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Статті в журналах з теми "Prison industial complex"

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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022

Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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1

Davis, Angela Y., and Cassandra Shaylor. "Race, Gender, and the Prison Industrial Complex." Meridians 19, S1 (December 1, 2020): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8565858.

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Abstract Despite the transnational growth of the prison industrial complex and the rapid expansion of the carceral state in the United States and beyond, violence against women in prisons has remained largely invisible. Reports from people inside prisons, amplified by activists on the outside and international human rights organizations documenting prison conditions, highlight rampant violations of human rights behind walls. The gendered nature of racism, which fuels the growth of the prison industrial complex, results in experiences of violence, including medical neglect, sexual abuse, lack of reproductive control, loss of parental rights, and the devastating effects of isolation, that manifest in particular ways in women’s prisons. Advocates who are challenging conditions inside increasingly are connecting with activists across the globe and organizing their efforts to resist this violence in concert with a broader resistance to carcerality overall.

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2

Jacques, Josef. "A Vast Strangeness." Boom 6, no. 2 (2016): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/boom.2016.6.2.8.

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This series of photographs illustrates both the scale and the vast strangeness of California’s Prison Industrial Complex. The prisons are photographed at night from a distance so that the lights from the prison illuminate the landscape. The light that controls the prison population stands as an indicator of state control. The visual effect references the images from the test sites of nuclear bombs, an enormous display of technocratic power reflecting a truly destructive invasion into otherwise peaceful pastoral settings.

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3

Thompson, Heather Ann. "The Prison Industrial Complex." New Labor Forum 21, no. 3 (October 2012): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4179/nlf.213.0000006.

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4

Michalsen, Venezia. "Abolitionist Feminism as Prisons Close: Fighting the Racist and Misogynist Surveillance “Child Welfare” System." Prison Journal 99, no. 4 (June 11, 2019): 504–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032885519852091.

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The global prison industrial complex was built on Black and brown women’s bodies. This economy will not voluntarily loosen its hold on the bodies that feed it. White carceral feminists traditionally encourage State punishment, while anti-carceral, intersectional feminism recognizes that it empowers an ineffective and racist system. In fact, it is built on the criminalization of women’s survival strategies, creating a “victimization to prison pipeline.” But prisons are not the root of the problem; rather, they are a manifestation of the over-policing of Black women’s bodies, poverty, and motherhood. Such State surveillance will continue unless we disrupt these powerful systems both inside and outside prisons.

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5

Magsaysay, Raymond. "Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders and the Prison Industrial Complex." Michigan Journal of Race & Law, no. 26.2 (2021): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.2.asian.

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Recent uprisings against racial injustice, sparked by the killings of George Floyd and others, have triggered urgent calls to overhaul the U.S. criminal “justice” system. Yet Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs), the fastest-growing racial group in the country, have largely been left out of these conversations. Identifying and addressing this issue, I intercalate AAPIs into powerful, contemporary critiques of the prison industrial complex, including emergent abolitionist legal scholarship. I argue that the model minority myth, an anti-Black racial project, leads to the exclusion of AAPIs in mainstream and critical studies of crime and carcerality. I begin the intervention by critiquing the lacuna that exists within Asian American Jurisprudence, specifically the erasure of criminalized AAPIs’ voices and experiences. I then demonstrate that AAPIs are caught in the carceral web of mass incarceration by highlighting the lived experiences of AAPI youth within the school-to-prison pipeline, in addition to excavating the minimal publicly available data on AAPI prison populations. Adopting multidisciplinary and multimodal methods, I identify and analyze distinct forms of racial profiling and racialized bullying that drive AAPI students out of schools and into prisons. I pay specific attention to the criminalization of various AAPI youth subgroups as whiz kids, gang members, or terrorists. In uncovering previously unexamined dimensions of the criminal system, I stress how the exclusion of AAPIs in critical discourse obscures the actual scale of the carceral state, erases complex intra- and interracial dynamics of power, marginalizes criminalized AAPIs, and concurrently reinforces anti-Blackness and other toxic ideologies. The Article reaffirms critical race, intersectional, and abolitionist analyses of race and criminalization. It also directly links Asian American Jurisprudence to on-going abolitionist critiques of the prison industrial complex. I conclude with a proffer of abolitionist-informed solutions to the school-to-prison pipeline such as the implementation of an Ethnic Studies curriculum. Lastly, I issue a call, particularly to AAPI communities, for fiercer and more meaningful coalition-building.

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6

Krisberg, Barry. "Downsizing the Prison-Industrial Complex." California Journal of Politics and Policy 2, no. 1 (June 11, 2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5070/p2301b.

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7

Larson, D. "The Prison Industrial Literary Complex." Minnesota Review 2008, no. 70 (March 1, 2008): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00265667-2008-70-29.

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8

Kioko, Peace. "Right Behind Bars: Examining the Appropriateness of Kenya’s Prison Labour Wages and Earnings Scheme." Strathmore Law Review 7, no. 1 (October 13, 2022): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slr.v7i1.189.

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Sentenced inmates in Kenya are obligated to provide labour while imprisoned. This is to reduce idleness, for punishment, to enhance prisons’ cost-efficiency, and for rehabilitation. Some scholars posit that prisoners should be paid, others state that they should not, and some others recognise that they should be paid but vary between a high or low rate of payment. In Kenya, prisoners are paid for their labour at rates espoused in Section 5 of the Earnings Scheme, Kenya Prisons Service Standing Orders, 1979. The rates range between 10 and 20 cents a day. From this pay, they are to spend on necessities while in prison, send some money to their families and save some for use after their release. However, the rates are very low and based on the purposes the wages are to serve, the meagre pay is grossly incommensurate. This paper uses the concept of prison industrial complex and the human rights theory to make a case for higher pay for prison labourers. Lastly, it suggests a revision of the earnings scheme after drawing lessons from India.

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9

Statement by Critical Resistance an. "Gender Violence and the Prison-Industrial Complex." WSQ: Women's Studies Quarterly 47, no. 3-4 (2019): 253–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wsq.2019.0041.

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10

Davis, Angela Y., and Cassandra Shaylor. "Race, Gender, and the Prison Industrial Complex." Meridians 2, no. 1 (September 1, 2001): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-2.1.1.

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11

Agid, Shana, Michael Bennett, and Kate Drabinski. "Introduction: Teaching Against the Prison Industrial Complex." Radical Teacher 88, no. 1 (2010): 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rdt.2010.0004.

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12

Vitulli, E. W. "Prison-Industrial Complex in the United States." TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly 1, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2014): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-2399911.

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13

Kontos, Louis. "The irrationality of the prison-industrial complex." Dialectical Anthropology 34, no. 4 (November 24, 2010): 575–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-010-9214-6.

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14

Jarldorn, Michele. "Radically Rethinking Social Work in the Criminal (in)Justice System in Australia." Affilia 35, no. 3 (December 11, 2019): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109919866160.

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Historically, research on prisons and prisoners privileges an individualizing framework, when in fact the prison experience is strongly tied to social stratification and collective identities. Informed by the data created for a Photovoice project with former prisoners in South Australia, I contend that contemporary “criminological” knowledge tends to individualize crime through its own privileged view of the world. This individualizing approach seeps into the ways in which criminalized women experience release into the community after a prison sentence, confirming that society does not believe that imprisonment furnishes any form of “rehabilitation.” There can be no separation between capitalism, the prison industrial complex (PIC), and the violence present in carceral settings. This violence, although to a lesser extent than prisoners, is experienced by social workers selling their labor power within the PIC who are co-opted into believing that they can “make a difference.” Yet, social workers, whose codes of ethics are grounded in a framework of human rights, are witness to abuses of human rights on a daily basis within the PIC. Instead of making a difference, they are coerced into silence and roles of social control. The argument proposed here suggests that social workers must radically rethink the place and purpose of prisons by considering them as a violent response by the state to structural social problems that are experienced as politically perpetrated misery and oppression.

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15

Sudbury, Julia. "Celling Black Bodies: Black Women in the Global Prison Industrial Complex." Feminist Review 80, no. 1 (July 2005): 162–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400215.

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The past two decades have witnessed an explosion in the population of women prisoners in Europe, North America and Australasia, accompanied by a boom in prison construction. This article argues that this new pattern of women's incarceration has been forged by three overlapping phenomena. The first is the fundamental shift in the role of the state that has occurred as a result of the neo-liberal globalization. The second and related phenomenon is the emergence and subsequent global expansion of what has been labeled a ‘prison industrial complex’ made up of a intricate web of relations between state penal institutions, politicians and profit-driven prison corporations. The third is the emergence of a US-led global war on drugs which is symbiotically related and mutually constituted by the transnational trade in criminalized drugs. These new regimes of accumulation and discipline, I argue, build on older systems of racist and patriarchal exploitation to ensure the super-exploitation of black women within the global prison industrial complex. The article calls for a new anti-racist feminist analysis that explores how the complex matrix of race, class, gender and nationality meshes with contemporary globalized geo-political and economic realities. The prison industrial complex plays a critical role in sustaining the viability of the new global economy and black women are increasingly becoming the raw material that fuels its expansion and profitability. The article seeks to reveal the profitable synergies between drug enforcement, the prison industry, international financial institutions, media and politicians that are sending women to prison in ever increasing numbers.

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16

Taliaferro, Robert. "People of Colour and the Prison Industrial Complex." Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 12 (December 1, 2003): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v12i0.5495.

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17

Bobo, Jacqueline. "Civil Brand (2002) and the Prison Industrial Complex." Communication, Culture & Critique 1, no. 1 (March 2008): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-9137.2007.00007.x.

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18

Nako, Nontsasa. "On the record with Judge Jody Kollapen." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 66 (April 18, 2019): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2018/v0n66a6242.

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Анотація:

With the revelations by Bosasa officials at the State Capture Enquiry, held in early 2019, laying bare the corrupt links between prisons, detention centres and border control, and high ranking political and government officials, the time is ripe to excavate the capitalist interests that fuel incarceration in this country. How did the prison industrial complex overtake the lofty principles that ushered in the South African democratic era? Judge Jody Kollapen is well-placed to speak to about the evolution of the South African prison from a colonial institute that served to criminalise and dominate 'natives', to its utility as instrument of state repression under apartheid, to its present manifestation in the democratic era. He has laboured at the coalface of apartheid crime and punishment through his work as an attorney in the Delmas Treason Trial, and for the Sharpeville Six, and also worked as a member of Lawyers for Human Rights, where he coordinated the 'Release Political Prisoners' programme, Importantly, Justice Kollapen had a ringside seat at the theatre of our transition from apartheid to democracy as he was part of the selection panel that chose the commissioners for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Many questions can be asked of the South African TRC including whether it was the best mechanism to deal with the past and whether it achieved reconciliation. What concerns us here is its impact on crime and punishment in the democratic era. If our transition was premised on restorative justice, then shouldn’t that be the guiding principle for the emerging democratic state? In line with this special edition’s focus on the impact of incarceration on the marginalized and vulnerable, Judge Kollapen shares some insights on how the prison has fared in democratic South Africa, and how imprisonment affects communities across the country. As an Acting Judge in the Constitutional Court, a practitioner with a long history of civic engagement, and someone who has thought and written about criminalization, human rights and prisons, Judge Kollapen helps us to think about what decolonization entails for prisons in South Africa.

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19

Nako, Nontsasa. "On the record with Judge Jody Kollapen." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 66 (April 18, 2019): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2018/i66a6242.

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Анотація:

With the revelations by Bosasa officials at the State Capture Enquiry, held in early 2019, laying bare the corrupt links between prisons, detention centres and border control, and high ranking political and government officials, the time is ripe to excavate the capitalist interests that fuel incarceration in this country. How did the prison industrial complex overtake the lofty principles that ushered in the South African democratic era? Judge Jody Kollapen is well-placed to speak to about the evolution of the South African prison from a colonial institute that served to criminalise and dominate 'natives', to its utility as instrument of state repression under apartheid, to its present manifestation in the democratic era. He has laboured at the coalface of apartheid crime and punishment through his work as an attorney in the Delmas Treason Trial, and for the Sharpeville Six, and also worked as a member of Lawyers for Human Rights, where he coordinated the 'Release Political Prisoners' programme, Importantly, Justice Kollapen had a ringside seat at the theatre of our transition from apartheid to democracy as he was part of the selection panel that chose the commissioners for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Many questions can be asked of the South African TRC including whether it was the best mechanism to deal with the past and whether it achieved reconciliation. What concerns us here is its impact on crime and punishment in the democratic era. If our transition was premised on restorative justice, then shouldn’t that be the guiding principle for the emerging democratic state? In line with this special edition’s focus on the impact of incarceration on the marginalized and vulnerable, Judge Kollapen shares some insights on how the prison has fared in democratic South Africa, and how imprisonment affects communities across the country. As an Acting Judge in the Constitutional Court, a practitioner with a long history of civic engagement, and someone who has thought and written about criminalization, human rights and prisons, Judge Kollapen helps us to think about what decolonization entails for prisons in South Africa.

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20

Hart, Emily Luise, and Raphael Schlembach. "The Wrexham Titan prison and the case against prison expansion." Critical and Radical Social Work 3, no. 2 (August 20, 2015): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986015x14331614909077.

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The building of a new 'super prison' in Wrexham, North Wales has begun amidst a wider expansion of the penal industrial complex. Campaigns are mobilising nationally and locally against the project. This article examines the concerns surrounding what will become the United Kingdom's largest prison and argues that its construction is a symptom of a wider ideological attack on marginalised groups while also examining the case against prison expansion.

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21

Faith, Karlene. "La résistance à la pénalité : un impératif féministe." Criminologie 35, no. 2 (July 19, 2004): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008293ar.

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Résumé À l’ère de la croissance galopante des prisons sous forme de complexe industriel en Amérique du Nord, les tensions idéologiques vacillent entre châtiment et mouvements en faveur d’une justice réparatrice ou transformatrice. Entre les désinstitutionnalistes, qui cherchent à réduire le nombre de personnes en prison, et les abolitionnistes pénaux, qui visent une transformation sociale, on retrouve nombre de féministes canadiennes. Les femmes au Canada sont désillusionnées suite à l’échec du gouvernement fédéral à mettre en pratique la vision de La création de choix, un rapport d’un groupe de travail sur l’emprisonnement des femmes, datant de 1990. Le gouvernement n’a pas non plus tenu compte des importantes recommandations de la juge Louise Arbour, dont l’enquête de 1996 sur les inconduites du personnel correctionnel met en lumière le non-respect des lois dans les prisons. En 2002, encore plus de femmes se retrouvent dans les prisons à sécurité moyenne ou maximale au Canada pour des crimes relativement mineurs. Les années 1990 nous ont fourni une bonne leçon sur la futilité de la réforme des prisons, tout spécialement au nom du féminisme. Dans l’avenir, les féministes devront impérativement contester les fondements de la pénalité imposée par l’État plutôt que de tenter de réformer une institution désuète.

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22

Whitley, Stephon. "Revenue Generation Through Financial Sanctions in the Prison Industrial Complex." Federal Sentencing Reporter 34, no. 2-3 (February 1, 2022): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fsr.2022.34.2-3.200.

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America has yet to address mass incarceration properly. Here we are in 2022, and America still leads the Nation in the amount of people that are incarcerated. The problem goes well beyond the need to simply lower the number of people who are incarcerated. Yes, the problem is mass incarceration; however, in America, there’s an issue of the criminal justice system being used as a mechanism to profit from those who are arrested and charged with a crime, which creates an added pressure on those who are incarcerated as well as their families. The fact that people of color, specifically African Americans, are disproportionately represented in the amount of people who are incarcerated, implies a racial problem with the justice system in this Country. When you tie together the racial disparity of African Americans incarcerated, and the systematic ways in which the fines and fees associated with incarceration perpetuate financial hardship on individuals whom majority of their crimes were likely financially motivated; it becomes difficult for me to believe this Country’s criminal justice system is not perfectly in the manner in which it is supposed to work. My hope is the articles in this publication will not only make others aware of this issue who were not; but also, lead to the change in which those who have Power over the millions of people who are pushed through the criminal justice system - akin to product on an assembly line - discontinue the for profit aspects of incarceration in America.

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23

Khatib, Islam. "Reproductive Justice and the Prison-Industrial Complex: A Mini Zine." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 4, Summer (June 1, 2018): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/2018040102.

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24

Herzing, Rachel, and Isaac Ontiveros. "Building an international movement to abolish the prison industrial complex." Criminal Justice Matters 84, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 42–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627251.2011.576045.

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25

Gordon, Avery F. "Globalism and the prison industrial complex: an interview with Angela Davis." Race & Class 40, no. 2-3 (March 1999): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689904000210.

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26

Johnson, Robert. "What’s In A Name: A poem on the prison industrial complex." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 9, no. 1 (March 26, 2013): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659012456386.

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27

Sokoloff, Natalie. "The Impact of the Prison Industrial Complex on African American Women." Souls 5, no. 4 (December 2003): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080//10999940390463356.

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28

Sudbury, Julia. "Rethinking Global Justice: Black Women Resist the Transnational Prison-Industrial Complex." Souls 10, no. 4 (December 9, 2008): 344–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940802523885.

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29

Rawal. "Geographies of Debt: The Prison Industrial Complex and the Global South." Global South 8, no. 2 (2014): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/globalsouth.8.2.34.

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30

Sudbury, Julia. "celling black bodies: black women in the global prison industrial complex." Feminist Review 70, no. 1 (2002): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave/fr/9400006.

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31

Farid, Mujahid. "The Prison Industrial Complex: The Final Solution to the Three-fifths Problem." Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 20, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v20i2.5139.

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32

Sudbury, Julia. "Reform or abolition? Using popular mobilisations to dismantle the ‘prison-industrial complex'." Criminal Justice Matters 77, no. 1 (September 2009): 26–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627250903139223.

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33

Ooten, Melissa. "Tackling the PIC: Successes and Challenges in Teaching the Prison-Industrial Complex." Radical Teacher 88, no. 1 (2010): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rdt.2010.0000.

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34

Rosenberg, Rae, and Natalie Oswin. "Trans embodiment in carceral space: hypermasculinity and the US prison industrial complex." Gender, Place & Culture 22, no. 9 (October 22, 2014): 1269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0966369x.2014.969685.

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35

Lee, Lewis H. "Commodities and Delinquencies in the Prison Industrial Complex (PIC) in the U.S. : A Foucauldian Approach to Prison Labor." Korean Journal of Social Quality 3, no. 2 (September 30, 2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29398/kjsq.2019.3.2.1.

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36

Owen, Ianna Hawkins. "Write Back Soon: Mass Incarceration and “Writing Intensive” Vulnerability." Radical Teacher 115 (November 26, 2019): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2019.684.

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This is a reflection about teaching first year undergrads at an elite private institution in a predominantly white rural area about blackness and the prison industrial complex in a “writing intensive” course through the use of open letters and the politicization of vulnerability.

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37

Maldonado, David A., and Erica R. Meiners. "Due Time." Social Text 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-8750112.

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Abstract At this political moment within the university, mass incarceration and its most recognizable constituents, the prisoner and the prison, are at a predictable tipping point: the violence of inclusion. Neoliberal multiculturalism appears capacious enough to hold select representations of mass incarceration in its pursuit of new markets and deft enough to deploy this difference to whitewash other forms of institutional violence. Building from a long genealogy of scholarship and organizing that maps the coconstitutiveness of the university with our prison-industrial complex, this essay makes visible emergent lines and arrangements of power and resistance that inhibit and build abolition.

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38

Schlosser, Jennifer A., and Lindsey Raisa Feldman. "Doing time online: Prison TikTok as social reclamation." Incarceration 3, no. 2 (April 24, 2022): 263266632210954. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/26326663221095400.

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In recent years, the United States government along with prison authorities have worked to pass laws preventing incarcerated people from accessing cellular technology and using social media behind bars. Yet through the acquisition of contraband cell phones, some incarcerated people have subverted these laws to create a presence on social media, particularly on the popular social media app TikTok. We introduce the term social reclamation to describe the use of social media by imprisoned people to achieve three primary goals: (1) to remain connected to society through engagement with current social and cultural trends, (2) to reclaim self-narratives of everyday life by sharing lived experiences behind bars, and (3) to expose the unseen dehumanizing reality of prison industrial complex. Through the analysis of select prison TikTok videos we situate these acts of social reclamation on Rubin’s continuum of friction-resistance, and we conclude by juxtaposing our findings to state-centered narratives that claim cell phone use in prison poses a threat to public safety.

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39

Lopez-Littleton, Vanessa, and Arto Woodley. "Movie Review of 13th by Ava Duvernay: Administrative Evil and the Prison Industrial Complex." Public Integrity 20, no. 4 (June 20, 2018): 415–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999922.2018.1453913.

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Anderson, Heather, and Charlotte Bedford. "Prisoner radio as an abolitionist tool: A scholactivist reflection." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00093_1.

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Prisoner and prison radio – audio production and broadcasting that services prisoner and prison communities – has existed in a variety of forms in a diverse range of countries for over 30 years and has recently seen a surge in popularity and awareness. At the same time, the prison abolition movement has also gained momentum and visibility, after an equally long presence and history. Recently in the United States, the New York City Council voted to close Rikers Island by 2026 in response to community campaigning driven by an abolition agenda. Likewise, the Black Lives Matter movement has introduced an abolitionist discourse (especially around defunding police services) to the mainstream vernacular. This article considers the relationships between broadcasters/audiences and the State – embodied through government departments responsible for managing the incarceration of its citizens, and how these impact on prisoner radio’s capacity to act as an agent of change. To do so, we take a scholactivist approach to critically reflect on our experiences as prisoner radio practitioners and researchers and consider the potentials for prisoner radio to either support or hinder a prison abolition agenda. Can the genre contribute to the prison abolition movement when it often requires the support of the prison-industrial complex to exist?

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41

Graziani, Terra, Andrew Szeto, and Erin McElroy. "Gentrification and State Violence." Radical Housing Journal 4, no. 1 (July 13, 2022): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/pxok7533.

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In this conversation, Andrew Szeto and Terra Graziani share more about their coedited chapter, “Gentrification & State Violence,” one of seven chapters comprising the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project’s 2021 atlas, Counterpoints: A San Francisco Bay Area Atlas of Displacement and Resistance published by PM Press. Here Erin McElroy (also a Counterpoints editor) asks them how they conceptualize the interconnectedness of gentrification and state violence and what Lacino Hamilton has nominated “the gentrification to prison pipeline.” Graziani and Szeto contextualize several contributions in their chapter which explore the criminalization of homelessness, Black culture, and sex work, while also exploring ongoing abolitionist work against the prison industrial complex.

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Bello Ramírez, Jei Alanis. "Género, cuerpo, racismo y complejo industrial de prisiones: experiencias de personas negras en una cárcel de Bogotá." La Manzana de la Discordia 10, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v10i2.1581.

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Resumen: Este artículo analiza las trayectoriassociales y las experiencias de vida de hombres y mujeresauto-identificados negros y afrocolombianos que seencuentran recluidos en la Cárcel Distrital para varonesy anexo de mujeres en la ciudad de Bogotá. A travésdel trabajo de campo realizado en este penal durantelos años 2010 y 2011, y por medio de una reflexiónsociológica y feminista, cimentada en los aportes de lafeminista afro-estadounidense Angela Davis sobre el“complejo industrial de prisiones”, se pone en evidenciaque la intersección de las categorías género, raza yclase articulan las tecnologías de control y puniciónque emplea el Estado para gestionar la criminalidad enla ciudad. La operación fusionada de estos regímenesde poder configura experiencias diferenciales decriminalización y encarcelamiento para las personassubordinadas en el orden racial colombiano, por locual analizo sus trayectorias sociales y sus relacionescon los miembros de la institución carcelaria, paradar cuenta de la discriminación y las resistencias quetejen estos agentes en medio del castigo, el encierro y lacriminalización.Palabras clave: racismo, género, complejo industrialde prisiones, criminalizaciónGender, Body, Racism and the Prison IndustrialComplex: Experiences of Blacksin a Prison in BogotáAbstract: This article analyzes the social trajectoriesand the life experiences of men and women self-definedas black and Afro-Colombian, that are imprisoned inthe District Prison for Men and Annex for Women inBogotá. Through fieldwork carried out at this prisonbetween 2010-2011, and based on a sociological andfeminist approach, grounded on the contributions ofthe Afro-American feminist Angela Davis about the“prison industrial complex”, I show that the intersectionbetween gender, race and class is the main core of thepunishment and control technologies the State uses tomanage criminality in the city. The conjoined operationof these regimes of power creates differential experiencesof criminalization and punishment for the people thatoccupy a subordinate place in the Colombian racialorder. In this way I analyze their social trajectories andtheir social relations with the members of the prison, withthe purpose of show the specific form in which the agentsstruggle and live discrimination and resistance in themidst of punishment, imprisonment and criminalization.Key Words: racism, gender, prison industrialcomplex, criminalization

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Betts, Reginald Dwayne, and Lori Gruen. "Are Prisons Permissible?" Philosophical Topics 49, no. 1 (2021): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics20214916.

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Class, race, and tough-on-crime political platforms are three of the most discussed, and thus most visible, forces that contribute to mass incarceration. The analysis of each of these forces has been illuminating, yet these broad narratives tend to obscure the burden of prison for those locked up within them. The social narratives that have developed to help understand the prison industrial system often inadvertently obscure the complex experiences and losses endured by prisoners. The psychic and physical toll that accrues from decades of social exile, the affronts to dignity that “corrections” regularly impose, and the injuries to one’s sense of themselves and their relationships that prison foments haven’t received the attention they deserve. This essay explores the question of the permissibility of causing harm through imprisonment and social abandonment, arguing that any adequate answer must make the particular experiences and actual concerns of incarcerated people socially visible.

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Tofighian, Omid, Rachael Swain, Dalisa Pigram, Bhenji Ra, Chandler Connell, Emmanuel Brown, Feras Shaheen, et al. "Performance as Intersectional Resistance: Power, Polyphony and Processes of Abolition." Humanities 11, no. 1 (February 17, 2022): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11010028.

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Australia’s brutal carceral-border regime is a colonial system of intertwining systems of oppression that combine the prison-industrial complex and the border-industrial complex. It is a violent and multidimensional regime that includes an expanding prison industry and onshore and offshore immigration detention centres; locations of cruelty, and violent sites for staging contemporary politics and coloniality. This article shares insights into the making of a radical intersectional dance theatre work titled Jurrungu Ngan-ga by Marrugeku, Australia’s leading Indigenous and intercultural dance theatre company. The production, created between 2019–2021, brings together collaborations through and across Indigenous Australian, Kurdish, Iranian, Palestinian, Filipino, Filipinx, and Anglo settler performance, activism and knowledge production. The artistic, political and intellectual dimensions of the show reinforce each other to interrogate Australia’s brutal carceral regime and the concept of the border itself. The article is presented in a polyphonic structure of expanded interviews with the cast and descriptions of the resulting live performance. It identifies radical ways that intersectional and trans-disciplinary performances can, as an ‘act of liberation’, be applied to make visible, embody, address, and help dismantle systems of oppression, control and subjugation.

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Teague, Michael. "Probation in America: Armed, private and unaffordable?" Probation Journal 58, no. 4 (December 2011): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0264550511421518.

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While America is renowned for its enormous prison industrial complex, less academic attention has been paid to the state of probation intervention. The probation population has long been rising more swiftly than the prison population, and one in 45 adults in the USA is now subject to community supervision. This article explores the development of American probation and considers a series of key contextual issues, including the fragmented nature of the US probation system and the philosophies which underpin it, supervision fees, privatization, and the arming of probation officers, in order to illuminate how the community corrections system functions. The Justice Reinvestment initiative is also considered, and the impact of budgetary pressures upon probation is taken into account.

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46

Marshall, Sandy. "Book Review: Abolition Now! Ten Years of Strategy and Struggle Against the Prison Industrial Complex." Human Geography 2, no. 3 (November 2009): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277860900200316.

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Anderson-Zavala, Chrissy, Patricia Krueger-Henney, Erica Meiners, and Farima Pour-Khorshid. "Fierce Urgency of Now: Building Movements to End the Prison Industrial Complex in Our Schools." Multicultural Perspectives 19, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15210960.2017.1331743.

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Rodríguez, Dylan. "Asian-American Studies in the Age of the Prison Industrial Complex: Departures and Re-narrations." Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies 27, no. 3 (July 2005): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714410500228918.

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Zablotsky, Veronika. "Eric A. Stanley and Nat Smith (eds).Captive Genders: Trans Embodiment and the Prison Industrial Complex." International Feminist Journal of Politics 15, no. 4 (December 2013): 576–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2013.841561.

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Adams, Muriel, Sonja Klinsky, and Nalini Chhetri. "Barriers to Sustainability in Poor Marginalized Communities in the United States: The Criminal Justice, the Prison-Industrial Complex and Foster Care Systems." Sustainability 12, no. 1 (December 26, 2019): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12010220.

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In the United States of America, 2.2 million people are incarcerated in public and private facilities and over 700,000 are released yearly back to their home communities. Almost half are rearrested within a year. These problems have been excluded from mainstream sustainability narratives, despite their serious implications for sustainability. This paper addresses how the criminal justice, prison-industrial complex and foster care systems negatively impact these communities and families. To comprehend the system links, a sustainability lens is used to examine and address interlinking system impacts obstructing achievement of sustainability and the necessary community characteristics for building sustainable communities. Communities characterized by environmental degradation, economic despair and social dysfunction are trapped in unsustainability. Therefore, a system-of-communities framework is proposed which examines the circumstances that bring about prison cycling which devastates family and community cohesion and social networking, also negatively affecting the ability of other communities to become truly sustainable. We contend that a fully integrated social, economic and environmental approach to a major, complex, persistent problem as it relates to poor, marginalized communities faced with mass incarceration and recidivism can begin creating sustainable conditions. Further, we articulate ways sustainability narratives could be changed to engage with core challenges impeding these communities.

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