Статті в журналах: "Propaganda imperiale"

1

Mouton, Alice. "Marta Pallavidini, Diplomazia e propaganda in epoca imperiale ittita." Syria, no. 94 (December 15, 2017): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/syria.5826.

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Falcucci, Beatrice. "Il Museo Coloniale di Roma tra propaganda imperiale, oblio e riallestimento." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 112 (March 2021): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2021-112006.

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Bauer, Thomas Johann. "Christliches Selbstverständnis, imperiale Propaganda und das Ziel der Geschichte. Beobachtungen zur Völkerliste in Apg 2,9 – 11." Millennium 9, no. 1 (November 1, 2012): 1–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjb.2012.9.1.1.

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d'Alfonso, L. "Marta Pallavidini : Diplomazia e propaganda in epoca imperiale ittita: Forma e prassi / Diplomatie und Propaganda in hethitischer Grossreichszeit: Form und Praxis. (Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie.) xix, 390 pp. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2016. ISBN 978 3 447 10501 9." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 80, no. 2 (June 2017): 367–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x17000544.

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Beaven, Brad, and John Griffiths. "The City and Imperial Propaganda." Journal of Urban History 42, no. 2 (February 18, 2015): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144214566965.

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Mažeikis, Gintautas. "EKSCENTRIŠKOJI EUROPA IR TIKĖJIMO PROPAGANDA. Apmąstymai apie XVII–XVIII a. Katalikų Bažnyčios tikėjimo propagandos kongregaciją ir jos veiklos įtaką europinei Lietuvos tapatybei." Religija ir kultūra 4 (January 1, 2007): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/relig.2007.0.2799.

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Straipsnis remiasi nuostata, kad propaganda yra ne tik manipuliacijos, bet ir motyvacijos, subjekto formavimo, kultūrinių tapatybių saugos priemonė ir užtikrina ne tik valdančiųjų klasių, religijų, bet ir civilizacinį tęstinumą. Dažniausiai propaganda, siekdama formuoti sau palankų subjektą, jo tapatybę, remiasi edukacine veikla, kuri geriausiai ilgalaikiu požiūriu atitinka propagandos siekius. Būtent tokia prasme straipsnyje nagrinėjama Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide tikslai, jų sąsajos su jėzuitų ordinu ir jo veikla XVIII a. Lietuvoje steigiant misijas, mokyklas, kolegijas, universitetą. Kartu, remiantis R. Brague prielaida apie tai, kad Europos tapatybė buvo formuojama jos paribiuose, kur aiškiausiai apibrėžiami kultūriniai, religiniai, ideologiniai skirtumai, parodoma, kad jėzuitų ordinas formavo LDK gyventojų europietišką tapatybę, kuri buvo nuosekliai naikinama po 1795 metų paskutinio Lietuvos–Lenkijos valstybės padalijimo. Straipsnyje pastebima, kad XVII–XVIII amžiaus Vatikano propagandos doktrina rėmėsi iš esmės renesansinės kilmės nuostatomis, apie tai, kad krikščioniškasis lavinimas, susietas su oratoriniais menais ir kalbiniu įkvėpimu, geriausiu būdu tarnauja evangelizacijai, tačiau kartu pastebima, kad jėzuitai, siekdami savo tikslų, turėjo nuolatos vykdyti ir aktyvią pasaulietinę ir tarp ordinų politinę veiklą.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: propaganda, evangelizacija, edukacija, oratorystė, europietiškas tapatumas, jėzuitai, propagandos subjektas.ECCENTRIC EUROPE AND PROPAGANDA OF FAITHConsiderations about Sacra Congregatio de propaganda fide and its influence on the European identity of Lithuania in XVII–XVIII centuriesGintautas Mažeikis SummaryThe main thesis about common European identity is based on the maintaining of R. Brague that identities are formed on the borders. The main power for forming self consciousness of local people as Europeans was propaganda. Propaganda is considered as systemic, rational, long-term persuasions of thinking and self evaluation of people. Propaganda seeks to construct the discourse or propaganda subject and legitimate its suggestion and behavior. The Vatican institution of propaganda was formed by popes Gregory XIII and Gregory XV. Finally Congregatio de propaganda fide was established in 1622. The firsts principles of propaganda idea were directly related to the Renaissance Studia humanitatis. P. Neri and his Congregatio oratorium continued Florence’s Christian humanism and ecstatic rhetoric of G. Sovanarola. Neri also continued some ideas of L. Valla about rhetoric manifestation of the truth. Gregory XIII supported movement and ideas of Neri. From the other side he was a patron of Society of Jesus and he established first propaganda commission for the providing of Catholic faith on the borders of European world. Gregory XIII initiated propaganda through spreading of Jesuit’s and other Christian order’s missions, colleges, universities. The propaganda and Jesuits influence on Grand Duck of Lithuania is compared with Jesuits activities in the North America. Lithuanians were very pagans in the rural spheres in this time. The protestant movement was influenced in the cities. The Vatican Episcope’s power was not popular between Lithuanian noblemen and the influence of Protestant Livonia was significance. From the civilization point of view Russian or Eurasian pressing was felt all time and many of Grand Duke of Lithuania lands were Slavs. The article seeks to show how did Jesuits form the network of education, how they competed with other Catholic orders, how they make new discipline and communities of local people. Jesuits became very important power for forming European subject on the borders of Europe in the XVII and XVIII centuries. They created new religious, scientific, political, national discourses and educational networks necessary for interpellation of subject of European civilization. Thought Russian Imperia tried to build new identities and world feeling, new educational system and propaganda after occupation of Lithuania in 1795 the European identity of Lithuanians survived on the archeological level, history of education and myths.Keywords: propaganda, evangelization, education, rhetoric, European identity, Jesuits, Catholic orders, subject of propaganda.

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Bessant, Bob. "British imperial propaganda and the republic." Journal of Australian Studies 18, no. 42 (September 1994): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059409387181.

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8

Chapoutot, Johann. "Mussolini et Hitler, nouveaux Auguste? Autour du bimillenaire de la naissance d’Auguste, 1933-1938." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 27 (November 27, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2017.3967.

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Résumé: En plein coeur du XXeme siècle et au centre de l’Europe, deux régimes vantant leur propre modernité se réfèrent ouvertement au précédent impérial romain, et è la figure d’Auguste. Quel peut-être le sens de cette référence? Et quelle différence peut-on constater entre l’usage fasciste italien et l’usage nazi de l’antiquité romaine?Mots-clés: Empire Romain, Civilisation Occidentale, fascisme, usages de l’histoire, propagande politique.Resumen: A mediados del siglo XX y en el centro de Europa, dos regímenes que presumen de su propia modernidad se refieren abiertamente al precedente imperial romano y a la figura de Augusto. ¿Que sentido puede tener esta referencia? Y ¿qué diferencia puede encontrarse entre el uso fascista italiano y el uso nazi de la antigüedad romana?Palabras clave: Imperio romano, civilización occidental, fascismo, uso de la Historia, propaganda política.

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RIEDI, ELIZA. "WOMEN, GENDER, AND THE PROMOTION OF EMPIRE: THE VICTORIA LEAGUE, 1901–1914." Historical Journal 45, no. 3 (September 2002): 569–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002558.

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The Victoria League, founded in 1901 as a result of the South African War, was the only predominantly female imperial propaganda society in Britain during the Edwardian period. To accommodate women's activism within the ‘man's world’ of empire politics the League restricted its work to areas within woman's ‘separate sphere’ while transforming them into innovative methods of imperial propaganda. Through philanthropy to war victims, hospitality to colonial visitors, empire education, and the promotion of social reform as an imperial issue, the League aimed to encourage imperial sentiment at home and promote colonial loyalty to the ‘mother country’. The League's relationship with its colonial ‘sister societies’, the Guild of Loyal Women of South Africa and the Canadian Imperial Order, Daughters of the Empire, demonstrates both the primacy of the self-governing dominions in its vision of empire, and the importance of women's imperial networks. The Victoria League illustrates both significant involvement by elite women in imperial politics and the practical and ideological constraints placed on women's imperial activism.

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10

Bonţa, Claudia M. "Propaganda imperială și medalistica. Secolele XVII-XVIII." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia Artium 63, no. 1 (December 30, 2018): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhistart.2018.02.

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11

Hoffer, Stanely E. "Divine Comedy? Accession Propaganda in Pliny, Epistles 10.1–2 and the Panegyric." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000006784016198.

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This article investigates the use, in Pliny's official writings of imperial praise, of the theme of ‘divine comedy’ – the idea that everything is for the best in the imperial world under the ideal emperor. An examination of this prominent theme can help us understand how Pliny handled the inevitable tensions in an imperial ideology which was grounded in the opposing figures of the ‘good’ emperor who deserved deification, and the ‘bad’ emperor who deserved tyrannicide.

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Freeman-Maloy, Dan. "Remembering Balfour: empire, race and propaganda." Race & Class 59, no. 3 (October 6, 2017): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817733877.

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To mark the centenary of the Balfour Declaration (November 1917), which paved the way towards the dispossession of the Palestinians, this article reflects on how imperial strategy, ideas about race, and institutionalised propaganda converged to shape Britain’s contribution to the ‘Palestine problem’. The author illustrates the imperial tradition that shaped British support for Zionism by tracing the trajectory of John Buchan’s career. Buchan was an influential novelist, best known as the author of adventure stories including The Thirty-Nine Steps. He wrote in the service of Empire. During the first world war, Buchan spearheaded propaganda for the Empire’s eastward expansion and directed the propaganda service as Palestine fell to British troops. He began his career in South Africa, mentored by Lord Milner, and worked as a literary spokesperson for the policy of white rule. He ended it in Canada, serving as the country’s Governor General. This article foregrounds Canada as a settler polity with a privileged place in Buchan’s philosophy, and where Buchan’s approach to supporting Zionism thrived. And it explores Buchan’s hostile construction both of a menacing Islam and of ‘the Jew’. Buchan was not the only Briton to disparage Jews ‘at home’ only to find a place for them on the frontier.

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13

Morrow, Joshua A. "Propaganda and Artificial Glory." IU Journal of Undergraduate Research 2, no. 1 (May 31, 2016): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/iujur.v2i1.20923.

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This project involves the analysis of both primary and secondary sources to investigate what caused men from three towns in Indiana to volunteer to fight in the Spanish-American War, a conflict that they had no personal reason to join. The predominantly-used primary sources were newspapers from the three towns in Indiana and speeches by politicians. These three towns were selected after careful analysis of demographic information including population and number of volunteers in the Spanish-American War from every major city in the state. To further expand on these ideas, political leanings and occupations were taken into account. Upon completing this study, it was discovered that both the rhetoric of pro-imperial politicians, the propaganda that filled the newspapers of the time, and the creation of the concept of glory and the valor that could be won through combat had an effect on the men’s decision to register for a conflict in which the soldiers had no personal stake.

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Mello, Felipe Aiala de. "Plutarco e os Lágidas: representação identitária e propaganda imperial." Mare Nostrum 12, no. 2 (August 4, 2021): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v12i2p279-301.

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Este artigo busca analisar as representações identitárias dos Lágidas e do Oriente forjadas por Plutarco em Vidas Paralelas. Ao falar de um lugar ideologicamente marcado, sob o ponto de vista de um cidadão de uma polis grega (Queroneia) que viveu sob o domínio romano, Plutarco reconfigura fatos, dados, enfim, a própria história, com uma escrita de cunho biográfico, documental e histórico e, ao mesmo tempo, estrategicamente, dramático, teatral, emocionado e moralizante. Busca-se mostrar que Plutarco, ao forjar a representação da dinastia Ptolomaica, o faz sob uma perspectiva imperialista e orientalista, coadunando com a ideologia romana. As principais categorias analíticas utilizadas na consecução deste texto são imperialismo, orientalismo e representação/identidade. A metodologia utilizada na análise baseia-se na forma tradicional do trabalho do historiador, qual seja, a das críticas internas e externas das fontes, aliada à análise de conteúdo. Vemos que Plutarco, a partir de dicotomias opositivas estereotipadas sustentadas por preceitos helênicos, subjuga os Lágidas e o Oriente, em prol de uma suposta superioridade baseada em uma hierarquização cultural e moral, em sintonia com a propaganda romana.

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Ralph, Allison K. "The Functions of Homonoia in the Rhetoric of Constantius II: Persuasion, Justification of Coercion, Propaganda." Rhetorica 37, no. 3 (2019): 215–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2019.37.3.215.

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Using a set of examples drawn from imperial concern with Christian theological unity in the fourth century, this essay describes the heretofore unremarked-on functioning of homonoia concepts in addition to persuasion: justification of coercion and propaganda. Grounded in the idea that unanimity and consensus are natural goods, the rhetorical form persuaded through eliciting a desire to participate in those natural goods. Such rhetoric implicitly justified coercive social policy (a.k.a. punishment) when positive persuasion proved insufficient. Additionally, imperial pundits could assert the desirability of consensus as a form of propaganda when “unanimous” decisions were publicized to imply a lack of dissent and make it harder for other would-be dissenters to find allies, therefore decreasing the likelihood of dissent elsewhere.

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Torri, Marcos. "La réception de la propagande d’Auguste chez Sénèque le Rhéteur." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 15, no. 15/16 (January 9, 2014): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v15i15/16.232.

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A ambiguidade e os paralelismos históricos presentes nos discursos de Sêneca o Velho sobre Augusto revelam que a lembrança do Princeps não se enquadra nos grandes temas da propaganda imperial. Através destes recursos o autor exprime uma espécie de oposição política.

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Garzón Blanco, Jose Antonio. "Diana, Juno, Venus y Vesta en la propaganda monetaria de Adriano, Antonino Pio y sus esposas." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 11 (February 12, 2021): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i11.6821.

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This word es trying to investigate in two important aspects the imperial roman propaganda through numismatics, we refer to the concepts of goddess greaters and smallers, which was awarded the Roman emperors and members of the imperial family. Apart from the classical sources, this study of coins is the best source which fells us about these concepts; all taken from the II century A.D. from governments of Hadrian to Antonino Pio. This being the period in which more emphasis was used.Historia

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18

Gannon, David. "Patriotism and Imperialism 1870-1914 Education & the Young." CRIS - Bulletin of the Centre for Research and Interdisciplinary Study 2012, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 97–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10284-012-0011-1.

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"Propaganda aims to to turn resentment into rebellion or loose coalition into unity." (Mangan, 1986, p. 113) Contemporary commentators and historians alike have commented on the way patriotic and imperial propaganda 'mushroomed' (Porter, 2004, p. 180) between 1870 and 1914. What is particularly remarked upon is the greater emphasis which was placed on patriotic and imperial themes in schools and youth groups. It is important then to examine this trend, to understand the reasoning and implementation so to be able to make a judgement as to its effectiveness and impact on the young of the day. When examining the emphasis on patriotic and imperial themes in schools and youth groups it is first important to realize that it is a mistake to treat them as a homogenous whole. Treating Eton or Harrow the same as a school in a working class district of London or any larger industrial city would overlook some important differences in what propaganda was transmitted and how it was transmitted. As Mangan (1986, p. 113) points out, until 1902 there were essentially two different education systems, one encompassing the public schools and the other covering the vast majority of children. Only by accepting this fact can we begin to see clearly how and why values were transmitted and make some judgment as to its effect. This difference can be seen clearly in the question of teaching materials for schools. A lot of focus has been on the introduction of new subjects in schools, especially the humanities, and the textbooks which were designed to teach these subjects. These text books, according to MacKenzie (1984, p. 177) were to instill a certain set of values; patriotism, good citizenship, and moral training. With a contemporary perception of external weakness and greater threat to Britain's position, it was natural to inspire the class of future leaders, through the example of role models who embodied virtuous and moral lives, to be part of the Imperial enterprise.

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19

Bobrovnikov, Vladimir. "Исламский дискурс визуальной пропаганды на советском Востоке между двумя мировыми войнами (1918 – 1940)". Islamology 7, № 2 (31 грудня 2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.07.2.03.

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Visual propaganda played an enormous role in the history of the twentieth century. Unlike the propaganda of nineteenth century, it was aimed not only at educated classes in the imperial centres, but also at subaltern masses living in the colonies of great powers, including the vast territories in the east and south of the former Russian Empire. Posters created for (and with the assistance of) Muslims between the two world wars in the Soviet Orient (i.e., in the Volga region, Crimea, Urals, and Siberia, on the Caucasus and in the Central Asia) represent an enormous and still poorly studied layer in the history of Soviet propaganda. So far, the posters have been studied primarily in the context of art history. But the creation of visual propaganda is critical for historical reconstructions as well. It is more important to understand posters’ language, historical context, attitude to public policy, cultural background, in other words—the discourse of propaganda. This is a part of life, even if semiofficial, the loss of which would simplify and impoverish the picture of the past. Discursive analysis of poster art allows one to understand the relationship between knowledge and power in society, the role of different social strata in its reproduction, and the aspects of perception and rejection of official propaganda.

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VARGAFTIG, NADIA. "A CONSTRUÇÃO VISUAL DE UM TERRITORIO COLONIAL: o fundo fotográfico da Companhia de Moçambique (1892-1942)." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 13, no. 22 (December 28, 2016): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v13i22.552.

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Este artigo pretende introduzir e apresentar a parte fotográfica do Arquivo da Companhia de Moçambique, acervo depositado há 15 anos no Arquivo da Torre do Tombo em Lisboa. Fornecendo algumas informações relativas á sua produção, conservação e indexação, assim como outras de ordem estatástica (origem geográfica, conteúdo temático, data de produção), gostaráamos de salientar seu valor para o pesquisador interessado em estudos visuais da dominação colonial em contexto luso-imperial, mostrando a diversidade das funções do clichê. Instrumento de estudo técnico e cientáfico, ilustração da vida social na colónia central de Moçambique, suporte de propaganda e comunicação, a fotografia produzida entre o fim da década dos anos 1880 e 1942 merece a atenção, quando utilizada com a máxima atenção dada ao contexto local, regional, imperial e internacional, principalmente quando se trata de uma instituição hábrida como a Companhia de Moçambique, portuguesa pela lei, franco-britá¢nica pelos capitais, que administrou e controlou Moçambique central, mantendo relações complexas com o Estado português, a sociedade colonial e os interesses capitalistas norte-europeus.Palavras-chave: Companhia de Moçambique. Arquivo fotográfico. Propaganda.VISUAL CONSTRUCTION OF A COLONIAL TERRITORY: the photographic collection of Mozambique Company (1892-1942)Abstract: This article aims to introduce the photographic part of the Mozambique Companhy Files , which has been incorporated 15 years ago in the Files of ”Torre do Tombo”, in Lisbon. Providing some information concerning to its production ,conservation and organization, as well as others on the statistic field (geographical origin, thematic content and year of production) we”™d like to underline its value for researchers who are interested in visual studies applied to colonial domination in Portuguese imperial context, showing how diverse are the functions of the cliché. Tool for technical and scientific studies, illustration of the social life in the central colony of Mozambique, support of propaganda and communication, the photography produced between the end of the decade of the 1880”™s and 1942, deserves our attention, when it is analysed focusing on local, regional, imperial and international context, particularly for such an hybrid institution, portuguese by the law, french-british by the investments which administrated and controled the central of Mozambique, maintaining complex relations with the Portuguese state, the colonial society and capitalist North-European interests.Keywords: Mozambique Company. Photographic File archive. Propaganda. Construcción visual de un territorio colonial: la colección fotográfica de la Compañáa de Mozambique (1892-1942)Resumen: Este artáculo pretende introducir la parte fotográfica del Archivo de la Compañáa de Mozambique, que se ha incorporado hace 15 años al Archivo de la Torre do Tombo, en Lisboa. Al dar algunas informaciones sobre sus condiciones de producción, conservación e indexación, y otras relativas a las estadásticas (origen geográfico, contenido temático y fecha de producción), queremos subrayar su valor para el investigador interesado en los estudios visuales aplicados a la dominación colonial en contexto luso-imperial, mostrando la diversidad de las funciones del cliché. Herramienta para estudio técnico y cientáfico, ilustración de la vida social en la colonia central de Mozambique, apoyo a la propaganda y la comunicación, la fotografáa producida entre finales de la década de 1880 y 1942 merece nuestra atención, cuando utilizada enfocando el contexto local, regional, imperial e internacional, en particular para una institución tan hábrida como la Compañáa de Mozambique, portuguesa por la ley, franco-británica por los capitales, que administró y controló Mozambique central, manteniendo relaciones complejas con el Estado portugués, la sociedad colonial y los intereses capitalistas norte-europeos.Palabras-claves: Compañáa de Mozambique. Archivo fotográfico. Propaganda.

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Vannan, Eleanor Mary. "The Queen of Propaganda: Boudica’s Representation in Empire." Arbutus Review 12, no. 1 (October 25, 2021): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar121202120187.

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Boudica was an Iceni queen c. 60 CE in Roman-occupied Britain who revolted against the Roman empire. While there is a scarcity of primary sources that document her life, Boudica has remained a dominant figure in conceptualisations of British national identity. This paper examines the works of the Roman historians, the archaeological record, and the depictions of Boudica in different periods and analyses the ability of historians to record events without being influenced by the ideology of their contemporary periods. Through a comparative examination of sources, this paper argues that Boudica should not be approached as a verifiable historical figure but as a tool to understand imperial propaganda.

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Bardashova, Tatyana. "The Imperial Visual Propaganda in the Empire of Trebizond (1204-1461)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (October 2015): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2015.3.8.

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Nancy F. Marino. "The “Romance de Carlos V” and the Emperor's Imperial Propaganda Machine." Calíope 19, no. 2 (2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/caliope.19.2.0035.

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Chen, Anne Hunnell. "Omitted Empresses: The (Non-)Role of Imperial Women in Tetrarchic Propaganda." Journal of Late Antiquity 11, no. 1 (2018): 42–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2018.0012.

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25

Güven, Suna. "Displaying the Res Gestae of Augustus: A Monument of Imperial Image for All." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 57, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991403.

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In the empire-building process of Augustus, visual propaganda played an important role. The public display of the celebrated inscription enumerating the Res Gestae, or achievements, of Augustus served to disseminate the imperial image simultaneously in Rome and in the remote highlands of Anatolia in the east. The message and intended meaning of the inscription derived not from content alone but architectonic placement. The article demonstrates the prevalence of mnemonic processes for ancient perception and evaluates the impact of the inscription through placement in a funerary context in Rome and in two precincts of the imperial cult in Anatolia. It is shown that all functioned to persuade and instruct different audiences in the process of creating an imperial image of unity.

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García Blanco, José Antonio. "El concepto de eternidad y la apoteosis de los Emperadores y sus familias, en la Numismática desde Trajano a Antonino Pio." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 10 (February 9, 2021): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i10.6701.

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This word is trying to investigate in two important aspects the imperial roman propaganda through numismatics, we refer to the concepts of Aeternitas and Consecratio, both within the ritual of the Apoteosis which was awarded the Roman emperors and members of the imperial family after their death. Apart from the classical sources, this study of coins is the best source which fells us about these concepts; All taken from the II century A.D. from governments of Trajano to Antonino Pio. This being the period in which more emphasis was used.

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Bond, Katherine. "Mapping Culture in the Habsburg Empire: Fashioning a Costume Book in the Court of Charles V." Renaissance Quarterly 71, no. 2 (2018): 530–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/698140.

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AbstractThis article introduces two manuscript editions of a richly illustrated costume album dated ca. 1548–49. Commissioned by Christoph von Sternsee (d. 1560), the captain of Charles V’s German guard, and composed using visual material sourced from Dutch master Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen (ca. 1500–59), the costume album records the diversity of subjects, customs, and costumes that the guard witnessed across imperial Habsburg Europe. Shaped by Sternsee’s personal experiences of travel, war, and empire, his costume album paints a vivid picture of imperial propaganda and personal ambition, demonstrating the significant role that Habsburg networks and relationships had upon the period’s visual culture.

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Vojvoda, Mirjana. "Concept of Providentia Deorum Within the Imperial Cult and Propaganda on Roman Imperial Coins During the Principate." Arheologija i prirodne nauke 11 (2015): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/arhe_apn.2015.11.5.

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Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "Imperial Myth as a National Idea: Explicit and Hidden Meanings of the 1931 International Colonial Exhibition in Paris." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016273-9.

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The article presents an analysis of the colonial exhibition of 1931 in the context of the metamorphosis of the colonial idea in France. After the First World War, the difficulties in managing the colonies were increasingly felt in France. The French political class hoped to give new vitality to the national consciousness, which was threatened by various social-revolutionary and anti-colonial movements, through the reform of colonial policy. The colonial exhibition of 1931 became the apogee of imperial propaganda in the metropolis and a symbol of unity between the Third Republic with its colonies. Its success was associated with the extent to which the colonial idea penetrated French society and with the stabilization of the mother country's relations with her colonies between the two world wars. The colonial discourse of the 1931 exhibition was an apology for republican centrism expressed through the firm positioning of racial superiority, the demonstration of the validity of the ideals of progress inevitably brought about by colonization, and the dominance of French values. The author demonstrates that the new political situation that developed after the Great War contributed to the achievement of colonial consolidation, on the part of the majority of parties and, mainly, through the deployment of the state propaganda machine. The colonies and the colonial question marked the outlines, the brushstrokes, as it were, of a national union. This union between the national and the colonial, the nation and the empire, was twofold. Between the two world wars, national and colonial issues became logically interlinked and interdependent. The author concludes that the 1931 exhibition propagated the idea of the imperial order through the display and presentation of idealized indigenous cultures represented by a variety of artifacts, fine arts, and architecture. The 1931 exhibition became a general imperial holiday, and was intended to serve the unity between the imperial centre and the colonies. It became an important tool of imperial construction, a fairly effective means of broadcasting the official imperial ideology, and a metaphor for the colonial republic, which embodied the cultural, social, and mental characteristics of the imperial nation; its hidden meaning was directed against the growing ideas of colonial nationalism and resistance.

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Carlan, Cláudio Umpierre. "Vida e morte no mundo antigo: a tetrarquia e a última perseguição aos cristãos (303 – 311)." Heródoto: Revista do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre a Antiguidade Clássica e suas Conexões Afro-asiáticas 3, no. 1 (March 24, 2018): 413–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31669/herodoto.v3i1.358.

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O artigo começa com uma descrição do mundo romano após a Tetrarquia, com a luta pelo poder entre Constantino e, mais tarde, Licínio. Analisamos as questões políticas relativas ao mundo romano durante o período. Usando como fonte iconográfica a coleção numismática do acervo do Museu Histórico Nacional / RJ, utilizamos a imagem como uma fonte de propaganda, legitimando o poder imperial.

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PIRES, THIAGO DE ALMEIDA LOURENÇO CARDOSO. "Representações Bélicas na Arte Augustana e a Consolidação da Identidade Imperial Romana * War Representations in Augustan Art and Consolidation of the Imperial Roman Identity." História e Cultura 2, no. 3 (January 31, 2014): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v2i3.815.

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Resumo: Este artigo visa estabelecer uma breve reflexão sobre quais argumentos e dispositivos retóricos o Principado utilizou para legitimar o domínio de Roma sobre outros povos, culminando na ideia de mandato divino. Para tanto, irei explorar as representações simbólicas relativas à guerra contidas em alguns documentos artísticos do Principado de Augusto. Esta pesquisa faz parte do projeto "Império: teoria e prática imperialista romana", cuja perspectiva comparativista convida o diálogo com outros pesquisadores.Palavras-chave: Principado Augustano – Propaganda Imperial – História Visual. Abstract: This article aims to provide a brief reflection on what arguments and rhetorical devices the Principate used to legitimize the rule of Rome over other peoples, culminating in the idea of divine mandate. Therefore, I will explore the symbolic representations relating to the war contained in some artistic documents of Augusto’s Principate. This research is part of the project called ‘Empire: Roman imperialist theory and practice", whose comparativist perspective invites the dialogue with other researchers.Keywords: Augustan Principate – Imperial Propaganda – Visual History.

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Laš, Lukáš, and Vladimír Baar. "Japanese geopolitics of the Imperial Period." Geografie 119, no. 4 (2014): 364–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2014119040364.

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This article analyses Japanese geopolitics of the imperial period by employing critical-geopolitical approaches to examine its formal and practical discursive levels. Its main objective is to explore classic Japanese geopolitical imagination juxtaposed to political (geo)propaganda, from the perspectives of space and their ideological origin. It starts by presenting selected autochthonous contexts and investigates how some Asian and non-Asian geopolitical ideas emerged in Japan. Afterwards, it turns to selected actors involved in the formal discourse, ranging from the academia to religious authorities, and confronts them with the practical discourse of political practice. A partial aim here is to localize some ideological elements supporting the classic geopolitical imagination and its role in legitimizing imperial ideologies. The analysis offers insights into the politization of spatial imagination in Japan of the imperial period. It is accompanied by a cartographic representation and an overview matrix of discursive actors.

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Dušanič, Slobodan. "THE IMPERIAL PROPAGANDA OF SIGNIFICANT DAY-DATES: TWO NOTES IN MILITARY HISTORY." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 46, Supplement_81 (July 1, 2003): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2003.tb01978.x.

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Weima, Jeffrey A. D. "‘Peace and Security’ (1 Thess 5.3): Prophetic Warning or Political Propaganda?" New Testament Studies 58, no. 3 (June 8, 2012): 331–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688512000045.

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The phrase ‘Peace and security’ in 1 Thess 5.3 has traditionally been understood as an echo of the OT prophetic warnings (Jer 6.14; Ezek 13.10; Mic 3.5) against false claims of peace. Stronger evidence exists, however, that the apostle is making use of a popular theme of the imperial Roman propaganda machine. The Romans vigorously promoted themselves through various public media as those who provided not only ‘peace’ but also ‘security’, thereby providing a closer parallel to Paul's statement in 5.3 than any OT text. This essay reviews four kinds of evidence—numismatic, monumental, inscriptional and literary—in order to demonstrate in a decisive fashion that the phrase ‘peace and security’ involves an allusion not to prophetic warning but to Roman political propaganda.

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Rummel, Erika. "Political and Religious Propaganda at the Court of Charles V: a Newly‐Identified Tract by Alfonso Valdés." Historical Research 70, no. 171 (February 1, 1997): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00029.

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Abstract An anonymous response on behalf of Charles V to statements made by Edward Lee, English ambassador to the imperial court (published in Exhibita quaedam per Eduardum Leum …, Antwerp, 1528), is ascribed to the imperial secretary Alfonso Valdés. There are verbal and contextual parallels between the anonymous response and Valdés's Diálogo de Mercurio y Carón. Both works, moreover, contain references to Erasmus, with whom Lee had engaged in a polemic over the text and interpretation of the new Testament. The exchange, therefore, transcends the political sphere, and pits Valdés, an admirer of Erasmian humanism, against Lee, a defender of the scholastic method.

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De Oliveira, Noemia Dayana. "“EM BUSCA DOS ASILOS DO IRMÃO IGNACIO”: IMPRENSA E RELIGIÃO NOS SERTÕES DO IMPÉRIO (1878)." História e Cultura 10, no. 1 (July 27, 2021): 434–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v10i1.3283.

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As Casas de Caridade foram instituições educacionais e de acolhimento religioso que funcionou nos sertões do Norte Imperial de 1860 a 1883, sob a organização do padre José Antônio de Maria Ibiapina. Essas casas, também entendida como “asilos”, tornaram-se conhecidas na Corte imperial devido o trabalho do irmão Ignacio, que foi designado a recolher esmolas, por ocasião da vulnerabilidade material causada pela seca de 1877. Dito isto, objetivamos analisar as sátiras do jornal Revista Illustrada a respeito dos asilos do beato, que tomou proporções consideráveis a partir da propaganda feita por esta gazeta, que resolveu enviar um correspondente para os sertões, com o propósito de averiguar a existência dos “asilos” ou determinar o fanatismo religioso daquela região.

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37

Moser, Gabrielle. "Photographing Imperial Citizenship: The Colonial Office Visual Instruction Committee’s Lanternslide Lectures, 1900–1945." Journal of Visual Culture 16, no. 2 (August 2017): 190–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412917710826.

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This article traces one of the first attempts at photographing citizenship by examining some of the 7600 images produced for the Colonial Office Visual Instruction Committee’s lanternslide scheme, a series of geography lectures documenting the land and peoples of the British Empire that circulated in classrooms around the world between 1902 and 1945. This unusual government project brought together imperial propaganda and visual instruction to teach children what it meant to look and to feel like imperial citizens. The lectures on India, in particular, point to the speculative nature of COVIC’s project, which sought to predict which populations might pose a threat to the empire and how they might be safely managed and contained through colonial education. By reading COVIC’s photographs and texts against contemporaneous visual culture in the empire, the article analyses the inconsistencies in photographing imperial citizenship amongst the more recognizable visual categories of race, class and gender.

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Kutsyk, R. "Informational Substantiation of Western Ukrainian Lands Conquest by the Russian Empire in 1914." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 2 (2018): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.2.6572.

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The article deals with the peculiarities of ideological and propaganda substantiation of the process of Eastern Galicia, Northern Bukovina, Zakarpattia by the Russian Empire at the initial stage of the First World War on the basis of source materials of Ukrainian governorates of South-West Kray (Kyiv, Volyn and Podillia). The main thematic areas of press publications, the content and specificity of appeals and brochures’ informative filling are noted. It is examined that the imperial authorities began to actively ideological myths propaganda from the first days of the war about the process of the “collecting Rus’ lands” (“zbyrannia zemel ruskykh”*) and that the Galician population is a fraternal people who needs a long-awaited “liberation”. The mass media used various techniques and mechanisms of information influence on the formation of public consciousness in order to overpersuade the society in the truthfulness of the aforementioned assertions and for the formation of a positive attitude towards the occupation of Western Ukrainian lands. The Orthodox clergy and the church mass media, which supported the official policy of the government and widely propagated the idea of the liberation of Eastern Galicia, Northern Bukovina and Zakarpattia population from Roman, Catholic oppression, played an important role in theideological course of the imperial authorities.

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Hannestad, Niels, and Drora Baharal. "Victory of Propaganda. The Dynastic Aspect of the Imperial Propaganda of the Severi: The Literary and Archaeological Evidence, AD 193-235." American Journal of Archaeology 102, no. 2 (April 1998): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506504.

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Odesskii, Mikhail P. "MILITARY AND THEATRICAL TRIUMPHS IN RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA OF THE BEGINNING OF THE 18TH CENTURY." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 6 (2020): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2020-6-97-104.

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The article analyzes the publicistic function of the state triumphs in Russian culture. In Peter the First’s epoch those public spectacles were actively used to formalize the new Imperial ideology. Their component element was panegyric dramas, which were prepared in religious schools. In those panegyric dramas Peter the First was compared to ancient heroes, and Russia was glorified as a new type of state (empire).

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Garvin, Diana. "Paper Soldiers on the March: Colonial Toys for Imperial Play." Design Issues 38, no. 3 (2022): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/desi_a_00691.

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Abstract Under the Fascist regime, young Italians amused themselves by practicing the war games of adulthood. Paper soldiers marched across board games set in the newly established empire of Italian East Africa. To reveal how these vicious lessons worked, this article examines three types of toys. It starts with the design and deployment of paper soldiers: Italian Alpinisti, Eritrean Ascari, and Somali Dubat. Next, a playbook for The Conquest of Abyssinia boardgame provides a guide to military conquest. Finally, I examine where these toys come from, revealing the financial structures that underpinned colonial propaganda for Fascist government projects. Ultimately, toys wrote scripts for adult violence in the colonies.

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Leinwand, Aleksandra Julia. "Why During the Polish-Bolshevik War Did Soviet Propaganda Discourse Dominate European Public Opinion?" Acta Poloniae Historica 124 (January 12, 2022): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/aph.2021.124.02.

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In 1919–20, a war took place between two states that had emerged at the end of the Great War: Soviet Russia and the reborn Republic of Poland. It was a clash of widely different legal, political, and ideological systems. The conflict took place not only on the military and diplomatic planes but also within propaganda. Upon taking power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, in their official speeches, presented themselves to the world as the defenders of peace and the sovereignty of all nations; the imperial aspirations of Soviet Russia were hidden under the slogans of a world revolution that would liberate oppressed peoples. The military and ideological conquest began with a concentrated focus on neighbouring countries, including Poland. At the same time, a suggestive propaganda message was sent to the West, setting out the course of events from Moscow’s point of view.

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Carlan, Cláudio Umpierre. "A política de Constantino e a formação do Império Romano do Oriente." Anos 90 16, no. 30 (December 30, 2009): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/1983-201x.18926.

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O artigo começa com uma descrição do mundo romano após a Tetrarquia, com a luta pelo poder entre Constantino e, mais tarde, Licínio. Analisamos as questões políticas relativas ao mundo romano durante o período. Enfatiza-se, nessa discussão, a importância do uso de uma variedade de fontes: iconográficas, arqueológicas e textuais. Usando como fonte iconográfica a coleção numismática do acervo do Museu Histórico Nacional/RJ, empregamos a imagem como uma fonte de propaganda, legitimando o poder imperial.

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Sukhareva, Svitlana. "Польскоязычная политическая проза эпохи Барокко: к вопросу жанра". Bibliotekarz Podlaski. Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 42, № 1 (30 березня 2019): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.42.

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The article analyzes the genre features of selected Polish-language political prose from the Baroque period. It examines works of Tomasz Młodzianowski, Szymon Starowolski, Łukasz Opaliński, Eugeniusz Galiatowski, Melecjusz Smotrycki and other writers of that time. The general and individual characteristics of political writings are presented in a form of brochures, sermons, orations, teachings, dialogues etc. The author pays special attention to their thematic diversity – from anti-Turkish literature to Moscow imperial propaganda and examples of the Sarmatian ideology.

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45

Carlan, Cláudio Umpierre. "Life and death in the ancient world: the tetrarchy and the last persecution of Christians (303 – 311)." Heródoto: Revista do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre a Antiguidade Clássica e suas Conexões Afro-asiáticas 3, no. 1 (March 24, 2018): 422–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31669/herodoto.v3i1.359.

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The present paper begins with a description of the Roman world after the Tetrarchy, with the fight for power between Constantine and, later, Licinius. We analyzed the political matters concerning the Roman world during this period. The numismatic collection stored at the Museu Histórico Nacional (National Historical Museum – MHN) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, served as an iconographic source to show how images were used at that time as propaganda, supporting and legitimizing the imperial rule.

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Tyas, Agnes Siwi Purwaning. "Kokutai Spirit and The Concept of National Identity in Japanese National Policy Film." Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora 10, no. 1 (September 16, 2022): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ret.v10i1.4808.

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The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was Japan’s imperialist attempt to control the economies of East Asia and Southeast Asia in the first half of the twentieth century. The constituents of the Sphere included Japan, Korea, China, Manchuria, and some territories in Southeast Asia. To increase agricultural production and strengthen its military force, Japan recruited people from its colonies. As the leader of the Sphere, Japan wished to establish its own identity as distinct from—and superior to—that of the West. Propaganda campaigns and media were carefully prepared to manipulate the thoughts and behavior of the people to contribute to the supposed goal of mutual prosperity in the Sphere, by providing labor power for industry and agriculture as well as the military. Films were central to the Japanese propaganda. From 1936 to 1945, films that contain political and ideological messages of the Japanese leadership were produced and circulated both inside and outside Japan. This research aims to illuminate the identity of the Japanese imperial power that was promoted through the propaganda films and show how the films highlighted nationalism and culture harnessed during the war period as constitutive of Japan’s national identity, or kokutai.

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Romanets, Maryna. "Virtual Warfare: Masculinity, Sexuality, and Propaganda in the Russo-Ukrainian War." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 4, no. 1 (March 4, 2017): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t26880.

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This paper explores the intersection of sexual and political discourses as a particular aspect of the body politics that Russia has employed, among other strategies, in its massive propaganda offensive during the hybrid warfare against Ukraine.While recognizing sexuality as one of the mainstream concepts in political analysis, the paper draws on sexually explicit imagery and idiom used in Russian social media, and public discursive space in general, as propaganda techniques, and maps their “genealogy” within wider sociocultural and political contexts. Being conceptualized in terms of Russian hegemonic masculinity in relation to subordinated femininity and non-hegemonic masculinities of its adversarial others, these setups reveal how sexuality constitutes uneven and contradictory nexuses of power once being co-opted by Putin’s propaganda machine. It is noteworthy that Russia’s neo-imperial discursive tactics of homologizing sexual and political dominance—when supplemented with the official rhetoric of restituting Russia as a great power, Orthodox Christian fundamentalism as an integral part of Russian unique “state-civilization,” state-sanctioned homophobia, and traditional macho gender ideology—contribute quite effectively to sustaining public support in Russia for aggression against Ukraine in the process of Russian reimperialization of the former Soviet space.

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Hedo, Anna, and Svitlana Liaskovska. "Russian Propaganda During the First World War: Technologies and Forms." Istoriya-History 29, no. 6 (November 20, 2021): 589–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2021-6-3-russ.

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The purpose of the article is to analyse the use of political propaganda methods employed by the Russian Empire before and during the First World War, in particular, on the Ukrainian lands, which became a direct theatre of military operations and a field of confrontation between intelligence and counterintelligence services of belligerent powers, which exercised manipulative influence upon great masses of population and implemented special technologies for the formation of public opinion. The research methodology is based on the principles of objectivity, systematicity, dialectics, historicism and interdisciplinarity. The study is grounded on problemchronological, institutional and historical methods, as well as social psychology methods, used in propaganda practices. Scientific novelty: on the basis of printed materials: brochures, First World War periodicals, published posters and woodcuts (lubki prints), as well as memoirs of people, involved in the organization of propaganda campaigns, certain objects, technologies and forms of propaganda, in particular, the involvement of intelligence officers of the Russian Imperial Army in manipulative technologies, were defined. The widespread use of propaganda and counter-propaganda by the states that were the main players of the First World War, became a kind of hallmark of that war. In Russia, unlike other states, there were no special bodies and no such bodies were created later to influence public opinion in their own, hostile or neutral states. The peculiarity of the propaganda of the Russian Empire was the use of mainly constructive (positive) propaganda aimed at neutralizing social conflicts within the state, uniting the population and the authorities and their joint struggle against the enemy. The ideas of Pan-Slavism and Neo-Slavism were actively applied in the international realm. They were aimed at the unity of the Slavic world under the auspices of Russia as the defender of the Slavic peoples and the Orthodox Christian faith. The use of destructive propaganda technologies was aimed at creating the image of the “enemy” and uniting patriotic forces against it. At the same time, Russia failed to offer Slavic peoples of the empire, in particular Ukrainians, to realize their political aspirations in resolving the national issue; it did not feel a change of mood and did not restructure the content of propaganda rhetoric, which eventually led to its defeat in the information and psychological space.

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49

Liaskovska, Svіtlana. "Russian propaganda during the First World War: technologies and forms." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 28-29 (2020): 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-82-98.

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Анотація:

The purpose of the article is to analyse the use of political propaganda methods employed by the Russian Empire before and during the First World War, in particular, on the Ukrainian lands, which became a direct theatre of military operations and a field of confrontation between intelligence and counterintelligence services of belligerent powers, which exercised manipulative influence upon great masses of population and implemented special technologies for the formation of public opinion. The research methodology is based on the principles of objectivity, systematicity, dialectics, historicism and interdisciplinarity. The study is grounded on problem-chronological, institutional and historical methods, as well as social psychology methods, used in propaganda practices. Scientific novelty: on the basis of printed materials: brochures, First World War periodicals, published posters and woodcuts (lubki prints), as well as memoirs of people, involved in the organization of propaganda campaigns, certain objects, technologies and forms of propaganda, in particular, the involvement of intelligence officers of the Russian Imperial Army in manipulative technologies, were defined. Conclusions. The widespread use of propaganda and counter-propaganda by the states that were the main players of the First World War, became a kind of hallmark of that war. In Russia, unlike other states, there were no special bodies and no such bodies were created later to influence public opinion in their own, hostile or neutral states. The peculiarity of the propaganda of the Russian Empire was the use of mainly constructive (positive) propaganda aimed at neutralizing social conflicts within the state, uniting the population and the authorities and their joint struggle against the enemy. The ideas of Pan-Slavism and Neo-Slavism were actively applied in the international realm. They were aimed at the unity of the Slavic world under the auspices of Russia as the defender of the Slavic peoples and the Orthodox Christian faith. The use of destructive propaganda technologies was aimed at creating the image of the “enemy” and uniting patriotic forces against it. At the same time, Russia failed to offer Slavic peoples of the empire, in particular Ukrainians, to realize their political aspirations in resolving the national issue; it did not feel a change of mood and did not restructure the content of propaganda rhetoric, which eventually led to its defeat in the information and psychological space.

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50

Limeira, Aline de Morais, and Fátima Nascimento. "Entre o altar e o trono: iniciativas de escolarização na capital imperial." História da Educação 16, no. 38 (December 2012): 167–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s2236-34592012000200009.

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Ao reconhecer que a produção da forma escolar moderna se efetivou por intermediações de forças distintas, investigamos iniciativas particulares de educação promovidas pela Igreja Católica. A partir das propagandas do Almanak Laemmert e de diversas informações do jornal O Apóstolo, foi possível localizar vestígios acerca da estrutura física, planos de estudos e valores propostos por alguns colégios particulares na Corte Imperial. O recorte cronológico abrange as décadas de 1870 e 1880, que compreendem a época da reforma Leôncio de Carvalho (1879). Também procuramos refletir acerca das relações estabelecidas entre o Estado Imperial e a Igreja Católica, e observar imbricações entre poderes públicos e privados, fenômeno que ultrapassa a sociedade oitocentista.

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