy of emergent forms of political protest and constitution complements the substantial theoretical developments undertaken in the special issue by making the important conceptual relationships between them more readily visible. As well, by demonstrating the applicability of potentiality to the study of International Relations, this framework contributes to the project of the theoretical investigation of international politics.
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DOMBROVSKIY, PAVEL, and OLEG KHAZANO. "THE J.R.R. TOLKIEN’S MYTH IN THE COUNTERCULTURE OUTLOOKS IN THE WEST SOCIETY OF 1960-1970S YEARS." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-3-124-133.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the researching of the J.R.R. Tolkien’s (British writer and linguist) influence on the outlook of counterculture movements in 1960-1970s years. The west countries’ history of that period describes a developing of the youth protest activity and the promoting of the trilogy «The Lords of the Rings», which became the most important embodiment of J.R.R. Tolkien’s mythology. As the result, the creativity of British writer became as the fantastic allusion to the modern and recent historical problems of society, such as the USA campaign in Vietnam, world wars, consumption cult, the harm to the environment, the fight for civil rights, etc. The purpose of that article is to identify the role of J.R.R. Tolkien’s myth in the ideological forming of youth movements of the mentioned time period in the USA and West Europe of 1960-1970s years. Through the prism of that interaction authors reconstruct a layer of counterculture mythology with the merging of Tolkinism’s (the writer’s creativity and outlook) and protest ideas inside the original awareness. The result of this process is in the appearance of the new youth movements’ ideological aspects, reflected in slogans, sings and street art of the pointed time period. The embodiment of the young generation’s protest activity with fictional heroes and events in Tolkien’s Middle-Earth has the main role in such aspects. However, today there is lack of the researching of that problem. Authors of the article suggest to look at the counterculture’s history in west countries through the prism of the pointed synthesis as the one of basically elements in the formation of modern mass culture and subculture layer.
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Mulej, Oskar. "Toniemy w czerwonych buraczkach, zatykając dziury w żelaznej kurtynie”. Punkowa Lublana w późnych latach siedemdziesiątych i wczesnych osiemdziesiątych." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 54, no. 4 (December 22, 2010): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2010.54.4.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this article, the Slovenian author merges the perspectives of the history of popular culture and of the history of social movements. At the turn of the 1970s/1980s, the little town of Ljubljana, the capital of the communist-ruled Slovenia, became the centre of Yugoslavian alternative culture, which run parallel to the official culture but was completely independent from it. Alternative culture constituted a protest against the realities of the last years of Josip Broz Tito’s rule. As such, it provoked hostile reactions of the state. The rulers of Yugoslavia did not take into account the fact that the punks only constituted a kind of “cultural opposition”, and not a viable political force. The punk culture was an attempt to create a new mode of expression and a new lifestyle, and its power as an inspiration in Europe, including Poland, was unprecedented. As a sui generis social movement, the punk paved the way for the emergence of civil society.
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Kovács, Tamás, Anna Kovács-Győri, and Bernd Resch. "#AllforJan: How Twitter Users in Europe Reacted to the Murder of Ján Kuciak—Revealing Spatiotemporal Patterns through Sentiment Analysis and Topic Modeling." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, no. 9 (August 31, 2021): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10090585.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Social media platforms such as Twitter are considered a new mediator of collective action, in which various forms of civil movements unite around public posts, often using a common hashtag, thereby strengthening the movements. After 26 February 2018, the #AllforJan hashtag spread across the web when Ján Kuciak, a young journalist investigating corruption in Slovakia, and his fiancée were killed. The murder caused moral shock and mass protests in Slovakia and in several other European countries, as well. This paper investigates how this murder, and its follow-up events, were discussed on Twitter, in Europe, from 26 February to 15 March 2018. Our investigations, including spatiotemporal and sentiment analyses, combined with topic modeling, were conducted to comprehensively understand the trends and identify potential underlying factors in the escalation of the events. After a thorough data pre-processing including the extraction of spatial information from the users’ profile and the translation of non-English tweets, we clustered European countries based on the temporal patterns of tweeting activity in the analysis period and investigated how the sentiments of the tweets and the discussed topics varied over time in these clusters. Using this approach, we found that tweeting activity resonates not only with specific follow-up events, such as the funeral or the resignation of the Prime Minister, but in some cases, also with the political narrative of a given country affecting the course of discussions. Therefore, we argue that Twitter data serves as a unique and useful source of information for the analysis of such civil movements, as the analysis can reveal important patterns in terms of spatiotemporal and sentimental aspects, which may also help to understand protest escalation over space and time.
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Prestholdt, Jeremy. "Resurrecting Che: radicalism, the transnational imagination, and the politics of heroes." Journal of Global History 7, no. 3 (October 19, 2012): 506–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000307.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article explores the symbolic appeal of Che Guevara within radical Left circles of the 1960s and 1970s. Che's importance as a shared political reference offers a unique window on aspirational symbols and the desire for meaningful transnational solidarity. By tracing Che's resonance in Latin America, western Europe, the United States, and the Middle East, the article brings into conversation the study of post-war radicalism, political iconography, and the cognitive dimensions of interconnectivity. As a means of understanding Che's appeal to both protest movements and guerrilla organizations, the article develops the notion of a ‘transnational imagination’, or mode of perception that frames local circumstances in a world historical trajectory and thereby affects collective aspirations and actions.
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Blokker, Paul. "Populist Nationalism, Anti-Europeanism, Post-nationalism, and the East-West Distinction." German Law Journal 6, no. 2 (February 1, 2005): 371–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013687.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the literature on emergent populism and nationalism in post-communist Eastern Europe, two main assumptions regarding the origins of the phenomenon can be distinguished. One line of argumentation holds that the unexpected resurgence of populism and nationalism after the collapse of the communist regimes is a direct result of the ‘valley of tears’ that characterizes the post-communist transformation from a communist, centrally planned system, to a democratic, market society. The ‘social costs’ of the transition and the still ‘incomplete’ nature of modernization make a large number of ‘modernization losers’ susceptible to mobilization by populist movements. The emergence of populist, nationalist movements should be understood as a radical form of protest against the degradation of the quality of life and widespread social dislocation and unemployment. A second explanation for the phenomenon is that populism and its naturalist, exclusivist portrayal of the nation is the result of the re-emergence of deeply, culturally ingrained perception of social belonging, and of the foundations of the polity, in which the social whole is considered prior to the individual, and in which local culture is valued differently from Western culture. In this explanation, the structural difference between Eastern and Western Europe is emphasized, a difference that can only be overcome by the former adopting the political model of the latter.
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Rocchi, Т. "Political Terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901-1911 and Its Role in the Historical Memory of Russia." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-08.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.
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GRAY, KEVIN W. "Saving 1968: Thinking with Habermas against Habermas." PhaenEx 4, no. 2 (January 3, 2010): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v4i2.2918.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Taking Habermas’s Die nachholende Revolution as a foil, I contend that in his discussions of 1989, Habermas has misunderstood the nature of the anti-Communist revolutions. Comparing them to his writings on the public sphere and the student protest movements in Germany, I argue that the revolutions do not represent the triumph of capitalism anymore than they represent the triumph of Western democracy. Calling the events catch-up revolutions is to frame the events as the expansion of modernity and nothing more. Rather, the revolutions show that the revolutionaries in Eastern Europe were grappling with the same problem, namely the control of technical subsystems, that the students and revolutionaries of 1968 were. Viewed in the light of Habermas’s writings from the 1960s, we end up better understanding the twin extremes of capitalism and bureaucratic-totalitarianism.
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Macartney, Alex F. "Hirohitler on the Rhine: Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (April 27, 2020): 622–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420907666.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explores transnational connections between anti-imperialist groups in West Germany and Japan through an examination of the protest around the Japanese Emperor’s state visit to Bonn in 1971. Although anti-imperialist movements in Japan and West Germany had many similarities and moments of contact, there are few treatments of these groups in transnational perspective. The event offers a unique moment of entanglement between New Left groups in the global 1960s and a rare moment of mutual discussion of the Japanese and German wartime past. The Showa Emperor (better known as Hirohito) traveled to Europe as a way to promote a new, peaceful, Japan; however, his role as a wartime leader complicated this image. Hirohito’s presence in West Germany presented major issues of wartime crimes that were filtered through German’s own memory of perpetration and victimhood. Radical students in and West Germany responded to the Emperor’s visit by cooperating with Japanese exchange students to analyze and protest the history of Japanese militarism and fascism – and also its postwar attempts to regain an empire, especially in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. These concepts were seen, therefore, on another level: the US war in Vietnam, and Japanese and West German complicity in this conflict.
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Raos, Višeslav. "After the Storm: Party Systems in Southern Europe in the Wake of the Eurocrisis." Contemporary Mediterranean 1, no. 1 (January 2022): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17818/sm/2021/1.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For years, the countries of Southern Europe have struggled with the consequences of the sovereign debt crisis. Under external pressure they enacted harsh austerity measures which resulted in shaken trust in the European Union, new protest movements and the entrance of new political parties in legislatures and governments. A decade later, this paper poses the question whether the storm of the European sovereign debt crisis has left an impact on Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. The article focuses on changes on the macro-level and analyzes party system changes with the help of data from the CMP/MARPOR dataset. The paper deals with changes in the attitude towards the European Union, the position on the left-right scale (RILE), as well as economic and welfare policy. The analysis has shown a weak decrease in positive attitudes towards the EU in Italy, a moderate leftward shift of the Spanish party system, as well as a moderate decrease in positive attitudes towards the role of the state in the economy in the Greek case. In conclusion, one can say that ten years after the European sovereign debt crisis it is not possible to speak of drastic party system change in Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain, and that external pressure has not succeeded in having an impact on the fact that Southern European party systems are, in general, titled towards the left.
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Milder, Stephen. "Thinking Globally, Acting (Trans-)Locally: Petra Kelly and the Transnational Roots of West German Green Politics." Central European History 43, no. 2 (May 13, 2010): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891000004x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thousands of demonstrators crowded Trafalgar Square on a chilly April afternoon in 1978 to protest the planned expansion of nuclear fuel reprocessing operations at the Windscale Reactor in rural Cumbria. Toward the end of the rally, a young woman faced the mass of protestors from behind the podium. “I am here to bring you greetings of solidarity from the various European, Australian, and Japanese anti-nuclear movements,” she announced. She explained that the movements whose greetings she brought to London represented “a great wave of transnational determination to put a stop to Windscale, to put a stop to a nuclearized, militarized Europe.” Within the next few moments, she described the contours of this “transnational wave.” She took her audience from Aboriginal territory in Australia, where Green Ban strikes interfered with uranium mining, to the nonviolent demonstrations against reactor construction in German villages, and back to Windscale, where protesters demanded a stop to nuclear fuel reprocessing. In the few minutes she stood at the podium, Petra Kelly narrated an around-the-world journey that had taken her most of the previous two decades to complete.
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Gattinara, Pietro Castelli, Caterina Froio, and Matteo Albanese. "The appeal of neo-fascism in times of crisis. The experience of CasaPound Italia." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 234–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The present works sets up to analyze the relationship between radical right activism and the unfolding of the financial crisis in Europe, investigating the extent to which the current economic circumstances have influenced right-wing movements’ political supply and repertoires of action. Using the case study of the Italian neo-fascist group CasaPound, and based on a mix of historiography and ethnographic methods, the present work systematically analyzes the ways in which the group tackles the economic crisis. We find that the crisis offers a whole new set of opportunities for the radical right to reconnect with its fascist legacy, and to develop and innovate crisis-related policy proposals and practices. The crisis shapes the groups’ self-understanding and its practices of identity building, both in terms of collective rediscovery of the fascist regime’s legislation, and in terms of promotion of the fascist model as a ‘third way’ alternative to market capitalism. Even more importantly, the financial crisis plays the role of the enemy against which the fascist identity is built, and enables neo-fascist movements to selectively reproduce their identity and ideology within its practices of protest, propaganda, and consensus building.
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Howard, Marc Morjé, and Meir R. Walters. "Explaining the Unexpected: Political Science and the Surprises of 1989 and 2011." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 2 (June 2014): 394–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714000899.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Political scientists have been caught by surprise by some of the world’s most dramatic political transformations. To assess how the discipline fared in explaining two of the most large-scale and unexpected developments of the past decades, we compare scholarship around the time of popular mobilization in Eastern Europe in 1989 and the Arab world in 2011. We argue that while scholars cannot be expected topredictutterly extraordinary events such as revolutions and mass mobilization, in these two cases disciplinary trends left scholars ill-prepared toexplainthem. Political scientists used similar paradigms to study both regions, emphasizing their failure to develop politically and economically along the lines of Western Europe and the United States. Sovietologists tended to study the communist bloc as either anomalously totalitarian or modernizing towards “convergence” with the West. Likewise, political scientists studying the Arab world focused disproportionately on the prospects for democratization or the barriers to it, and they now risk treating the 2011 protest movements essentially as non-events if they are not clearly tied to institutional democratic reform. By broadening their research agendas beyond a focus on regime type, political scientists will be better prepared to understand future changes in the Middle East and elsewhere.
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Grasso, Maria, and Marco Giugni. "Intra-generational inequalities in young people’s political participation in Europe: The impact of social class on youth political engagement." Politics 42, no. 1 (October 18, 2021): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02633957211031742.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The declining political engagement of youth is a concern in many European democracies. However, young people are also spearheading protest movements cross-nationally. While there has been research on political inequalities between generations or inter-generational differences, research looking at differences within youth itself, or inequalities between young people from different social backgrounds, particularly from a cross-national perspective, is rare. In this article, we aim to fill this gap in the literature. Using survey data from 2018 on young people aged 18–34 years, we analyse how social class background differentiates groups of young people in their political engagement and activism across nine European countries. We look at social differentiation by social class background for both political participation in a wide variety of political activities including conventional, unconventional, community and online forms of political participation, and at attitudes linked to broader political engagement, to paint a detailed picture of extant inequalities amongst young people from a cross-national perspective. The results clearly show that major class inequalities exist in political participation and broader political engagement among young people across Europe today.
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Adams, Jacqueline. "When Art Loses its Sting: The Evolution of Protest Art in Authoritarian Contexts." Sociological Perspectives 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 531–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2005.48.4.531.
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Change in art is an understudied topic in sociological research. This article examines protest artworks ( arpilleras) produced by shantytown women during and shortly after the dictatorship in Chile, to explore the question why political art that is for sale changes over time. This research is based on 136 semi-structured and in-depth interviews with various members of the art world in Chile, Europe, and the United States, a year's worth of participant observation of art groups in Santiago and over five hundred photographs of arpilleras, taken by the author and analyzed thematically. Political art that is for sale can change because the intermediary (the organization connecting producers and buyers) becomes less or more politically conservative, develops a precarious financial situation, grows more afraid of repression, and has the power to enforce the changes it desires; because the original buyers are replaced with new buyers with different motivations; and because new artists with new ideas begin making the art, one artist in the group produces something different and the idea spreads, artists censor themselves, and artists have new experiences or learn about new events. Through these sources of change, international social movements, local and international political and economic developments, and global institutions impact the art. Meanings attached to the art by the different parties (intermediaries, buyers, and artists) and class differences between artists and intermediaries are also important in facilitating change. These findings, based as they are on political art made in a repressive context, not only contribute to our understanding of artistic evolution but they help correct the bias in the sociology of art toward “art” made in democratic countries of the “First World.” They are not just applicable to authoritarian regimes but also to art by politicized minority groups in democratic contexts, and to other cultural products such as newspapers, magazines, documentaries, and books.
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Kende, Anna, Nóra Anna Lantos, Anna Belinszky, Sára Csaba, and Zsófia Anna Lukács. "The politicized motivations of volunteers in the refugee crisis: Intergroup helping as the means to achieve social change." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 1 (May 15, 2017): 260–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i1.642.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe despite the government’s hostile stance. We conducted a survey (N = 1459) among people who were active in supporting refugees and providing services to them to test the hypothesis of whether volunteers in the context of this humanitarian crisis had social change motivations similar to those engaged in direct political activism. Hierarchical regression analysis and mediation analysis revealed the importance of opinion-based identity and moral convictions as predictors of volunteerism, while efficacy beliefs and anger only predicted political activism. Our findings suggest that volunteers engaged in helping refugees based on motivations previously described as drivers of mobilization for political activism, but chose volunteerism to alleviate the problems embedded in the intergroup situation. Although the context of the refugee crisis in Hungary may have been somewhat unique, these findings have implications for other asymmetrical politicized intergroup relations in which advantaged group members can choose to offer humanitarian aid, engage in political actions to change the situation, or do both. Background The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe. Because of the Hungarian government’s explicitly hostile stance toward refugees, offering volunteer help was treated as an expression of political dissent by authorities. Why was this study done? We investigated the motivations of volunteers within this political climate. The psychological motivations to engage in political protest and volunteerism can be distinguished based on previous research. Volunteerism is the intentional engagement in helping for the benefit of others; it can be long term or flare up in moments of crisis, but it does not necessarily entail intentions to bring about change. In contrast, engagement in political protest is motivated by peoples’ intentions to address injustice and achieve change. As the refugee crisis evoked both types of actions (volunteerism and political protests), it provided us with the opportunity to investigate whether volunteering was driven by (1) motivation to bring about social change, (2) identification with the pro-refugee movement, and (3) experiencing a violation to their moral principles, all of which are typical for political activists. What did the researchers do and find? We conducted a survey among people who were active in supporting refugees, or participated in political protests. 1459 participants completed our online survey. We measured their level of moral conviction, identification with the pro-refugee opinion group, anger about the situation, and belief in their group’s efficacy to achieve change. Our results showed that identification with the pro-refugee movement and moral conviction were important motivations primarily for volunteers, while belief in the efficacy of the movement and anger were more closely related to engagement in political activism. What do these findings mean? We therefore suggest that activities of pro-refugee volunteers became the means to express moral convictions and a desire for social change. We used the case of the refugee crisis to draw attention to the importance of understanding the similarities and differences in the paths toward volunteerism and political activism, in terms of peoples’ motivation to achieve change, as social movements are just as dependent on mobilizing allies for political actions as they are on mobilizing volunteers.
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Havasi, Virág. "Power and powerlessness of the civil society in Hungarian illiberal democracy between 2010–2022." Politics in Central Europe 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 499–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2022-0022.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract In the study we examine the pulling, pushing and pulling back factors and events that influenced civil activism in Hungary between 2010–2022, which was the period of the birth of illiberal democracy in the country. We describe – relying on newspaper reports – the most important events and campaigns in the given period and their effectiveness. In Hungary citizenship activity is at a low level, even within Central-Europe. The viability of civil society is decreasing, especially in terms of financing opportunities, legal environment, image of civil sphere and ability to interest representation. We found that between 2010–2022 the presence of grievances as triggers was constant in the country, while the opportunity structures for action narrowed somewhat, but the illiberal Hungarian system is restrictive and not oppressive. There is a way to protest, to act in a different way, and actions do take place, but it is rarely possible to influence decision-makers - mostly in simple matters that affect everyone. However, social movements do not only fight for instrumental goals, but they also mobilise people, build organisations, contribute to self-development, form collective identity and (re)socialise the participants. These are important consequences even if the instrumental goals are not achieved.
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Rossetti, Carlo. "S.N. Eisenstadt, L. Roniger, A. Seligman (a cura di). Centre — formation, Protest-movements and Class Structure in Europe and the Unites States, London, F. Pinter, 1987, pp. 187." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 18, no. 2 (August 1988): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200012260.
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TeBrake, Janet K. "Irish peasant women in revolt: the Land League years." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 109 (May 1992): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400018587.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Between 1879 and 1882 a mass agrarian movement, led by the Irish National Land League, became a strong, all-encompassing force in Irish life for a brief but crucial period. This movement, one of the largest agrarian movements to take place in nineteenth-century Europe, has been treated as a nationalist movement, with emphasis of study placed on the role, contributions and aims of the league’s national leaders. These men, seeking their own varieties of self-government, saw the land movement as means to a political end. To them the land agitation provided a stepping-stone to national independence. It was the Irish peasantry, however, motivated primarily by economic considerations, that provided the driving force behind the movement, and at this level Irish peasant women made major contributions to the agrarian revolt. In this study the Land League movement is viewed as an agrarian protest movement; its purpose is to examine in particular the roles played by the Irish peasant women during the Land League period.These contributions have not been adequately recognised in historical literature. Recently the role of the Irish peasant has been duly acknowledged, but in these discussions a male image usually appears. When the Irish women’s role in the land movement is examined, it is done so in the context of the organisation known as the Ladies’ Land League. These studies concentrate on the activities of the upper- and middle-class urban leaders, particularly the Parnell sisters. But to dwell only on the Ladies’ Land League as the focus of women’s participation in the Land League movement is far too narrow, for it obscures the fact that hundreds of peasant women were fighting the Land War on a daily basis long before the formation of the women’s organisation. The papers of some of the local branches of the Land League provide evidence which shows that Irish rural women participated in the Land War from its beginning. Although the archival sources of the Land League period are biased towards men, enough material regarding the peasant women’s activities, admittedly limited and somewhat sparse, does exist to allow a strong argument to be put forward that peasant women performed effectively in the Land War.
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Levyk, Bohdan. "Civil society of Western Ukraine and Europe in the context of the Ukrainian Holodomor events of 1932-1933." Skhid 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/2411-3093.2023.5(1).283493.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the Holodomor national tragedy of 1932-1933 in the context of the reaction to it by the population of neighboring Ukraine and more distant countries, as well as international organizations. It is emphasized that the Holodomor was a deliberate action of the communist authorities against the Ukrainian peasantry as a source of disobedience to the authorities and national resistance. It is shown that despite the efforts of the Bolshevik government to hide the glaring facts of the famine and the conformist support of the majority of foreign journalists accredited in the USSR, this information still received publicity in the world thanks to individual journalists of influential British newspapers and the work of foreign embassies and consulates in the USSR. It provoked a civil wave of help in various countries, but did not cause official condemnation of the Bolshevik policy by the member states of the League of Nations and the Catholic Church as an influential player in the international politics of the time. The role of public organizations and the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the organization of assistance to illegal refugees from Ukraine and protest movements condemning the policy of the USSR towards Ukrainian peasants is considered. It was concluded that the first and subsequent recognitions of the Holodomor of 1932-1933 in Ukraine as genocide at the level of influential countries and international organizations, as well as the criminal proceedings carried out in Ukraine on the fact of committing the crime of genocide of 1932-1933 in Ukraine as a crime against humanity permit modern Ukrainians not only to consolidate the memory of the Holodomor as a significant historical narrative for the entire society, but also to re-understand this traumatic experience, renewing the nation and its values and outlook guidelines.