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Mubdir ABDULKAREEM, Maher, and Ali Ibrahim IDAN. "THE FIRST LADY AND HER POLITICAL EFFECT ON THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (HISTORICAL STUDY)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, no. 04 (July 1, 2023): 331–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.24.20.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Americans adopted the title of First Lady for the wife of the President of the United States of America, and the president’s wife bore several titles until it crystallized and became known by this name, as Washington bore the title of Lady Washington in 1789, and she is the wife of President George Washington, the first president of the United States of America, The institutionalization of the first lady's office began within the executive branch of the White House when she appointed Mrs. Edith Roosevelt (1901-1909) as a social secretary to assist her in dealing with her official correspondence, and in organizing social affairs in the White House, thus becoming the first first lady to employ a private secretary With it, he receives a salary, and Edith Roosevelt worked to expand the eastern wing of the White House building to receive guests. In 1920, women were given the right to vote in the American elections according to the Nineteenth Amendment to the US Constitution, so that Florence Harding would be the first woman to vote for her husband for the presidency of the United States of America, and she played an influential role in the intervention to choose members of the Cabinet, especially the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury. The first lady's political thought evolved until she set her sights on the American presidency to lead the United States of America herself, and for the first time in American history Hillary Clinton revealed this when she ran for the US presidency on behalf of the Democratic Party in 2016, but lost it to Republican candidate Donald Trum
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Stoker, Kevin L. "The Journalist Who Interpreted Too Much: The New York Times’ Courtship, Defense, and Betrayal of John W. White." Journalism & Communication Monographs 19, no. 3 (August 21, 2017): 177–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1522637917719276.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study analyzes the behind-the-scenes correspondence, from 1928 to 1941, between the New York Times’ news executives and editors and John W. White, who served as the paper’s first Chief South American Correspondent. An analysis of the correspondence and White’s dispatches shows that interactions between news management, foreign governments, and the U.S. State Department influenced White’s writing to the point that he avoided writing about Argentina’s neighbors; provided more positive, “Pollyanna” material; and censored his own dispatches. The study provides further evidence that Arthur Hays Sulzberger meddled in the paper’s news coverage, even before he became Times publisher in 1935. The correspondence between Sulzberger and White also calls into question the romantic myth of the autonomous foreign correspondent, free to report without fear or favor. Instead, it shows that American foreign correspondents faced scrutiny not only from their news executives and editors but also from foreign governments, police officials, local newspapers, Nazi and Fascist spies, U.S. business interests, the State Department, and even the President of the United States.
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Lourenço, Isabel. "US Administrations and Morocco from 1974 to 2021: The Double Standards of a Political Machine in Regard to the Western Sahara Conflict." Journal of US-Africa Studies International Journal of US and African Studies 1, no. 2 (2020): 54–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21846251/jour2a2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The United States has been instrumental in the Western Sahara conflict through their continuous support to the Kingdom of Morocco and its military occupation of Western Sahara. Even though the support was not always public, given that international law is clear on the status of Western Sahara as Non-Self-Governing Territory, the public USA image, and what we can infer from its confidential correspondence and secret meetings, demonstrate a double standard since 1975, in terminology, speech, and even action. This is further demonstrated by the various presidents’ fickle positions, not always being in accordance with the US Senate and the American Personal Envoys of the Secretary Generals of the United Nations. The goal of this paper is to show the different political stances of the US and their active contribution to the stalemate existing in Western Sahara, by analyzing and synthetizing the political support to Morocco and the influence in the United Nations. Financial and military support will however be excluded from this analysis.
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Mykhailichenko, Khristina. "LINGVO STYLISTIC FEATURES OF TRANSLATION OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE IN THE UNITED STATES (BASED ON SPEECHES BY B. OBAMA AND D. TRUMP)." Naukovy Visnyk of South Ukrainian National Pedagogical University named after K. D. Ushynsky: Linguistic Sciences 2020, no. 31 (December 2020): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2616-5317-2020-31-18.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The actuality of this research is the comparative analysis of political discourse translation of Donald Trump and Barack Obama from the point of view of the application of linguistic and stylistic features of the translation political speeches of both presidents. Political discourse is a phenomenon that we face every day. Taking into account the realities of our time, the wide spread of democracy, the openness of society, more and more attention is paid to the political language. The study of translations of the speeches of the US presidents allows, on the one hand, to predict further actions and intentions of a politician, and on the other, to highlight the most effective ways of influencing the audience. That is why the translation of political speeches is increasingly becoming an object of interest for scholars in various fields, especially in translation studies. The purpose of the proposed article is to identify the linguistic and stylistic features of the reproduction of US political discourse on the material of the speeches of the last two presidents of this country — Obama and Trump. The thematic, cultural and linguistic peculiarities of translation of the inaugural speeches of D. Trump and B. Obama are investigated. A comparative analysis of the linguistic units used by both presidents and their Ukrainian translations revealed that the preservation of the content during translation is possible due to the restoration of all relevant components of the utterance, and the translation of lexical units, including the evaluative component, is carried out in most cases with the help of regular correspondences. It is proved that during translating political speeches, linguo-stylistic features are actualized by combining regular correspondences and various transformations, which make it possible to preserve or modify the variant characteristics of a particular linguistic unit.
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Kotlowski, Dean. "With All Deliberate Delay: Kennedy, Johnson, and School Desegregation." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 2 (April 2005): 155–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0013.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The desegregation of southern schools, mandated by the United States Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), presented a dilemma for national politicians of both parties. “If presidents felt they should speak up, or act to enforce court rulings,” a correspondent for the Los Angeles Times wrote in 1969, “they risked offending conservatives, segregationists, and the South. If they wanted to sit tight, they invited the wrath of liberals.” Even presidents who were capable of acting in other areas of civil rights were content to assume a low profile on school desegregation, assign responsibility for this area of policymaking to subordinates, and enforce it only under external pressure, usually from the federal courts.
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Leich, Harold, and Anastasia A. Korniyenko. "Correspondence of the Director of the Library of Congress with the President of the United States: on the History of Acquisition of the Collection of G.V. Yudin." Bibliotekovedenie [Library and Information Science (Russia)], no. 4 (August 21, 2013): 82–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2013-0-4-82-86.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents the unpublished correspondence of October, 1906, between the Librarian of Congress and the President of the United States, where there are discussed the advantages and disadvantages of acquiring by the Library of the large personal library (81,000 volumes) of G.V. Yudin, Krasnoyarsk merchant. The article also presents the Memorandum from a previous Librarian of Congress, arguing strongly against the purchase of the collection.
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Iskandaryan, Gohar M. "US Leverage Tools in Iran in 1950s - 1960s." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-116-129.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The study presents an analysis of American influence in Iran after the World War II. The author describes how American foreign policy concepts worked in Iran, and opened a window into the country for American oil industries. The importance and relevance of the article lie in the fact that the players have not changed significantly, nor have the rules of the game and the actions they evoke changed much. Although the foreign policy toolkit of the US has been modernized, very often old methods are still practiced in the region, thus the study and analysis of those are very valuable today. The author tries to identify the problems of Iran in the second half of the 20th century, to study them in parallel with American foreign policy concepts, to present and analyze how American concepts paved the way for the expansionist policy of the United States. The key finding of the research shows that every American foreign policy concept was basically implemented only in case of the continuity of the power of the same party. Thus, Republican D. Eisenhower promoted the concept of supporting American oil tycoons. After him, Democrat J.F. Kennedy did not continue this approach in full, but only retained some elements. J.F. Kennedy believed that if the Iranian government was headed by a skilled prime minister, an adherent of Western values, who could properly manage the Iranian economy, then Iran would become a regional ally for the United States rather than a dependent country. After J.F. Kennedy, L. Johnson continued the foreign policy approach regarding Iran by promoting the country’s reformation through the White revolution. However, as history proved, the White Revolution failed to solve all the socioeconomic problems of Iran in the short term. Instead, the monarchy faced new and already fatal problems. The sources for this paper were the archives of the US presidents, the archives of the US State Department, the memoirs of a number of politicians, the correspondence between the US presidents and the Shah, as well as the Iranian press of that time. The author has applied the historical-comparative method, using the principles of content analysis.
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Rousseau, Peter L. "Jackson, the Bank War, and the Legacy of the Second Bank of the United States." AEA Papers and Proceedings 111 (May 1, 2021): 501–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20211095.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
President Jackson vetoed the bill to recharter the Second Bank of the United States on July 10, 1832. I describe events leading to the veto and through the bank's dissolution in 1836 using private correspondence and official government documents. These sources reveal a political process through which charges against the bank took hold, accomplices and backup plans were lined up, and the bank was ultimately destroyed with the assistance of chartered banks in New York City. Although the aggressive means by which the bank was dismantled led to a system-wide financial failure and recession in the short term, the long-run outcome was likely a wider diffusion of banking services and a more efficient allocation of capital. The Federal Reserve benefited from applying a more rigorous regulatory structure onto the grid that the populists, free bankers, and National Banking System established.
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Murádin, János Kristóf. "The Problem of Transylvania in the Emigration Correspondence of Count Béla Teleki from the End of the Second World War to the Abolition of the Communist Regime." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 14–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2021-0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The aim of this study is to analyse the voluminous emigration correspondence of Count Béla Teleki in order to highlight his main thoughts about the future of Transylvania. Béla Teleki was one of the most important Transylvanian politicians in the middle of the 20th century. His political career reached its peak at the time when Northern Transylvania was regained by Hungary after the Second Vienna Award. At the end of the Second World War, Teleki was persecuted by the Secret Police of the new Hungarian Communist Regime. Starting from 1951, he lived in the United States until his death on 7 February 1990. During the decades of his life in emigration, he carried on a great correspondence with the leading personalities of the Hungarian emigration in the West, several members of the American Senate, and even with President Gerald Ford. In this way, Béla Teleki became one of the central personalities of the Hungarian emigration in the Western World. His opinion, his voice were determining. This study summarizes the most important theme Béla Teleki was preoccupied with, the future of Transylvania, as he imagined it, by making a short analysis of his correspondence consisting of thousands of letters.
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Sansone, Livio. "Eduardo Mondlane and the social sciences." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 10, no. 2 (December 2013): 73–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412013000200003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Focusing on his life and academic production, especially the long eleven years that he spent in the United States, in this text I explore the complex relation between the first President of the Mozambique Liberation Front Eduardo Mondlane and the social sciences - the academic world of sociology and anthropology. I do so through an analysis of the correspondence between Mondlane and several social scientists, especially Melville Herskovits, the mentor for his master's and doctoral degrees in sociology, and Marvin Harris, who followed his famous study of race relations in Brazil with research in Lourenço Marques in 1958 on the system of social and race relations produced under Portuguese colonialism. My main argument is that his academic training bore on Mondlane's political style more than normally assumed in most biographical accounts.
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Shiraev, Eric. "Fake news for the American Revolution." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 134, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvg2021.2.006.shir.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The case of the false letters attributed to George Washington—the first president of the United States—serves as a classical example of character attacks conducted with the help of “fake news”. The fake letters attributed to Washington were allegedly intercepted in 1776. The seven letters were addressed to Washington’s relatives and to a friend. This alleged Washington’s correspondence revealed his serious character flaws, indecisiveness, remorse, his sympathies toward Britain, as well as his wavering commitment to the revolution. These attacks attempted not only to discredit a major public figure and hurt him emotionally but also, feasibly, generate a public scandal and thus achieve or further certain political goals such as winning a military conflict. This article demonstrates whether and how this case fits into the general theory of character assassination and ultimately suggests that many forms, methods, and responses to character attacks remain consistent throughout the ages.
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Wilson, Mark R. "“Taking a Nickel Out of the Cash Register”: Statutory Renegotiation of Military Contracts and the Politics of Profit Control in the United States during World War II." Law and History Review 28, no. 2 (May 2010): 343–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248010000039.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At 10:00 AM on September 24, 1943, James F. Lincoln, the sixty-year-old president and owner of the Lincoln Electric Company of Cleveland, Ohio, entered a meeting with U.S. Navy officials who wanted to discuss his company's recent earnings. A former Ohio State University football team captain and active supporter of the Republican Party, the outspoken Lincoln had already made it clear that he objected to the whole proceeding. One of the nation's leading suppliers of welding equipment, Lincoln's company had seen its sales boom since the beginning of World War II, as shipbuilders, aircraft producers, and other prime contractors demanded more welding machines and electrodes. Now, after a year of correspondence and preparations, the U.S. Navy had asked Lincoln to come to Washington to discuss how much of the company's 1942 profits were fair, and how much should be returned to the United States.
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Yushkevych, Volodymur. "Refugees from the Baltic states in the camps of Central and Western Europe in the context of the American «non-recognition policy» in the second half of the 1940’s." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171925.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article covers one of the problematic aspects of US-Soviet relations in the first post-war years - the issue of «the controversial refugees», appeared due to non-recognition by the United States of Soviet annexation of the Baltic States and the conduct of forced repatriation by the USSR. American diplomacy during the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt adhered to the «non-recognition policy», concluded in the Stimson Doctrine (January 7, 1932) and the Welles Declaration (July 23, 1940). However, declared foreign policy acts did not lead to a decrease of the level of official relations with the aggressor state. At the same time, the official Washington did not consider the Balts as citizens of the USSR and retained the diplomatic missions of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the United States. Under the administration of President Harry Truman, the course of non-recognition of the «voluntary entry of the three Baltic republics into the USSR» continued.It was researched that after the end of the Second World War, refugees and displaced persons from the Baltic-occupied Soviet Union were located in Austria, Italy, France and Switzerland. The large contingent was within the limits of the American occupation zone in Germany, the vast majority were immigrants from Lithuania. The attention was paid to the factors that led to the mass exodus of Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians from 1943 to 1944. It is outlined the special place of American diaspora civic organizations in collecting of financial assistance and coordination of their activities with the US State Department. It is also defined the role of representatives of the Catholic and Protestant national churches.The researched paper contains an analysis of correspondence between the leaders of the American diplomatic missions of Lithuania (Povilas Žadeikis), Latvia (Alfrēds Bīlmanis) and Estonia (Johannes Kaiv) with the US Department of State. Baltic diplomats constantly emphasized the need to confront the Soviet propaganda machine with regard to the denial of the «voluntary Sovietization of the Baltic» and the practice of sweeping accusation of refugees in «betrayal» and «cooperation with the Germans». In turn, they pointed to the need to extend the jurisdiction and mandate of international organizations on Baltic refugees, to determine their legal status and to prevent their recognition as the Soviet citizens in some European countries.The article deals with the documental potential of the diplomatic correspondence of the US foreign policy department. Attention is drawn to the analysis of this issue in the research works of foreign historians.During the first post-war years in matter of refugees’ problem and displaced persons, it was found that American diplomacy was in search of consensus between humanitarian reasons for ensuring human rights to asylum and the fulfillment of allied obligations in course of the activities of Soviet repatriation missions. However, «Baltic refugees» were a separate category, which Americans tried not to extradite from their occupied territory to the USSR cause of their non-recognition policy of Soviet annexation of Baltic states.
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Zorin, Artyom. "Jan Masaryk in American Diplomatic Correspondence, 1945–1948." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2023): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028073-8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Jan Masaryk (1886–1948) was the head of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the most difficult period in the history of Czechoslovakia, from 1940 to 1948. The peak of his professional career came in the post-war years, when CSR was at the centre of the unfolding Soviet-American confrontation. As a son of the first Czechoslovak President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and the closest associate of his successor Edvard Beneš, Jan Masaryk was trying to advocate democratic traditions in his country and preserve close relations with the West. But in practice, Prague was increasingly drawn into Moscow's sphere of influence. His life was tragically cut short in March 1948, soon after the Communists takeover. Until now his death remains the subject of various theories and discussions. The question of how the fate of this politician and his country would have unfolded had he stayed alive remains open. The purpose of the article is to consider Masaryk in a new context, namely through his perception by American diplomats. The author attempts to ascertain whether they associated their hopes for strengthening the western orientation of the Czech Socialist Republic and countering Soviet influence with Masaryk, and what they believed to be the reasons for his sudden death. The article draws on a study of American diplomatic correspondence. The author concludes that despite Masaryk's reputation as a pro-Western politician, in the United States he was not considered an important and influential figure in Czechoslovakia. His refusal to join anti-communist forces at home and his support for Moscow in the international arena caused resentment in Washington. Masaryk's death resonated in American political circles. Yet the State Department made no attempt to investigate its causes in detail or to question the official version of his suicide. Nevertheless, Masaryk became a tragic symbol of resistance to communism and the collapse of the last hopes for maintaining close relations between Czechoslovakia and the West.
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Ingram, Darcy. "“It Even Makes the Animals Laugh"." Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.5-31.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Henry Bergh founded and became president of the first animal protection organi- zation in the United States, the American Society for the Protection of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA) in New York City in April 1866, the same month in which his ef- forts to secure modern animal welfare legislation at the state level—also a first—were realized. From then until his death in 1888, Bergh steered his organization and the movement through the streets, the slaughterhouses, the courts, and the halls of that city and the nation. As this article shows, his critics were never far behind. Through a combination of media reportage, annual reports, and correspondence, this article weighs the impact of satire and ridicule directed toward Bergh and the animal protec- tion movement alongside his efforts to reposition such coverage and in some cases to benefit from it. In doing so, it positions Bergh and the animal protection movement relative to issues of frame alignment, leadership, and performance in the context of a rapidly changing media landscape, the negotiation of which was central to the move- ment’s success or failure.
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Yakupov, Roman Aleksandrovich, and Dar'ya Viktorovna Yakupova. "On the question of the secret actions of the United States to support the anti-Soviet campaign in the 1970s and 1980s." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2022): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.1.37267.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Based on the revealed declassified documents, the paper examines previously unknown sources about the attempts of the American government to support various programs of dissent, freedom of speech and mass media in the USSR and countries where the pro-Soviet regime was supported. The subject of the study is the content of foreign intelligence published and declassified documents describing specific US measures to implement covert actions in Afghanistan in order to counteract the influence and strengthen the position of the USSR, as well as support centrifugal trends in the Soviet Union through the organization and financing of programs to support dissent, the development of radio broadcasting, increasing radio coverage areas, assistance in the publication of Samizdat literature, etc. The object of the work is the documentary correspondence of the US President and key figures of the American establishment on the use of resources for the implementation and promotion of anti-Soviet activities. The article reveals previously unknown details of the preparation of options and the implementation of approved programs of covert actions to discredit the Soviet regime as part of the military campaign in Afghanistan, as well as inside the USSR. The sources allow us to highlight the activities of the US Special Coordinating Committee for the preparation of this strategy. The authors draw attention to the complexity of solving financial issues in the American administration, as well as the size of US financial injections to support destructive forces in the Soviet Union. Such evidence from very authoritative sources significantly expands the source base in the scientific coverage of the facts of the implementation of subversive activities of the United States against the USSR in the 1970s and 1980s.
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Serebryany, Roman S., and Denis V. Kamelskikh. "Lend-Lease: delivery of medical products from the United States of America to the USSR during the Great Patriotic War." HEALTH CARE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 66, no. 4 (August 30, 2022): 342–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47470/0044-197x-2022-66-4-342-346.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article discusses the emergence of the idea of Lend-Lease, as a method with the implementation of which, in conditions of force majeure, there was an opportunity to optimally solve important pressing problems. A fragment is given - the quintessence of the correspondence of the British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill, calling on the President of the United States of America Franklin Roosevelt and insisting on the need to introduce Lend-Lease. On the basis of archival documents and sources of literature, the role and share of medical products received during the Great Patriotic War in the USSR under Lend-Lease was established. The great importance of lend-lease is confirmed by a letter from F. Roosevelt dated November 4, 1941, addressed to Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin. The author discloses not the decisive, but significant, assistance provided in the provision of medicines, medical and sanitary products to the Soviet Union, especially over the first period of the war in 1941-1942, when some of the medical enterprises remained in the territories occupied by the Nazis. The largest number of deliveries was shown to be made by the United States of America, in comparison with the UK and Canada. The ways and logistics of incoming supplies are investigated. Products were proven to be received not free of charge, but under certain conditions. The USSR had to pay for the goods received until 2030. The Russian Federation, the legal successor of the USSR, managed to repay the debt in 2006. The role of public organizations that came to the aid of the Soviet people earlier than the governments of Western countries fighting Germany was emphasized. Behind the decisions taken on this issue, the policy of the Anglo-American allies in relation to the USSR, to the state, which must be helped in the fight against the common enemy, but in moderation, without strengthening its potential, is seen.
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Pudłocki, Tomasz. "Polsko-amerykańskie ślady współpracy. Korespondencja Eileen i Floriana Znanieckich w zbiorach archiwalnych Fundacji Kościuszkowskiej w Nowym Jorku, część 1." Studia Historiae Scientiarum 19 (September 30, 2020): 443–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543702xshs.20.014.12570.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Artykuł przedstawia część pierwszą korespondencji Eileen i Floriana Znanieckich, znajdującej się w Archiwum Fundacji Kościuszkowskiej w Nowym Jorku. Pokazuje ona wiele nieznanych wątków z życia Znanieckich, a zwłaszcza Floriana – jednego z najsłynniejszych polskich socjologów, profesora Uniwersytetu Poznańskiego, który wiele lat pracował w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki. Prezentowana edycja obejmuje listy ze Stefanem Piotrem Mierzwą, który w języku angielskim używał nazwiska Stephen Peter Mizwa, oraz z Edith Brahmall Cullis-Williams. Mierzwa był założycielem Fundacji Kościuszkowskiej, długoletnim dyrektorem wykonawczym fundacji, a w końcu jej prezesem. Dzięki swojej działalności na rzecz kulturalnego i naukowego zbliżenia Polski i Ameryki stał się jedną z najbardziej rozpoznawalnych postaci w życiu Polonii amerykańskiej w XX w. Cullis-Williams była założycielką i prezeską Polskiego Instytutu Sztuk Pięknych i Literatury w Nowym Jorku i znaną w środowisku amerykańskim polonofilką. W zasobach archiwalnych Fundacji Kościuszkowskiej przetrwały kopie listów Mierzwy pisanych do Znanieckich. Kopie listów Cullis-Williams nie zachowały się w tej kolekcji, ale choćby te, wysłane do niej przez Eileen, prezentowane w niniejszej edycji, doskonale uzupełniają obraz amerykańskich relacji i powiązań towarzyskich małżeństwa Znanieckich, jakie wyłania się z innych źródeł. Chronologicznie listy obejmują okres 1923–1940 i pokazują początki współpracy Znanieckiego z Fundacją Kościuszkowską, wnoszą trochę nowego światła do obecności Znanieckiego w Nowym Jorku w latach 1931–1933 oraz do pierwszych miesięcy pobytu poznańskiego socjologa w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki w 1940 r. Polish-American traces of cooperation. The correspondence of Eileen and Florian Znaniecki in the archival collections of the Kościuszko Foundation in New York, part 1 The article presents the first part of the correspondence of Eileen and Florian Znaniecki, which is located in the Archives of the Kosciuszko Foundation in New York. It shows many unknown threads from the life of Znaniecki family, especially Florian – one of the most outstanding Polish sociologist, a professor at the University of Poznań, who worked for many years in the United States of America. The presented edition includes letters with Stefan Piotr Mierzwa, who used the name Stephen Peter Mizwa in English, and Edith Brahmall Cullis-Williams. Mierzwa was the founder of the Kościuszko Foundation, a long-term executive director of the foundation, and finally its president. Thanks to his activities for the cultural and scientific rapprochement between Poland and America, he became, if not one of the most important figures in the life of American Polonia in the twentieth century, so certainly among the New York State Poles. Cullis-Williams was the founder and president of the Polish Institute of Arts and Literature in New York City and a well known American polonophile in the American environment. The archives of the Kościuszko Foundation have survived copies of Mierza’s letters written to Znaniecki. Copies of Cullis-Williams letters have not been preserved in this collection, but even those sent to her by Eileen, presented in this edition, perfectly complement the picture of American relationships and social relations of the Znaniecki marriage emerging from other sources. Chronologically, the letters cover the period 1923–1940 and show the beginnings of Znaniecki's cooperation with the Kosciuszko Foundation. What is more, the collection brings a little new light to Znaniecki’s presence in New York in 1931–1933 and the first months of the Poznań sociologist’s stay in the United States of America in 1940.
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Bowden, Michael. "Shamelessness and New Sincerity: Dostoevsky, David Foster Wallace, and Trump’s America." Literature of the Americas, no. 11 (2021): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2021-11-155-182.
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The ascendency of Donald Trump to President of the United States was marked by the concretisation of the “post-truth” era, an era in which brazen falsehoods not only withstood counterclaims to veracity but seemed to derive their legitimacy from their opposition to readily accepted truths. Epitomised by Kellyanne Conway’s infamous promulgation of “alternative facts,” the defining characteristic of post-truth politics seemed to be that the content of an utterance mattered less than the shamelessness with which it was uttered. It evidenced a divorce between traditional concepts of sincerity and the truth on which such sincerity was traditionally premised, allowing for the post-truth manipulation of shamelessness to make the most forceful claim over the sincere. This trend, I will argue in this essay, has its roots in the abundance of cynicism that beset American postmodernism, which along with post-truth shamelessness also gave rise to the cultural need for a new understanding of sincerity. I intend to trace how Fyodor Dostoevsky’s work influenced one of the foremost proponents of such new sincerity, the novelist David Foster Wallace. Giving particular focus to Dostoevsky’s emphasis on shame in his post-Siberian works, especially in the portrayal of Fyodor Karamazov, I will argue that such emphasis has its correspondence in Emmanuel Levinas’s theorisation of the ethical. I will conclude by suggesting that Levinasian ethics, which represent a departure from the totalising tendency of Enlightenment philosophy, might thereby serve as the basis for a new type of sincerity, one that maintains a sense of the ethical in the face of post-truth shamelessness.
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Carlson, Eric R., and Sanjay P. Reddi. "Oral cancer and United States presidents." Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery 60, no. 2 (February 2002): 190–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1053/s0278-2391(02)86097-9.
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Simmons, Gerald. "An open letter to the next president of the United States of America." Faculty Dental Journal 7, no. 4 (October 2016): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/rcsfdj.2016.180.
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Jones, Jeffrey M., and Joni L. Jones. "Presidential Stroke: United States Presidents and Cerebrovascular Disease." CNS Spectrums 11, no. 9 (September 2006): 674–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852900014760.
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ABSTRACTIn the United States, more individuals suffer disability from stroke than from any other disease, and as many as 11 of the 43 presidents have been affected. In this article, the authors review the cases of the United States presidents who have had strokes, some of which have occurred while the president was in office, having a direct effect on the country.
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Carpenter, Dick M. "Presidents of the United States on Leadership." Leadership 3, no. 3 (August 2007): 251–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715007079307.
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R. Yengibaryan. "Presidents of the United States: The Personal Dimension." International Affairs 64, no. 003 (June 30, 2018): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.51401250.
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Marshall, Patricia L. "Using My ‘You Lie Moment’ to Theorize Persistent Resistance to Critical Multicultural Education." International Journal of Multicultural Education 17, no. 2 (June 28, 2015): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.18251/ijme.v17i2.916.
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In this article I detail correspondences between a breach of decorum that occurred during a speech delivered by President Obama before a joint session of the United States Congress and an encounter between a teacher education student and me in a graduate-level multicultural education course. The encounter served as a powerful, albeit inadvertent, impetus to theorize the nature of persistent resistance to diversity and critical multicultural education in one teacher education unit.
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Dewey, John. "On the Uses of Former United States Presidents 2." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 50, no. 2 (April 1991): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.1991.tb03319.x.
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Lustig, Lawrence R., Andrew Spector, Lanny G. Close, C. Robert Pettit, Robert J. Ruben, and John W. House. "Presidential Problems: Otolaryngologic Disorders of the United States Presidents." Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery 139, no. 2_suppl (August 2008): P22—P23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.otohns.2008.05.075.
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Mendes, Pedro Emanuel. "The Dynamics of Change in United States Foreign Policy: Contexts, Leadership, and Hegemonic Legitimacy." Social Sciences 12, no. 10 (October 8, 2023): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12100560.
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This article examines the dialectical relationship between continuity and change in the foreign policy of the United States, a hegemonic power. The article begins by exploring the agent–structure problem and the factors that affect changes in foreign policy and the legitimacy of hegemony. It compares the hegemonic leadership styles of three former United States Presidents: George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump. The article aims to contrast the foreign policy approaches of the three presidents and present two main arguments. In order to gain a comprehensive understanding of foreign policy, it is imperative to analyse dynamic components such as contextual factors and leadership. This includes the leaders’ worldviews and their ability to adapt to unanticipated crises. The gradual decline of the United States’ hegemony in the international order can be attributed to structural transformations within the international order and the erosion of its social capital and its role as hegemon. Yet, the leadership styles adopted by American presidents have a significant impact on the erosion of the nation’s hegemonic leadership.
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Smekhov, Leonid V. "COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2000-2008." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 1 (2022): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-1-99-108.
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The public communication practices of U.S. and Russian presidents are built on the basis of legal norms, political culture and established national traditions. The key genres of public communications of presidents in both the U.S. and Russia are: messages to parliaments, inaugural and crisis speeches, press conferences, and interviews. In the practice of the United States and Russia, the genres of messages and inaugural speeches practically coincide in this case. This is not coincidental, since the institution of the presidency in Russia is much younger and the key genres of public communications have been borrowed from Western practices. However, there are also certain specifics. In particular, the genre of crisis speeches is quite often used in the public communication practices of American presidents. In Russia, the practice of crisis speeches is used as a rhetorical tool of presidential communication much less frequently. The exceptions include presidential speeches about the most critical events; as a rule, they are broadcast on record. The know-how of presidential communication in Russia is the format of multihour direct lines with the president, which are broadcast by federal TV channels. The genre of press conferences is used by Russian presidents much more frequently. The rhetoric used by specific presidents adds to the peculiarity of their communication practices.
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HUFBAUER, BENJAMIN. "Spotlights and Shadows: Presidents and Their Administrations in Presidential Museum Exhibits." Public Historian 28, no. 3 (January 1, 2006): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2006.28.3.117.
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Abstract: This article focuses on the museums in presidential libraries. Since 1940 the rise of the federal presidential library has transformed presidential memorialization by largely allowing presidents—initially, at least—to commemorate themselves. This has populated the landscape of public memory in the United States with a series of history museums that promote an expansive view of presidential power. These museums also attempt to elevate individual presidents into the civil religion of the United States. This article examines the largely celebratory accounts in some presidential libraries, and contrasts them with the Truman Library's more balanced and historically accurate approach.
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Miller, Michael T. "The State of Faculty Involvement in Governance in the United States." International Research in Education 8, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ire.v8i2.17096.
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The purpose of the study was to profile the state of faculty governance in US higher education. The survey was based the National Data Base on Faculty Involvement in Governance. Using a similar protocol, the study used survey research with a sample of research university faculty senate presidents. Results include a growing use of non-tenure track faculty and faculty with little senate experience being elected to lead senates. The presidents indicated that the skills most necessary to them are problem analysis, judgement, sensitivity, and oral/written communication skills. They perceived their primary task as developing a sense of direction for the senate, and the most critical issue they face is one of determining institutional priorities. The study was limited to only one type of institution (research-centered) in one country (the United States), and with a 38% response rate to the survey. A growing number of non-tenure track faculty have been identified as leading senates and that there is a group of ‘fast-track’ senators with limited experience being elected into leadership positions. This means that there may be significant changes in how shared governance is being socially constructed. The study re-establishes the annual survey of faculty senate leaders, and longitudinal data will be critical in determining the future of faculty senates. Findings have immediacy in helping senate presidents and administrators understand the changing role of senates, how they see themselves, and what they value.
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Merriam, Dan. "U.S. Presidents and their Geological Thinking." Compass: Earth Science Journal of Sigma Gamma Epsilon 84, no. 2 (April 17, 2012): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.62879/c54450908.
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A number of United States presidents had some experience in geological thought and investigations and keen interests in the environment. The first U.S. president, George Washington, was a land surveyor. Thomas Jefferson, the 3rd U.S. president, was a keen supporter of science and maintained an interest in paleontology, and played a key role in the development of American paleontology. Theodore Roosevelt, the 26th U.S. president, was a strong supporter of the national park service and was an influential naturalist. Herbert Hoover, the 31st U.S. president, was a Stanford University graduate with a degree in geology and mining – a true geologist/U.S. President. Hoover worked in the mining industry in the western United States, Australia, and China before moving into politics. Hoover lectured on mining at both Columbia and Stanford Universities and his lectures were published in 1909 as Principles of Mining. In 1912, Hoover, with his wife Lou Henry, translated Agricola‟s De Re Metallica from Latin into English.
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Adrangi, Bahram, and Joseph Macri. "Does the Misery Index Influence a U.S. President’s Political Re-Election Prospects?" Journal of Risk and Financial Management 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm12010022.
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We seek to determine whether a United States President’s job approval rating is influenced by the Misery Index. This hypothesis is examined in two ways. First, we employ a nonlinear model that includes several macroeconomic variables: the current account deficit, exchange rate, unemployment, inflation, and mortgage rates. Second, we employ probit and logit regression models to calculate the probabilities of U.S. Presidents’ approval ratings to the Misery Index. The results suggest that Layton’s model does not perform well when adopted for the United States. Conversely, the probit and logit regression analysis suggests that the Misery Index significantly impacts the probability of the approval of U.S. Presidents’ performances.
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Berger, Jane. "“There is tragedy on both sides of the layoffs:” Privatization and the Urban Crisis in Baltimore." International Labor and Working-Class History 71, no. 1 (2007): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000324.
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AbstractBy the 1960s, the urban crisis in the United States was well underway. Structural trans-formations in the postwar economy and accelerating deindustrialization contributed to high rates of unemployment in many cities in the nation's old industrial core. During the 1970s and 1980s, the urban crisis worsened. This article argues that the macroeconomic policies of Presidents Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter, and Ronald Reagan fueled urban decline. Responding to the waning hegemony of the United States in the global economy as well as to a domestic corporate crisis of profitability, the presidents pursued macroeconomic agendas that prioritized the revitalization of American economic dominance. Macroeconomic policy decisions in combination with white-backlash pressures constrained the range of urban policies the presidents could pursue and often compelled privatization. The federal-level decisionmaking had devastating consequences in Baltimore, Maryland, the city discussed in this article. The macroeconomic and urban policies had racialized and gendered outcomes that plunged the city into the most acute phase of the urban crisis.
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Galbraith, Jean. "The President's Power to Withdraw the United States from International Agreements at Present and in the Future." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 445–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.99.
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An uneasy equilibrium exists with respect to how the United States exits international agreements. In general, exit is easy as a matter of legal doctrine but, for important agreements, difficult as a matter of political practice. While presidents can withdraw the United States from most major international agreements, they have done so only rarely—and never yet with deep costs to the stability of our world order.
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Rothschild, Amanda J. "Rousing a Response: When the United States Changes Policy toward Mass Killing." International Security 42, no. 2 (November 2017): 120–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00295.
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When do U.S. presidents change policy to respond with increased intensity to mass killings of civilians in other countries? The twentieth century witnessed a series of state-sponsored mass killings in a variety of regions around the world. Conventional arguments suggest that although the United States has the capability of responding to such atrocities, it often fails to do so because of a lack of political will for action. Historical evidence suggests, however, that although the modal response of the United States is inaction, at times U.S. presidents reverse course to respond more forcefully to mass killings. Three factors explain when and why these policy shifts happen: the level at which dissent occurs within the U.S. government, the degree of congressional pressure for policy change, and the extent to which the case of mass killing poses a political liability for the president. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's creation of the War Refugee Board in 1944 during the Holocaust supports this theory.
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DeSoto, K. Andrew, and Henry L. Roediger. "Remembering the Presidents." Current Directions in Psychological Science 28, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963721418815685.
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Here we report research on how important historical figures—presidents of the United States—are remembered and forgotten. When students are given 5 min to recall presidents (in order, if possible), they remember the first few, the most recent, and Lincoln and his immediate successors better than the rest. When this study is done over time, a regular forgetting curve appears, allowing us to assess the rate of forgetting for more recent presidents. Some presidents (e.g., Kennedy) are being forgotten more slowly than others (e.g., Truman). People are more accurate in recognizing presidents than in recalling them, but they also show interesting false recognitions, identifying people such as Alexander Hamilton as a former president. Together, these studies provide a window into how groups of people remember salient figures from their group’s past: its leaders. They also show that the effects derived from studying artificial materials in the lab may generalize more widely to other material with a different type of memory test.
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Lawson, Fred H. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." Journal of Arabian Studies 10, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 326–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21534764.2020.1861695.
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Monks, James. "Job turnover among university presidents in the United States of America." Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management 34, no. 2 (April 2012): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1360080x.2012.662739.
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Al-Rasheed, Madawi. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 3 (November 13, 2018): 475–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1505196.
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Mabon, Simon. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 45, no. 5 (July 18, 2018): 867–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1496718.
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Barnes, Bailey D. "The Genocide Convention and Presidential Priorities, 1948–1988." Genocide Studies International 14, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsi-2021-0012.
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From 1948 to 1988, the United States failed to ratify and implement the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention). In total, seven presidential administrations neglected to expend the necessary political capital to secure the Genocide Convention's passage. This article is the first comprehensive study of the presidential actions—and, more aptly, inactions—on the long road to ratification. Ultimately, of the seven presidents who failed to procure the Convention's ratification by the Senate, only three even sought the Senate's advice and consent on the important international accord, and in all cases, the presidents did so while working to ensure the act did not harm their broader legislative and foreign policy agendas. Ultimately, President Ronald Reagan oversaw the Convention's ratification, though he did so in response to the threat of a public relations disaster that his administration believed the ratification would help avert. Studying the motivations of these eight presidents deepens our understanding of why it took the United States 40 years to finally adopt the Genocide Convention.
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Yengibaryan, R. V. "US Presidents: Personal Dimension." Journal of Law and Administration, no. 1 (July 28, 2018): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2018-1-46-3-13.
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Introduction. The personality of any US president due to his enormous constitutional authority and the place in the government structure of the country has always been considered extremely significant, even if in reality he did not quite measure up to the high moral and political criteria that both voters and the international community wanted him to meet.Materials and methods. Various scientific methods such as comparative-legal, systemic and a number of others form the methodological and research basis of the article.Results of the study. The US President, who is also the head of the Federal Government, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and the US Navy is not only the first executive person of the country, but also the leader of one of the two leading political parties with enormous political and moral impact on the whole country, and the entire world community. During his term in office as President of the United States, all America and the whole world watch him on television, read and hear about him almost daily. To some extent he sets standards for men’s official fashion and behavior in society and in the family, he is a epitome of virtue and justice. How successful he is in this capacity is another question, but the fact is that the world community discusses his actions, words and behavior, wants to be like him or, on the contrary, criticizes him and does not agree with him, and this is an undeniable fact.Discussion and conclusion. With the date of the next presidential elections approaching and especially in the midst of the presidential campaign a large number of popular scientific and other publications are published in the United States and around the world on the institution of the US Presidency, its amazing stability and the ability to effectively lead the most dynamic branch of the three powers provided by the US Constitution the executive power.
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Frishman, William H., Franklin H. Zimmerman, and Robert G. Lerner. "Vascular and Heart Diseases in the Incumbent Presidents and Vice Presidents of the United States of America." Cardiology in Review 21, no. 1 (2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/crd.0b013e31827303b5.
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Ferrero, Christopher. "The Iran Narrative: The Ideational Context of US Foreign Policy Decision-Making toward the Islamic Republic of Iran." Iran and the Caucasus 17, no. 1 (2013): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130105.
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The United States and Iran have been estranged for over thirty years. Conventional wisdom in the US holds that Iran is chiefly responsible given its threatening actions and harsh rhetoric. Yet, between 1990 and 2003, Iran presented successive American presidents with opportunities for rapprochement. Each declined to fully seize the opportunity. Why? This article posits the causal significance of ideas and discourse in the United States. What the author calls the Iran Narrative is comprised of the vast collection of frames, myths, caricatures, news reports, “expert” analyses, and ideas that cohere and portray Iran as a uniquely evil, hostile, and irrational enemy of the United States. Domestic actors leverage the Narrative to increase the political costs and reduce the normative desirability of rapprochement with Iran. Perceptions of high political cost and low normative desirability dissuade American presidents from more actively pursuing engagement with Iran. In this article, the author tests the evidence for the existence of an Iran Narrative through a media content analysis and suggests that the Narrative has causal significance for policy decisions. Further explication of the Narrative is an interdisciplinary task that ought to leverage the tools of political science, psychology, anthropology, and other fields. The policy implications of the Iran Narrative are critical. If the Narrative does, indeed, constrain American presidents from taking bold risks for peace with Iran, then a fuller explication and deconstruction of the Iran Narrative is a necessary condition of rapprochement between Washington and Tehran.
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Sprengel, Mieczysław. "Political Relations of Australia with the United States: 2000–2017." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.08.
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Relations between Australia and the United States have developed for long time notably during World War II. Over the following decades, cooperation has become more intense as Australians adopt many cultural patterns from the Americans. Australia declared and supported US presidents in military operations, which is why some have called Australia, America’s sheriff for working to stabilize this part of the world. One cannot overlook the personal arrangements between leaders that help shape the dynamic of deepening the mutual relations these two nations. Donald Trump’s personal interactions’ with the Prime Ministers of Australia play a significant role in this regard.
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Iordanova, V., and A. Ananev. "Comparative analysis of the trade policy of Barack Obama and Donald Trump." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2003-06.
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The authors of this scientific article conducted a comparative analysis of the trade policy of US presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The article states that the tightening of trade policy by the current President is counterproductive and has a serious impact not only on the economic development of the United States, but also on the entire world economy as a whole.
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CRAMER, ALEXANDER, and KENNETH CRAMER. "Identifying Families in C-SPAN's U.S. Presidential Ratings: 2000, 2009, and 2017." Michigan Academician 47, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7245/0026-2005-47.2.136.
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ABSTRACT Since the inauguration of George Washington in 1789, the United States of America has seen the governance of some 44 individual presidents. Although such presidents share a variety of attributes, they still differ from one another on many others. Significantly, these traits may be used to construct distinct sets of “families” of presidents throughout American history. By comparatively analyzing data from experts on the U.S. presidency – in this case, the C-SPAN Presidential Historians Surveys from 2000, 2009, and 2017 – this article identifies a consistent set of six presidential families: the All Stars; the Conservative Visionaries; the Postwar Progressives; the Average Joes; the Forgettables; and the Regrettables. In situating these categories in history, this article argues that U.S. presidents can be accurately organized into cohesive, like-performing families whose constituents share a common set of criteria.
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Bullett, Maryann S. "Certification Requirements for Public School Speech-Language Pathologists in the United States." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 16, no. 2 (April 1985): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.1602.124.
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A survey was conducted to determine the current minimum certification requirements in each state for the employment of speech/language pathologists in public school settings. Questionnaires requesting certification requirements were sent to state departments of education and presidents of state speech/language associations. The results indicate that the majority of the states and the District of Columbia require a bachelor's degree as the minimum degree for certification. Minimum clinical practicum hours and certification renewal criteria vary greatly from state to state.
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MERVIN, DAVID. "Presidents, Precedents and the Use of Military Force." Journal of American Studies 32, no. 3 (December 1998): 483–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875898005957.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the late summer of 1996 Iraqi troops moved into the Kurdish “safe haven” in Northern Iraq, thereby triggering a crisis of national security for the United States. Unsurprisingly, this incident led to speculation in the media about the nature of President Clinton's response. Would he be able to meet this test of his leadership? What form would any military action take? Would it be strong enough, or would it be an overreaction? In the event, the president ordered two cruise missile strikes against Iraqi defence installations and substantially extended the no-fly zone in Southern Iraq set up after the Gulf War. These actions were the subject of debate in the United States Senate and, after some partisan wrangling, and a few rumbles of complaint about inadequate consultation, a non-binding resolution endorsing the missile strikes was approved by a vote of 96–1. But, as was noted by the press, “none of this really mattered because such ‘sense of the Senate’ resolutions have no binding effect and are largely ignored, even inside the Beltway.”What was striking about this incident was that throughout the crisis the United States Congress was little more than a bystander. Inevitably all eyes turned to the president. It was he and not the national legislature that became the focus of public and media attention. Does he have the mettle needed? What will he do, and will his actions be sufficient to deal with the situation? These were the sort of questions being debated on the talk shows and in the press. To put it bluntly, at this moment, there was little interest in what the legislature might say or do, the mighty Congress, at this point at least, was reduced to a role comparable, dare it be said, to that of the British House of Commons. The situation called for leadership and decisive action and no one was under any illusion that the legislature could provide either, only the president was in a position to meet these needs. When it comes to the making of foreign policy, and particularly when crises of national security arise, the president, it seems, is inevitably, the main player, the senior partner.