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Статті в журналах з теми "Prostitution. Free choice. Liberalism"
1
Davidson, Julia O'Connell. "The Anatomy of ?Free Choice? Prostitution." Gender, Work & Organization 2, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0432.1995.tb00022.x.
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Devellennes, Charles. "Choice, blind spots and free will." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 9 (August 12, 2014): 895–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714545339.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article shows that the concept of choice is central to Isaiah Berlin’s liberalism. It argues that his valuing of choice is anchored in a particular conception of human nature, one that assumes and presupposes free will. Berlin’s works sketch a metaphysics of choice, and his reluctance to situate himself openly in the debate on free will is unconvincing. By introducing the theory of autopoiesis, this article further suggests that there is a way to take Berlin’s value pluralism seriously, by considering sets of values as autopoietic conscious systems. Drawing on the works of Maturana and Varela in biology and Luhmann in sociology, autopoiesis strengthens value pluralism and acts as a critique of liberalism. By putting objectivity in parenthesis, autopoiesis finally allows for value systems to coexist side by side in a stronger sense than Berlin’s liberalism ever could.
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Green, Karen. "Prostitution, Exploitation and Taboo." Philosophy 64, no. 250 (October 1989): 525–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031819100044284.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It is so generally accepted that prostitution is immoral, that this is one of the least discussed of all ethical issues. Few serious philosophical treatments of the subject have been published. Of these, at least one, Lars Ericsson's, ‘Charges against Prostitution’, throws into stark relief the apparent inconsistency of our community attitudes. For it demonstrates that, from the point of view of the simple free market liberalism, to which many subscribe, there is nothing immoral about prostitution. The prostitute is a free agent who sells his or her services on the market at the going price. Why should the exchange of sexual services for money be more unsavoury than other exchanges of fee for service? The desire for sexual gratification is natural, as is the desire for food. So prostitution must be morally on a par with catering. Yet it is hemmed about by restrictions. Prostitutes are social outcasts, they may be pitied but are more often vilified and despised. From the liberal point of view, the moral disgust aroused by prostitution can only be the expression of an archaic and irrational taboo.
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Abas, Abas. "INDUSTRIALISASI VAGINA: POTRET KEBIJAKAN PELACURAN." JPSI (Journal of Public Sector Innovations) 2, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jpsi.v2n1.p17-25.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The issue of prostitution has long existed before, which is believed to have begun since the period of slavery. Even prostitution as a work is often referred to as one of the oldest types of work in the World. Although some Feminist groups before the 1980s convincingly said that prostitution is a sign and a subordinate example of women that will not exist anymore when women get the equation (Jefrey 2009). As Millett puts it, the old form of 'living fossils' of slave relations still exists today (Millet 1975). Even Jeffrey (2009) says that what is most important today is that the current ideology and new economic practice, "Neo-liberalism," in which the tolerance of 'sexual liberty' has been combined with free market ideology to reconstruct prostitution as 'work' law that could be the basis of the national and international sex industry. Therefore, the development of this sector needs to be understood as the commercialization of the subordination of women, and shows how the return of the global sex industry can begin.
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Braybrooke, David. "Liberalism's Claim to Culture." Dialogue 30, no. 1-2 (1991): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300013378.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the heart of the argument in Kymlicka's book is a principle which is characteristic of liberalism as he conceives it: attachments to a community and to the culture that it embodies are to be honoured as indispensable to intelligible personal choice (p. 47–58, 165–66, 192–93), so long as everyone with the attachments is free to examine them critically and then revise them in any or all of their features (p. 13, 48, 50–51, 167, 172). In one part of the book, the argument moves inward—diastolically—aiming, as the heart is approached, to expose various communitarian objections to liberalism as mistakes about the conditions that liberalism accepts for intelligible personal choice. In the other part of the book, the argument moves outward—systolically—aiming to demonstrate the robust support that liberalism can give the cultures of minority communities like Canadian Indians even when that support requires some restriction of the liberties of other people.
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LONG, RYAN. "Luck Egalitarianism, Responsibility, and Political Liberalism." Dialogue 55, no. 1 (January 12, 2016): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217315001110.
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Luck egalitarians argue that distributive justice should be understood in terms of our capacity to be responsible for our choices. Both proponents and critics assume that the theory must rely on a comprehensive conception of responsibility. I respond to luck egalitarianism’s critics by developing a political conception of responsibility that remains agnostic on the metaphysics of free choice. I construct this political conception by developing a novel reading of John Rawls’ distinction between the political and the comprehensive. A surprising consequence is that many responsibility-based objections to luck egalitarianism turn out to be objections to Rawls’ political liberalism as well.
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Boricic, Branislav. "Dictatorship, liberalism and the Pareto rule: Possible and impossible." Ekonomski anali 54, no. 181 (2009): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0981045b.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The current economic crisis has shaken belief in the capacity of neoliberal 'free market' policies. Numerous supports of state intervention have arisen, and the interest for social choice theory has revived. In this paper we consider three standard properties for aggregating individual into social preferences: dictatorship, liberalism and the Pareto rule, and their formal negations. The context of the pure first-order classical logic makes it possible to show how some combinations of the above mentioned conditions, under the hypothesis of unrestricted domain, form simple and reasonable examples of possible or impossible social choice systems. Due to their simplicity, these examples, including the famous 'liberal paradox', could have a particular didactic value.
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Vedder, Peter E. "Self-Directedness and the Human Good." Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 9, no. 1 (2007): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41560351.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This review of Norms of Liberty by Douglas Rasmussen and Douglas Den Uyl seeks to outline the authors' attempts to provide a foundation for liberalism. Their solution emerges from a synthesis of the liberty implied in acts of deliberative choice and norms rooted in knowledge of human nature. This synthesis, however, proves to be unstable. Deliberative choice must be conditioned and determined by knowledge of human nature, but free choice must be unconditioned and autonomous. The attempt to square this circle through the notion of individualistic perfectionism conceals rather than solves the difficulty.
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Vedder, Peter E. "Self-Directedness and the Human Good." Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 9, no. 1 (2007): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaynrandstud.9.1.0163.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This review of Norms of Liberty by Douglas Rasmussen and Douglas Den Uyl seeks to outline the authors' attempts to provide a foundation for liberalism. Their solution emerges from a synthesis of the liberty implied in acts of deliberative choice and norms rooted in knowledge of human nature. This synthesis, however, proves to be unstable. Deliberative choice must be conditioned and determined by knowledge of human nature, but free choice must be unconditioned and autonomous. The attempt to square this circle through the notion of individualistic perfectionism conceals rather than solves the difficulty.
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Kelley, Michael A. "Democracy and Economic Liberalism: The Foundations of Hope in Africa." American Review of Politics 13 (April 1, 1992): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1992.13.0.65-85.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The failure of many African regimes since independence to materially advance the quality of life and freedoms of their citizens has created a paradigm shift in development policy. Emphasizing the real capacity for autonomous choice among national and local elites, there is an ever-increasing recognition of the linkage between the use of free market mechanisms to promote national well-being and the provision of a democratic government. Data suggest that democratic and/or market driven states have fared better in Africa than those which embraced more controlled political and economic regimes.
Дисертації з теми "Prostitution. Free choice. Liberalism"
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CHIRICO, ANNALISA. "Prostitution as a matter of freedom." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Can prostitution be conceived as a voluntary choice? Can the exchange of sexual services in return for money be seen as an act of will? Is it possible to distinguish between voluntary and coerced prostitution? Going through the philosophical debate within the feminist arena, my thesis will analyse the main theoretical standpoints: the radical one, mostly based on gender identity and adversarial logic between sexes; the libertarian one relying on self-ownership and individual freedom; the median one which tries to strike a balance between the two preceding perspectives admitting a certain dose of paternalism. To better understand the polarity within the feminist debate, consider that, while the American feminist Catherine MacKinnon excludes the possibility of voluntary prostitution, waging also a crusade against pornography seen as “an arm of prostitution”1, on the other hand the self-described dissident feminist, Camille Paglia, views the prostitute as “one of the few women who is totally in control of her fate, totally in control of the realm of sex”2. Moreover, moving from the theoretical to the descriptive dimension, I will describe the main regulatory frameworks existing in some countries, from the most liberal to the strictest one. My thesis is that there is no reason to exclude the possibility of voluntary prostitution, that is the possibility that someone chooses prostitution as a “desirable” activity; and that a neat distinction does exist between voluntary sex working and exploitation, being the latter featured by coercion.
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Stanczyk, Lucas. "From Each: Essays in the Theory of Productive Justice." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10593.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A just society must provide a range of goods: police protection, education, medical care, legal representation, to name only a few. But how should a just society organize production of these goods? To ask this question is to broach the topic of productive justice. We need a theory of this topic in order to explain the content of the ideal of social justice. A certain theory of productive justice is now widely taken for granted. It has the following commitments. Every able beneficiary of just institutions owes some productive contribution. There is no free-loading on just institutions. Therefore, income support from the state should normally be conditioned on working. Those who would be idle must find a way to support themselves. Beyond this general requirement, however, each citizen gets to decide his own contribution, because each citizen has a right to choose his occupation. The state may not assign occupations or specify anyone’s place of work. Nor may it direct anyone to work longer than he prefers, provided he is not loafing on public support. Instead, labor must be allocated through a market, where everyone is free to decline any given job offer. The labor market thus fixes the possibilities of just production: the socioeconomic goals that a society may justly accomplish are limited to those that can be pursued in or alongside a labor market. This theory is now widely accepted. I argue that its central elements are importantly mistaken. Income support from the state should not normally be conditioned on working. To think this is to misunderstand the nature of each citizen’s contributory duty. Nor is it the case that a just state may never assign urgent jobs or otherwise restrict occupational decisions. To think this is to misunderstand several of the basic rights and liberties of citizenship. In my dissertation, I defend a different theory, with three elements. The first is a theory of every citizen’s right to free choice of occupation. The second is a theory of the scope and basis of the economic duties of modern citizenship. The third is a theory of the permissibility conditions of restricting labor market liberties. Together these three elements comprise a new theory of productive justice.Government
Книги з теми "Prostitution. Free choice. Liberalism"
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Ausuebung der Prostitution: Ein Verfassungsrechtlich Geschuetzter Beruf im Sinne von Art 12 Abs. 1 Gg. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 1997.
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2
Choice, Contract, Consent: A Restatement of Liberalism (Hobart Paperback,). Coronet Books, 1991.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Prostitution. Free choice. Liberalism"
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La Fontaine, Jean S. "The free women of Kinshasa: 1 prostitution in a city in Zaïre." In Choice and Change, 89–113. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003135906-6.
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"Breaching the Wall." In Thunder from the Right, edited by Matthew L. Harris, 1–20. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042256.003.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ezra Taft Benson’s fierce political views were often indistinguishable from his religious ones. During his five decades as an LDS general authority, including forty-two years in the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles (1943-1985) and nine years as LDS church president (1985-1994), he promoted a conservative constitutionalism that breached the wall between church and state. This introduction explores Benson’s conservativism, particularly his views on church and state, and most prominently his indefatigable efforts to align the Mormon Church with his right-wing views. He envisioned a world of free markets, limited government, personal choice, and liberty under law. At the same time, he condemned labor unions, liberalism, and government welfare programs, notably federal aid to education, Medicaid and Medicare, and Social Security