Дисертації з теми "Prisoners of war – France – Normandy"

This dissertation interrogates the relation between the French national identity, constructed around the idea of hereditary enmity with Germany, and the behaviour between French and German prisoners of war on the individual level in Normandy between 1944 and 1948. This question is important since it is widely accepted that Franco-German relations reached an all-time low during World War II, especially in areas like Normandy that had been heavily occupied between 1940 and 1944. This position is examined through an entangled analysis of low and high level records both from German and French sources, but also from American, British, and Swiss origins. It appears that individual Franco-German relations depended on the distance between the French official discourse of national recovery and the reality experienced by the civil population. During the Allied presence in Normandy, contradictions were obvious and the relations between French and German prisoners of war in Allied hands were marked with violence. When discourse and reality began to overlap, after the transfer of the prisoners to French custody, individual Franco-German relations normalised. This rapid evolution points to the symbolic character of the enmity between French and Germans, used as a tool to reinforce the national cohesion in times of threat.

This thesis aims to make an original contribution to knowledge by looking at the phenomenon of resistance in the French region of Upper Normandy between 1940 and 1944 from a perspective of ‘history from below’, by looking principally at the testimonies of former resisters, and demonstrating a political history of resistance. The introduction defines what is meant by Upper Normandy and justifies its choice as a region for this study, before analysing both the historiography and the epistemology of resistance, both locally and nationally, and then giving a justification and an analysis of the methodology used. The main body of the thesis is then divided into four chapters. Chapter one looks at resistance that was designed to revolutionise society, by looking at Communist resisters and the idea of the grand soir, as well as the sociological origins of these resisters, and how this influenced their resistance action. Chapter two looks at more gradualist forms of resistance, which were conceived to slowly prepare for an eventual liberation and the struggle against Vichyite hegemony, arguing that these resisters formed a ‘resistance aristocracy’, aiming to slowly forge a post-Vichy vision of the polis. Chapter three analyses resistance purely from a patriotic angle, and identifies three different forms of patriotism, before arguing that resistance was part of a process to ‘remasculate’ France after the defeat of 1940, and that these resisters saw their engagement as primarily being one of serving France. Chapter four looks at auxiliary resistance, or resistance actions that were designed to help people, whether they were fleeing persecution or were active resisters, aiming to show that resistance went beyond just organisations and networks, and could be about facilitating other actions rather than direct confrontation. The conclusion then argues for a new understanding of resistance, not as une organisation or even un mouvement, but as a form of la cité, or polis, engaged in creating a new form of polity. It shows that the political history of resistance is a combination of institutional politics and expression politics, and that resistance, even if not necessarily politicised, was political by its very nature.

This thesis integrates archaeological survey, aerial photographs and historical documents to undertake the first analysis of the conflict landscapes and military history of some of the most important German logistics facilities in northern France during the Battle of Normandy in 1944. Post-war survival of features has been remarkably good in this forested setting and this likely constitutes one of the best- preserved and most extensive examples of a non-hardened WWII archaeological landscape yet documented in northwest Europe. Over 900 discrete archaeological earthworks have been mapped and interpreted with the aid of primary source material from both Allied and German archives to characterise munitions, fuel and rations depots in the Forêt Domaniale des Andaines around Bagnoles-de-l’Orne, Orne Département, Basse-Normandie. These landscapes also preserve bomb craters associated with air raids on the facilities by the US Ninth Air Force and these have been mapped and analysed to show that despite 46 separate attacks by over 1000 aircraft, and the dropping in excess of 1100 tons of bombs in the forest during the spring and summer of 1944, the depots continued to function and to support German Army operations until the area was occupied by American forces in August 1944. In some areas of the forest it has been possible to link discrete arrays of bomb craters to individual air raids and even specific flights of aircraft. This work is yielding new perspectives on the character and operation of fixed depots in the German logistics system in Normandy both before and during the battles of 1944, while also permitting a detailed analysis of the effectiveness of Allied intelligence gathering, targeting and bombing operations against forest-based supply facilities. In doing so it is making a unique contribution to the newly-emerging record of WWII conflict archaeology to be found in the forests of northwest Europe.

In 2011, the Performance and Theatre Collection at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London acquired an archive of materials relating to the French prisoners of war held at Portchester Castle from 1810 to 1814. This archive consisted of scripts, playbills, and abstracts from the prisoners’ Théâtre des Variétés built and operated in the basement of the castle’s keep. These materials have provided new and unique insights into the experiences of Napoleonic prisoners of war and have served as a catalyst for this first major critical study of Napoleonic prisoners-of-war theatricals. The majority of the theatre’s sociétaires were captured in the French defeat at the Battle of Bailen in July 1808. This study will be charting the journey of these French prisoners through their captivity in Spain, the Baeleric Islands, and Britain. While this particular group of prisoners has been the subject of previous historic surveys, their theatrical endeavours have been sidelined or relegated to footnotes or dismissed as a way to pass the time. In this study I will draw the prisoners’ theatricals to the centre of critical discussion examining their repertoire in greater detail underlining the vital role that theatre served in the prisoners’ emotional and psychological survival in captivity.

If the issue of prisoners of war has given rise to numerous studies in recent years, nevertheless, this topic is far from exhausted. Built on a large corpus of archival sources, this study fuels the debate on ransoms and prisoners with new material. Its originality lies in its broad chronological framework, i.e. the duration of the Hundred Years War, as well as its perspective – that of lower ranking as well as higher-ranking prisoners on both side of the Channel. What does it mean for those men to live in the once coined ‘golden age of private ransoms’? My investigations hinge around three different themes: the status of prisoners of war, the ransoming process and the networks of assistance. I argue that the widespread practice of ransoming becomes increasingly systematic in the late Middle Ages. More importantly, I show how this evolution comes ‘from below’; from the individual masters and prisoners who faced the multiple obstacles raised by the lack of official structure. Indeed, the ransoming of prisoners remained the preserve of private individuals throughout the war and no sovereign could afford that this became otherwise. It is specifically the non-interventionism of the crown and the large freedom of action of individuals which shaped the ransom system.

Mechanization signaled the end of the cavalry but the renaissance of heavy cavalry doctrine. The tank heralded the return of breakthrough operations and maneuver warfare. Initially, the western cavalries refused doctrinal revision and chose instead to fight bitter rear guard actions against Fullerist zealots.
The Canadian Cavalry, prompted by Blitzkrieg's triumphs, effortlessly evolved into a tank force---virtually overnight. Canadian doctrine, however, was ersatz. Denied its own vast training areas, the RCAC was sandwiched into southern England and saddled with British warfighting techniques developed in the Western Desert. In Normandy, Canadian operational art was driven by Generals Simonds and Crerar, both gunners, who had neither the skill nor experience to conduct armoured warfare. Hampered by General Montgomery's inability to reproduce a strategic offensive comparable to that demonstrated on the Russian front, Allied armoured forces were squandered in mismanaged frontal attacks.
In the United States, the attempts to protect the horse forced a praetorian's revolt that ended with General Chaffee garroting the US Cavalry, eliminating it from future battlefields. The doctrinal dominance of the American Armored Force was subsequently threatened by a cabal under artillery General Leslie McNair who imposed the Tank Destroyer philosophy. Internecine squabbles and economic nationalism prevented America from producing a tank capable of meeting German panzers on even terms. Though failing technically, the US Armored force succeeded doctrinally via the Louisiana maneuvers and produced a balanced Armored Division. General Bradley's 12th Army Group arrived in France with a purposeful dogma that had been further refined at the Combat Command, Divisional, and Corps level in North Africa and Sicily.
American armour maneuvered during Operation Cobra but it did not fight massed panzers; this was soon redressed in Lorraine where American armoured doctrine reached tactical maturity. Canadian armour fought tank battles throughout Operations Spring, Totalize and Tractable, but it did not maneuver. American and Canadian armour's best opportunity for strategic victory occurred in Normandy. The Canadians, despite better tanks and favourable terrain, failed operationally and received no second chance.

Civil Affairs and its more robust sibling, Military Government, were military organisations designed to ensure that basic civil order and welfare were maintained in those allied and enemy states encountered on operations during the Second World War. In so doing, they enabled formation commanders to focus on defeating enemy forces without being distracted by possible civilian problems. Using the battle of Normandy as a case study, this research assesses the utility of Civil Affairs in supporting military needs during operations. This contrasts with previous studies that concentrate on aspects of social and diplomatic history. If the need for Civil Affairs was generally axiomatic, there was much debate as to the extent and method of delivery required. Civil Affairs quickly recognised that in dealing with direct problems such as “disorganisation, disease and unrest” it was necessary for seemingly indirect aspects of civilian life to be maintained. Various forms of bureaucratic friction resulted and several Civil Affairs approaches were used, before the model for the North West Europe campaign was agreed. Nevertheless, the organisation employed in Normandy was arguably the most extensive and best prepared of the war. However, it also had to deal with many different civilian problems and in trying military circumstances. Consequently, the battle is fertile ground for the examination of the extent and nature of the organisation’s operational utility. Using primary and secondary sources, this paper argues that Civil Affairs was militarily both useful and necessary. Furthermore, it was able to provide wider diplomatic and political benefits as well as serving core military needs. The research concludes by acknowledging that whilst mistakes were made, the various improvements made to Civil Affairs in preparation for, together with the lessons learnt during, Normandy stood the organisation in good stead for the significantly larger problems encountered later in the war.

This thesis explores parole detention as a site of transnational exchange through a case study of Verdun, a central depot for British civilian and military prisoners of war in Napoleonic France. By focusing on the interactions between captives and captors, this study throws into relief the ambiguities of nation-building and the totalisation of warfare, which kept these two countries at odds in the long eighteenth century. The main finding that has arisen from this work is the predominance of social dynamics over national, martial and religious antagonisms during this forced cohabitation, which nuances the truism of French and British identities forged against each other during the period. Furthermore, moving beyond the common assumption that the concept of honour lost its substance in France after 1789, I argue that parole detention in Verdun was based on gendered and ad hoc practices of internment, which syncretised old and revolutionary understandings of the notion. Whilst the situation of sequestered women has received little attention, this thesis makes the original claim that parole was in fact tailored to the presence of female 'voluntary captives' in Verdun. Composed of seven thematic chapters, and drawing on a variety of sources (ego-documents, newspapers, botanical specimens, material and visual culture), this thesis intends to provide a fresh sociocultural and transnational contribution to the burgeoning field of POW studies. Beyond conventional and nation-centric 'histoire-batailles', which so frequently place the question of military captivity within the rigid frame of a three-staged 'experience'– a trope inspired by memoirs of captivity – this thesis re-considers the experience of detention as a liminal 'passage'. By putting emphasis less on being than becoming a captive, this perspective situates military detention in a wider temporal framework, which includes the aftermath of 1814 and lifewriting as part of the experience.

The captivity narratives have long been recognized as an important literary source. Most recently, scholars have viewed them in terms of their ethnographic value. Few, however, have considered them within the context of the history of New France.
This study attempts to draw attention to the richness and diversity of these documents. The chapters, built upon the basis of similarities among the narratives, explore different facets of the French colony during the years 1744-1763. Specifically, they discuss techniques of military interrogation, the Quebec prison for captives (1745-1747), French-Indian relations and how the writers of these tales viewed both the war and their enemies.

About 3850 men of the First Australian Imperial Force were captured on the Western Front in France and Belgium between April 1916 and November 1918. They were mentioned only briefly in the volumes of the Official Histories, and have been overlooked in many subsequent works on Australia and the First World War. Material in the Australian War Memorial has been used to address aspects of the experiences of these neglected men, in particular the Statements that some of them completed after their release This thesis will investigate how their experiences ran counter to the narratives of CEW Bean and others, and seeks to give them their place in Australia???s Twentieth Century experience of war.

In August, 1944, the Allies embarked on one of the "two supreme operations of 1944," Operation Anvil/Dragoon. It is an operation that almost did not happen. Envisioned as a direct supporting operation of Overlord, Anvil soon ran into troubles. Other operations taking away resources away from Anvil in addition to opposition from the highest levels of Allied command threatened Anvil. This thesis chronicles the evolution of this debate, as well as shed light on one of the most overlooked and successful operations the Allies embarked on in World War II.

The subject of this paper is the experiences and observations of Lt. Edwin Best of the 618th Ordnance Ammunition Company from 1943 until 1946. This includes time in the United States, England and France. The primary sources for this paper include letters home from Lt. Best and an oral history transcript. Secondary sources have been used to place Lt. Best into the overall context of the war. He made keen observations regarding the level of training before D-Day, comparisons of life in England and the US, from the "communications zone" in Normandy, as a temporary Judge Advocate General officer, and finishing the war in Southern France. Though he may not have been on the front line, or in an HQ, his comments are valuable to the historical record.

Entre fin 1944 et fin 1948, près d’un million de prisonniers de guerre allemands a été détenu en France métropolitaine par les nouvelles autorités. Figure honnie de l’occupation allemande et de la défaite nazie, ces soldats de Hitler désormais vaincus deviennent un enjeu majeur de la sortie de guerre, ou plutôt des sorties de guerre, tant les temporalités et les modalités diffèrent, parfois divergent selon les nombreux acteurs. Les autorités du GPRF sont tout de suite confrontées à un gigantesque défi logistique : prendre en charge une masse de prisonniers, alors que la France de la Libération peine à subvenir aux besoins de sa propre population. Or ces prisonniers sont avant tout réclamés et gardés comme une main-d’œuvre pour la reconstruction de la France. De militaire, la captivité allemande en mains françaises devient économique et pose avec urgence le problème de l’entretien de cette force de travail. La sortie hors du camp offre certes des solutions, mais diffuse progressivement la gestion à l’ensemble de la société : employeurs, maires, mais aussi populations locales et opinions publiques entrent en contact avec cette nouvelle présence allemande. Et la « question PGA » de devenir une affaire de politique intérieure qui fait rejouer la diversité discordante des vécus de guerre : où se situe la limite entre le traitement économiquement rentable mais politiquement peu patriotique ? Qui doit être prioritaire dans l’affectation de la main-d’œuvre prisonnière ? Le travail de celle-là doit-il revenir à l’employeur ou bénéficier à l’ensemble de la nation ? Les réponses engagent une certaine idée de la Reconstruction. Cette question du traitement des PGA dépasse le cadre national pour devenir un enjeu des relations franco-américaines de l’après-guerre et de facto de la politique allemande des deux alliés au statut si inégal : 70% des prisonniers gérés par les Français ont été cédés par les Américains qui entendent conserver leur responsabilité de puissance détentrice. Avec la fin du conflit, puis le début de la guerre froide, qui bouleverse les priorités américaines, la gestion des PGA à l’échelle internationale permet d’observer comme le bilatéralisme transatlantique est progressivement intégré dans le cadre européen qui lui impose son calendrier. Comment les Français entendent-ils ainsi répondre aux demandes de libération à partir de 1946 sans contrarier le plan Monnet ?
Between the end of 1944 and the end of 1948, almost one million German prisoners of war were detained in metropolitan France by the new authorities. As hated figures of the German occupation and the Nazi defeat, Hitler’s soldiers, henceforth vanquished, became a main issue of how to get out of the war, which involved a large number of actors. The authorities of the provisional government of the French republic were immediately confronted with a huge logistical challenge: to take care of a mass of prisoners, whereas France at the time of Liberation already had some difficulties to provide for its own population. Whereas German prisoners had been claimed and kept above all as labor to rebuild France. From being military in nature, the German captivity in French hands became an economic phenomenon and posed the question of the maintenance of this labor force. Removing the prisoners from camps presented some solutions, but spread progressively the management to the whole society: employers, mayors, but also local populations and public opinions who came in contact with this new German presence. The “German POWs question” became an issue of domestic policy, which made the conflicting diversity of war experiences resonate: Where is the line between the economically profitable treatment, but politically not so patriotic? Who must have priority in the allocation of POW labor? Must the work of this latter be due to the employer or to benefit the whole nation? Answers to these problems defined a certain idea of the reconstruction. This question of the treatment of POWs exceeds the national framework to become an issue of the Franco-American relationships in the after-war period and, de facto, of German policy - decided by two allies with such unequal status: 70% of the prisoners managed by the French had been transferred by the Americans who wanted to keep the responsibility as the detaining power. With the end of the conflict, then the beginning of the Cold War, which changed American priorities, the management of the German POWs at the international scale gives the opportunity to observe how the transatlantic bilateralism was progressively integrated into the European framework which set its own agenda. How could the French authorities meet the claims for liberation from 1946 without thwarting the Monnet plan?

Cette thèse analyse l’évolution du pouvoir des abbés de onze abbayes bénédictines masculines du diocèse de Rouen entre la fin du XIIe siècle et le milieu du XVe siècle, mettant l’accent sur les plus grandes d’entre elles (Le Bec, Fécamp, Saint-Ouen, Saint-Wandrille…) mais prenant aussi en charge des maisons plus modestes et méconnues. Au cœur du raisonnement figurent la relation des abbés avec les pouvoirs royaux français et anglais. Après l’intégration de la Normandie au domaine royal capétien en 1204, les abbés devinrent royaux : en étudiant en particulier les actes de la pratique, cette thèse propose une définition de cette catégorie. Le rôle de Philippe Auguste dans la définition des rapports entre les crosses et les couronnes est mis en valeur. La suite du XIIIe siècle et le début du XIVe siècle sont marquées par une continuité politique assez remarquable, doublée d’une prospérité économique ; cela se traduisit par une réelle liberté des élections dans les monastères normands et l’avènement des abbés gestionnaires, qui parvinrent même à conserver les biens de leurs abbayes situées dans les terres du roi d’Angleterre. Les débuts de la Guerre de Cent ans furent un véritable tournant : à partir de ce moment-là, les abbés durent s’engager dans les affaires politiques et la guerre (notamment dans le conflit entre le roi de France et le roi de Navarre puis au moment de la conquête de la Normandie par Henri V, après sa victoire à Azincourt en 1415). S’appuyant sur une prosopographie de cent-quatre-vingt-huit abbés, la thèse étudie par ailleurs le profil de ces supérieurs (origines sociales et géographiques, formation, etc.) et l’évolution de la figure abbatiale au fil de ces trois siècles : de plus en plus de supérieurs furent formés à l’université ou gravitaient dans les cercles de pouvoir de l’Église ou de la royauté. En conséquence, ils fréquentaient de moins en moins leurs cloîtres, habituant les moines à leur absence, tandis que la liberté des élections était progressivement rognée sous l’influence du pape et des rois. L’étude, notamment, des sources narratives et figurées montre que les représentations de leur pouvoir évoluèrent en parallèle : de plus en plus attentifs à leur prestige extérieur, marqué notamment par le port des insignes pontificaux, ils ressemblèrent de moins en moins aux moines qu’ils dirigeaient. Cette thèse propose de lire la mise en place de la commende dans la continuité de ces évolutions du pouvoir abbatial, qui apparaissent moins comme une crise que comme une mutation
This thesis analyzes the evolution of the power of the abbots of eleven male Benedictine abbeys of the diocese of Rouen between the end of the 12th century and the middle of the 15th century, focusing on the largest of them (Le Bec, Fécamp, Saint-Ouen, Saint-Wandrille...) but also on more modest and unknown monasteries. At the heart of the reasoning lie the relationship of the abbots with the French and English royal powers. After the integration of Normandy in the Capetian royal domain in 1204, the abbots became royal: studying in particular the acts of the practice, this thesis proposes a definition of this category. The role of Philip Augustus in the building of these relationships between crosiers and crowns is underlined. The political continuation of the 13th century and the beginning of the 14th century, coupled with economic prosperity, resulted on the one hand in a real freedom of elections in the Norman monasteries and on the other hand in the advent of abbots managers, who even managed to preserve the property of their abbeys located in the lands of the King of England. The beginnings of the Hundred Years’ War were a real turning point: from then on, the abbots had to engage in political affairs and war (especially in the conflict between the King of France and the King of Navarre, then at the time of the conquest of Normandy by Henry V, after his victory at Azincourt in 1415). Based on a prosopography of one hundred and eighty-eight abbots, the thesis also studies the profile of these superiors (their social and geographical origins, their formartion and career, etc.) and the evolution of the abbatial figure over these three centuries: more and more superiors studied at the university and/or gravitated in the circles of power of the Church or of the kings. As a result, they were less and less physically present in their cloisters, accustoming the monks to their absence, while the freedom of the elections was gradually cut off under the influence of the pope and kings. Besides, the study, in particular, of the narrative and figurative sources shows that the representations of their power evolved in parallel: more and more attentive to their external prestige, marked in particular by the wearing of the pontifical insignia, they looked less and less like to the monks who they were ruling. This thesis proposes to read the setting up of the commendatory system in the continuity of these evolutions of the abbatial power, which appear less as a crisis than as a mutation

Cette thèse analyse l’évolution du pouvoir des abbés de onze abbayes bénédictines masculines du diocèse de Rouen entre la fin du XIIe siècle et le milieu du XVe siècle, mettant l’accent sur les plus grandes d’entre elles (Le Bec, Fécamp, Saint-Ouen, Saint-Wandrille…) mais prenant aussi en charge des maisons plus modestes et méconnues. Au cœur du raisonnement figurent la relation des abbés avec les pouvoirs royaux français et anglais. Après l’intégration de la Normandie au domaine royal capétien en 1204, les abbés devinrent royaux : en étudiant en particulier les actes de la pratique, cette thèse propose une définition de cette catégorie. Le rôle de Philippe Auguste dans la définition des rapports entre les crosses et les couronnes est mis en valeur. La suite du XIIIe siècle et le début du XIVe siècle sont marquées par une continuité politique assez remarquable, doublée d’une prospérité économique ; cela se traduisit par une réelle liberté des élections dans les monastères normands et l’avènement des abbés gestionnaires, qui parvinrent même à conserver les biens de leurs abbayes situées dans les terres du roi d’Angleterre. Les débuts de la Guerre de Cent ans furent un véritable tournant : à partir de ce moment-là, les abbés durent s’engager dans les affaires politiques et la guerre (notamment dans le conflit entre le roi de France et le roi de Navarre puis au moment de la conquête de la Normandie par Henri V, après sa victoire à Azincourt en 1415). S’appuyant sur une prosopographie de cent-quatre-vingt-huit abbés, la thèse étudie par ailleurs le profil de ces supérieurs (origines sociales et géographiques, formation, etc.) et l’évolution de la figure abbatiale au fil de ces trois siècles : de plus en plus de supérieurs furent formés à l’université ou gravitaient dans les cercles de pouvoir de l’Église ou de la royauté. En conséquence, ils fréquentaient de moins en moins leurs cloîtres, habituant les moines à leur absence, tandis que la liberté des élections était progressivement rognée sous l’influence du pape et des rois. L’étude, notamment, des sources narratives et figurées montre que les représentations de leur pouvoir évoluèrent en parallèle : de plus en plus attentifs à leur prestige extérieur, marqué notamment par le port des insignes pontificaux, ils ressemblèrent de moins en moins aux moines qu’ils dirigeaient. Cette thèse propose de lire la mise en place de la commende dans la continuité de ces évolutions du pouvoir abbatial, qui apparaissent moins comme une crise que comme une mutation
This thesis analyzes the evolution of the power of the abbots of eleven male Benedictine abbeys of the diocese of Rouen between the end of the 12th century and the middle of the 15th century, focusing on the largest of them (Le Bec, Fécamp, Saint-Ouen, Saint-Wandrille...) but also on more modest and unknown monasteries. At the heart of the reasoning lie the relationship of the abbots with the French and English royal powers. After the integration of Normandy in the Capetian royal domain in 1204, the abbots became royal: studying in particular the acts of the practice, this thesis proposes a definition of this category. The role of Philip Augustus in the building of these relationships between crosiers and crowns is underlined. The political continuation of the 13th century and the beginning of the 14th century, coupled with economic prosperity, resulted on the one hand in a real freedom of elections in the Norman monasteries and on the other hand in the advent of abbots managers, who even managed to preserve the property of their abbeys located in the lands of the King of England. The beginnings of the Hundred Years’ War were a real turning point: from then on, the abbots had to engage in political affairs and war (especially in the conflict between the King of France and the King of Navarre, then at the time of the conquest of Normandy by Henry V, after his victory at Azincourt in 1415). Based on a prosopography of one hundred and eighty-eight abbots, the thesis also studies the profile of these superiors (their social and geographical origins, their formartion and career, etc.) and the evolution of the abbatial figure over these three centuries: more and more superiors studied at the university and/or gravitated in the circles of power of the Church or of the kings. As a result, they were less and less physically present in their cloisters, accustoming the monks to their absence, while the freedom of the elections was gradually cut off under the influence of the pope and kings. Besides, the study, in particular, of the narrative and figurative sources shows that the representations of their power evolved in parallel: more and more attentive to their external prestige, marked in particular by the wearing of the pontifical insignia, they looked less and less like to the monks who they were ruling. This thesis proposes to read the setting up of the commendatory system in the continuity of these evolutions of the abbatial power, which appear less as a crisis than as a mutation

A la rupture de la paix d’Amiens, le Premier Consul retient en otage les Britanniques présents sur le sol de la France en réponse au gouvernement britannique qui détient aussi des Français. Mais la raison est avant tout économique. Les Anglais sont séparés des autres prisonniers de guerre et ne servent que dans les domaines où ils excellent comme les filatures. Leur dénombrement s’avère difficile, à cause de documents incomplets ou de mutations trop fréquentes. Les dépôts, au nombre de quatre en 1803, passent à douze en 1810, puis à quinze à de la fin des hostilités.La vie en société s’organise et les prisonniers ont tendance à recréer la vie « à l’anglaise » particulièrement festive dans divers dépôts. Mais les jeux d’argent sèment la discorde et entraînent les duels et les dettes. Les évasions nombreuses provoquent la colère du Ministère de la guerre. Les échanges sont rares et blessés et invalides font l’objet de tractations pour les échanges.La santé reste un problème majeur, la qualité de la nourriture est douteuse. La mortalité est importante.Hormis les mariages et les naissances, ils ont laissé peu de choses puisqu’ils n’ont rien bâti mais demeure le souvenir
After the breaking off of the Peace of Amiens, the Premier Consul keeps the British who were present on the French ground as hostages as a reply to the British Government who keeps also French prisoners. But the true reason is more economical. The British prisoners are treated differently from prisoners of war and are only used in what is useful, such as spinning factories.Having a precise census of the British population in the depots was difficult: the documents are incomplete and the transfers from depot to depot too often. There were four depots at the beginning but it went to twelve in 1810 and 15 by the end of the war.Social life is organized and the prisoners tend to recreate the “British way of life” with much rejoicing in the various depots. But money games bring quarrels and debts. Escapes arises hunger in the French War Ministry. Exchanges are seldom and wounded and disabled men are part of these exchanges. Health remains a major problem and food is of poor quality. Death rate is severe. Except weddings and births, they have not left anything as they did not build but remembrance is still there

Constitué par saint Louis en faveur de son fils Pierre, mort en 1284, l’apanage d’Alençon renaît en 1290 lorsque le roi Philippe le Bel l’octroie à son frère Charles de Valois. Sept comtes, puis ducs à partir de 1415, lui succéderont jusqu’en 1525. Cousins des rois et pairs de France, les Valois-Alençon ont fait de cet apanage normanno-percheron le cœur d’une principauté étendue du pays de Caux aux rivages de la Loire, des marches de Bretagne au pays chartrain.Les principats de Pierre II (1367-1404) et de son fils Jean Ier, mort à Azincourt en 1415, marquent l’apogée de cette œuvre politique soutenue par le roi. Désormais enracinés sur l’apanage, les Alençon réforment l’administration des territoires, s’entourent d’officiers polyvalents et dotent leur principauté des institutions traditionnellement dévolues au gouvernement des états : une chancellerie active, une trésorerie générale, une Chambre des comptes et même un Échiquier réputé souverain. Au palais neuf d’Argentan, l’Hôtel comtal accueille quelque deux cent trente officiers et serviteurs et brille d’un éclat jusqu’alors insoupçonné. La démarche prosopographique, qui étudie les caractéristiques sociologiques et les réseaux d’influence façonnant les carrières des agents du pouvoir, guide ici la découverte des administrations princières.Hommes liges du parti d’Orléans, les Alençon paient toutefois au prix fort leur engagement politique. L’occupation lancastrienne (1417-1450) et l’exil, les rançons et l’obstruction durable du duc Jean II à la politique du roi minent leur autorité. La faillite menace et contraint les princes aux pires expédients. Leur incurie aggrave l’isolement qui les frappe jusqu’à ce qu’en 1515 l’avènement au trône de France de François d’Angoulême, « frère » par alliance du dernier duc Charles IV, offre à cette principauté un ultime et éphémère rayonnement
Formed by Saint Louis in favour of his son Pierre, who died in 1284, the Alençon appanage revived in 1290 when King Philippe le Bel bestowed it upon his brother Charles de Valois. Seven princes, who became dukes as of 1415, succeeded him till 1525. Cousins to Kings and Peers of France, the Valois-Alençons turned the Norman-Percheron appanage into the heart of a principality stretching from the Pays de Caux to the banks of the Loire river, from the « Marches de Bretagne » to the Chartres area.The principates of Pierre II (1367-1404) and his son Jean I, who died in Azincourt in 1415, marked the heyday of this political piece of work supported by the King. Henceforth, rooted in this appannage, the Alençons reformed the administration of territories, surrounded themselves with versatile officers and endowed their principality with institutions traditionally devoted to the governance of states: an active chancellery, a general treasury, an exchequer and even a deemed sovereign court of justice. At the new castle of Argentan, the prince court hosted some two hundred and thirty officers and servants, and sparkled with a so far unsuspected lustre. The prosopographic approach, which studies the sociological features and the influence networks shaping the careers of the agents of authority, herein guides the discovery of the princely administration

En mai 1940, la population ardennaise fuit devant l’arrivée des troupes allemandes. Les ressources économiques et agricoles du département, qui faisaient pourtant l’objet de plans d’évacuation préparés dès les années 1930, sont abandonnées à l’occupant. Quelques semaines plus tard, une vaste zone du nord-est de la France, dont les Ardennes font partie, est déclarée « zone interdite ». Les terres cultivables sont confisquées à leurs propriétaires et prises en charge au profit du Reich par une entreprise appelée Ostland, qui a déjà orchestré un semblable mouvement de spoliation en Pologne depuis son invasion. L’une de ses filiales régionales, la WOL III, met en place dans les Ardennes un vaste projet d’implantation des méthodes agricoles nationales-socialistes qui nécessite une abondante main-d’œuvre. Des agriculteurs allemands, appelés « chefs de culture » sont diligentés sur place et gèrent de grandes exploitations dans lesquelles travaillent plusieurs milliers de prisonniers français et coloniaux ainsi que 5 000 agriculteurs ardennais contraints à se mettre à leur service. Des ouvriers juifs sont également recrutés et des milliers de Polonais, expulsés de leurs villages, sont déportés pour travailler dans ces fermes qui exercent une agriculture intensive. Cette situation engendre des tensions sociales qui s’expriment particulièrement lors de la Libération et lors de procès d’épuration qui visent certains employés de l’Ostland. Les autorités françaises tentent de gérer au mieux la liquidation de l’entreprise allemande et l’organisation du rapatriement des Polonais dans leur pays, deux opérations difficiles qui nécessitent de longs mois. La reconnaissance des victimes de l’Ostland est inégale et tardive puisqu’elle n’intervient qu’à partir des années 1990. Des mémoires distinctes et spécifiques aux différents groupes de travailleurs émergent aussi à cette époque et s’expriment lors de commémorations
In May 1940, the population of the Ardennes fled from the arrival of the German troops. The economic and agricultural ressources of the department, which yet had been subject to evacuation plans since the thirties, were given up to the occupying forces. A few weeks later, a large area of the North-East of France including the Ardennes was declared « forbidden zone ». The cultivable land was confiscated from its owners and taken over for the benefit of the Reich by a company named Ostland, which had already orchestrated a similar spoliation movement in Poland since its invasion. One of its local subsidiaries, WOL III , set up in the Ardennes a vast project to implement the National Socialist agricultural methods which required an abundant workforce. Some German farmers, called crop managers, were sent out there to run large farms on which several thousands of French and colonial prisoners as well as 5000 Ardennes farmers were working under duress. Jewish labourers were also recruited and thousands of Poles, expelled from their villages, were deported to work on these farms with intensive agriculture. This situation caused social tensions that were particuliarly evident during the Liberation and during the « purification » trials involving some WOL employees. French authorities tried to manage the liquidation of the German company and the organisation of the repatriation of the Poles, two difficult operations that took many months to complete. Recognition of Ostland victims was uneven and late since it occurred only from the 1990s onwards. Distinct memories specific to the different groups of workers also emerged at that time and were expressed during commemorations

No
Although military sites have long been the subject of geophysical investigation, those associated with recent military campaigns are noticeably rare. In fact, although such techniques are increasingly used to identify the unwanted legacy of modern warfare, such as unexploded ordnances or mass burials, they have not been used to investigate the archaeology of such conflict. The survey here attempts to identify the archaeology of one military site (Puits d'Herode) that was part of Hitler's Atlantic Wall and to identify the key elements associated with its D-Day defences. Magnetic gradiometry, twin-probe resistance and ground-penetrating radar were used at this site and, as a result of the nature of the buried archaeology, the magnetic technique proved most valuable. Trenches and bunkers previously known from aerial photographs were located accurately and a track believed to relate to the post-D-Day advance of the Allied forces across Puits d'Herode was also identified. The use of geophysical data in the investigation of this site has provided a new avenue to examine previously difficult topics such as the quality of intelligence available at the time of the conflict and the level and accuracy of shelling; although these may seem unlikely targets for archaeological geophysics, they are important to military historians for whom eye witness accounts are becoming increasingly scarce.

Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2005.
Advisor: Dr. Nathan Stoltzfus, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 19, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains v, 67 pages. Includes bibliographical references.