Статті в журналах: "Power union"

1

Khalig Qafarli, Simuzar. "EUROPEAN UNION SOFT POWER LIMITATIONS." SCIENTIFIC WORK 53, no. 04 (February 28, 2020): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/aem/2007-2020/53/167-170.

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2

Niedźwiecki, Sławomir. "Unia Europejska w świecie: soft power, hard power czy może smart power?" Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2017 (January 28, 2018): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.17.4.

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The main purpose of the article is to ask whether the European Union is a smart power actor. Most of the previous research has treated the EU as a soft power. This work is an analysis of the tools which the European Union uses in its foreign policy. Research has been conducted in the context of types of powers, which have been formulated by Joseph Nye: hard power, soft power and smart power. It was necessary to survey what instruments does the European Union use to have impact on other participants of international relations. Nowadays, a range of these tools is relatively developed, taking into account that the EU is an international organisation. In the conclusion, it is stated that the contemporary European Union should be treated as a soft power, but simultaneously it is an actor which attempts to become a smart power, and has relevant predispositions to it.

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3

Mishel, Lawrence. "The Structural Determinants of Union Bargaining Power." ILR Review 40, no. 1 (October 1986): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398604000107.

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This paper investigates the structural determinants of variation in union power across manufacturing industries. Using a pooled sample of unionized establishments from the Expenditure on Employee Compensation Surveys of 1968–72, the author estimates wage equations augmented with measures of product market structure, bargaining structure, and the size distribution of unions. The results suggest that union wage gains are greatest where discretionary pricing power enhances employers' ability to pay and where unions achieve high coverage, practice centralized bargaining, and avoid union fragmentation. On the other hand, centralized bargaining provides no advantage in competitive industries.

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4

Crouch, Colin. "Membership density and trade union power." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 23, no. 1 (January 12, 2017): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258916673533.

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Union membership has declined in almost all European and other advanced economies, though in many cases the membership that remains reflects overall changes in the gender and occupational structure of the economy. Meanwhile, in most countries unions’ incorporation in governing institutions of the labour market has remained stable or risen. Union strength (membership density and incorporation) and to a lesser extent bargaining coordination correlate positively with core employee interests in the post-Keynesian economy: a combination of high employment and low inequality, and a balance between flexibility and security. The evidence suggests that unions’ most important role today is as part of wider political forces, where the role of membership strength remains ambiguous.

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5

Frank, Dana. "WOMEN'S POWER IS UNION POWER Banana Worker Unions in Latin America." New Labor Forum 14, no. 2 (July 1, 2005): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1095760590934805.

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6

Fudge, Judy. "Trade unions, democracy and power." International Journal of Law in Context 7, no. 1 (February 4, 2011): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174455231000042x.

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Should the law support union recognition by employers? If so, what form should this legal support take? These are the questions that Alan Bogg addresses in his excellent monograph,The Democratic Aspects of Trade Union Recognition. His focus is New Labour's 1999 statutory recognition procedure for trade unions, which he situates within the historical context of the United Kingdom's distinctive approach to the relationship between labour law and the social practice of collective bargaining – aptly (and famously) named collective laissez-faire by Otto Kahn-Freund (1972). Combining political philosophy and legal analysis, Bogg argues for robust legal support for trade union recognition that preserves the autonomy of trade unions to determine their own constituency and recognises their distinctive power to strike. Inspired by the idea of deliberative democracy and an ethical commitment to freedom as non-domination, he argues that civic republicanism provides the best normative basis for trade union recognition procedures. He contrasts this normative framework with the rights-based individualism and state neutrality characteristic of the liberal approach, which, he argues, is embodied in the United States and Canadian versions of industrial pluralism. Bogg also demonstrates the ‘yawning chasm between New Labour's civic rhetoric and New Labour's liberal legal reform agenda’ (pp. 118–19) when it comes to trade union recognition procedures. He concludes by offering a series of proposals that would enhance union recognition and further the values of freedom as non-domination, democratic participation through deliberative democracy, and community.

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7

Dhal, Manoranjan. "Changing Power of Union in India: A Study of Actors’ Perception." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 1, no. 2 (October 18, 2011): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v1i2.1117.

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Abstract — With the growing globalization of market, out sourcing of production, and downsizing of manpower trade unions are losing their power across the globe. This paper tries to explore the perception of actors, i.e. workers, trade union leaders and managers about the changing power structure of union. Attempt was made to study the perception of actors about the function of union, industrial relations climate and its impact on power of union. This study is based on 640 structured interviews conducted in manufacturing industries across different sectors in India. Keywords: Actors; Trade Union; Union Power

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8

Drover, Glenn. "Pension Power: Unions, Pension Funds and Social Investment in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 983–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906449969.

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Pension Power: Unions, Pension Funds and Social Investment in Canada, Isla Carmichael, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005, pp. 219.Isla Carmichael has been writing about union pensions for a decade. Over the past ten years, she has examined different aspects of union-based pension funds and labour-sponsored investment, including fiduciary responsibility, the role of union pension trustees, social accounting, collateral benefits and economically targeted investment. In this book, she brings together these, and other, arguments to make a case for the greater involvement of unions in directing and investing pension funds, not only to provide benefits to union members but also to shape economic growth and community development. Her analysis is comprehensive and her argument is persuasive.

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9

Broadbent, Kaye. "Power in the union?" International Journal of Manpower 22, no. 4 (June 2001): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000005570.

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10

Arif, Zeba. "Power in a union." Nursing Standard 28, no. 4 (September 25, 2013): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns2013.09.28.4.31.s35.

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11

Moen, Eli. "Weakening trade union power." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 23, no. 4 (May 11, 2017): 425–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258917703547.

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For the past two decades – and in particular after the 2008 crisis – atypical employment has expanded across Europe. The crisis led to increased demand for more flexible labour markets, and thus atypical employment became an important tool for employment, competitiveness and economic growth. However, recent research reveals that employers are using atypical employment not just to compensate for unstable markets, but also as an opportunity to cut costs by bypassing collective agreements and to discipline workers, works councils and unions. The case study presented in this article corroborates these findings, arguing that employers – in addition to reducing costs – are making use of atypical employment to weaken organised labour as a goal in its own right. Whether such behaviour forms part of a larger drive to resist unions needs to be further researched. In any event, atypical employment represents an increasing challenge to trade unions across Europe.

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12

Perry, Charles R. "Outsourcing and union power." Journal of Labor Research 18, no. 4 (December 1997): 521–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-997-1020-9.

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13

Wilmers, Nathan. "Labor Unions as Activist Organizations: A Union Power Approach to Estimating Union Wage Effects." Social Forces 95, no. 4 (February 6, 2017): 1451–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sow108.

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14

Mitchell, Neil J. "Theoretical and Empirical Issues in the Comparative Measurement of Union Power and Corporatism." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (July 1996): 419–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007523.

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What aspects of national trade-union movements systematically affect national policy making and economic performance? While there is general agreement that union density, the proportion of the workforce organized in unions, is an important element of union strength, social scientists are only beginning to identify the other critical elements. That union density is not the whole story can quickly be appreciated by comparing the influence of unions in Britain and Germany. For much of the post-war period, union density has been higher in Britain than Germany, although German unions have sustained at least as important a political and economic role as British unions. An influential theory of group-government relations directed our attention to the degree of hierarchy and monopoly present in an interest structure and to the degree of institutionalized access to policy-making circles, wrapping these characteristics together in the concept of corporatism. Yet there is a developing interest, particularly in the analysis of labour movements, in disaggregating corporatism as part of an effort to understand the specific characteristics that produce political and economic influence.

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15

Marianno, Bradley D., Annie A. Hemphill, Ana Paula S. Loures-Elias, Libna Garcia, Deanna Cooper, and Emily Coombes. "Power in a Pandemic: Teachers’ Unions and Their Responses to School Reopening." AERA Open 8 (January 2022): 233285842210743. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23328584221074337.

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Drawing on Bachrach and Baratz’s first and second faces of interest group power, we explore the relationship between teachers’ union power and reopening decisions during the fall 2020 semester in 250 large districts around the United States. We leverage a self-collected panel data set of reopening decisions coupled with measures of teachers’ union first face power (drawn from social media postings on teachers’ unions’ Facebook pages) and second face power (operationalized as district size, whether the school district negotiates a collective bargaining agreement with the teachers’ union, the length of the collective bargaining agreement, and the amount of revenue raised by the union). We found that school districts where teachers’ unions exhibit strong second face power (but not first face power) were less likely to start the school year with in-person instruction, were less likely to ever open during fall semester with in-person instruction and spent fewer weeks in in-person learning.

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16

Kim, Joo Hee. "European Union-Normative Power of Europe in the International Development Cooperation." Zeitschrift der Koreanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sozialwissenschaften 26, no. 4 (December 31, 2016): 73–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.19032/zkdgs.2016.12.26.4.73.

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17

Ioannou, Gregoris. "The communicative power of trade unionism: labour law, political opportunity structure and social movement strategy." Industrielle Beziehungen. Zeitschrift für Arbeit, Organisation und Management 27, no. 3-2020 (November 23, 2020): 286–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/indbez.v27i3.03.

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This article argues that more emphasis should be paid to the communicative power of trade unionism because it may constitute a starting point or a privileged standpoint which a trade union may use to counter its weakness regarding its other sources of power. Reviewing the trade union revitalisation literature, it is argued that social movement theory in general and especially ‘political opportunity structure’, can complement and enrich the power resources approach which is a useful tool in the analysis of trade union action. The case study of a weak trade union winning a strike largely as a result of its successful utilisation of its communicative power is presented where the public communication of the two sides to the conflict is subjected to content and discourse analysis. The article argues that trade unions can enhance their position through the adaptation of social movement strategy and campaign tactics into trade union activity because social movements are more accustomed to orienting their action in the public sphere. In this effort trade unions may draw upon the more explicitly normative and substantive dimension of labour law as a resource to legitimise and garner support for the unions’ objectives framing in a more expansive manner the issues at stake so that a significant section of society can identify with the trade union struggle at hand.

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18

Strauss, Scott, and Katharine Mapes. "Union Power in Public Utilities." New Labor Forum 21, no. 2 (June 2012): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4179/nlf.212.0000012.

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19

Shostak, Arthur B. "Computer power and union prospects." Technological Forecasting and Social Change 69, no. 6 (July 2002): 567–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0040-1625(02)00257-3.

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20

Yeselson, Rich. "Union Power After the Election." Dissent 68, no. 1 (2021): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2021.0011.

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21

Fehr, Ernst. "Union Power and (Un)Employment." Labour 4, no. 2 (September 1990): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9914.1990.tb00234.x.

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22

Victorio, Antong Andres G., and Stephen B. Blumenfeld. "Trade Liberalization and Union Power." International Advances in Economic Research 17, no. 3 (May 28, 2011): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11294-011-9306-3.

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23

Yeselson, Rich. "Union Power After the Election." Dissent 68, no. 1 (2021): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2021.0011.

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24

Boyer, George R. "What Did Unions Do in Nineteenth-Century Britain?" Journal of Economic History 48, no. 2 (June 1988): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004939.

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The article examines the development of the insurance function of trade unions. It analyzes how such policies worked, and why union benefit packages differed across occupations. It also addresses the impact of insurance policies on union organization. Insurance benefits increased the ability of unions to attract and retain members. They did not, however, significantly increase the power of union leaders relative to employers or union rank and file.

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25

Williams, C. G. "The Role of Unions in Inflation: A Survey Article." Relations industrielles 37, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 498–527. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/029277ar.

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Wide divergence of views exists on the power of unions to influence the general wage level. This paper contrasts selected views. A modified Trevithick/Mulvey classification of union reaction to escess demand for labour is used to classify writers. A second part examines questions of union power and militancy.

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26

Yu, Kyoung-Hee. "Organizational Contexts for Union Renewal." Articles 69, no. 3 (October 8, 2014): 501–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1026756ar.

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SummaryThis article seeks to identify organizational structures and processes that contribute to incorporating immigrant identities and fostering democratic participation in unions. Empirical analysis is based on ethnographic observations conducted in four local branches within the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) of the USA that underwent the Justice for Janitors campaign. Despite the fact that all four local unions experienced external revitalization owing to the campaign, internal renewal was most successful in Los Angeles, least in Washington DC, and somewhat successful in Boston and Houston. For each of the cases, I examine the connection between external dimensions of revitalization—initial mobilizing efforts, bargaining power, and political power—and organizational contexts for renewal—formal and informal structures for participation, and the engagement of immigrant members in union activities. While the union revitalization literature has argued that internal union renewal facilitates external revitalization, how external revitalization affects sustained internal renewal has not yet been examined thoroughly. Most studies examining the relationship between internal and external revitalization have had a relatively narrow window of observation ending typically with successful union recognition; thus, we lacked an understanding of the dynamic relationship between internal and external revitalization over time. The present findings suggest that external revitalization can assist internal renewal. However, building a powerful union did not automatically guarantee democratic participation, and acquiring more economic power through the merging of local unions weakened representational structures. The present results confirm the importance of studying revitalization as a process instead of an outcome, an argument which has been advanced by scholars, yet rarely practiced.

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27

Lévesque, Christian, and Gregor Murray. "Understanding union power: resources and capabilities for renewing union capacity." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 16, no. 3 (August 2010): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258910373867.

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28

Nissen, Bruce, and Candi Churchill. "Unionism in a Right-to-Work Environment: United Faculty of Florida from Stagnation to Crisis Mobilization to Power Building." Labor Studies Journal 45, no. 4 (March 18, 2020): 370–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x20911710.

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The Janus vs. AFSCME District 31 legal decision forced all U.S. public-sector unions to operate under “right-to-work” conditions: any union fees for those covered by a union contract are now optional. Past experiences of successful public-sector unions operating in right-to-work states should offer lessons to all public-sector unions on how to succeed. This article examines the history and recent success of the United Faculty of Florida, a statewide higher education public-sector union. Critical turning points, crises, and lessons from that history are included.

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29

Southern, Jacquelyn. "Changing Nature: Union Discourse and the Fermi Atomic Power Plant." International Labor and Working-Class History 85 (2014): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791300046x.

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AbstractThe first known grassroots protest against nuclear power was organized by industrial unions: the United Auto Workers, the International Union of Electrical Workers, and the United Papermakers and Paperworkers. InPower Reactor, a landmark case begun in 1956 and pursued all the way to the Supreme Court (where it was lost in 1961), these unions tried to prevent construction of the Enrico Fermi Atomic Power Plant, a fast breeder reactor, outside Detroit. However, their action has been interpreted as not truly environmental at all, but rather as merely a smokescreen for their opposition to commercially developed atomic power; at that time they were identified with support for public power, which was under assault by the Republican party. Attending to union discourses of nature reveals the case to have marked a pioneering turn from a conservation to environmental discourse of nature.

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30

Pringle, Tim, and Quan Meng. "Taming Labor: Workers’ Struggles, Workplace Unionism, and Collective Bargaining on a Chinese Waterfront." ILR Review 71, no. 5 (April 12, 2018): 1053–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793918768791.

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This article examines the case of the Yantian International Container Terminal (YICT) to consider under what conditions unions can provide effective workplace representation in China. The authors draw on semi-structured interviews to analyze how and why the union was effective, despite rigid prohibitions against organizing outside of the Party-led All-China Federation of Trade Unions. The authors argue that the YICT union developed a system of annual collective bargaining that tamed the power of militant dockworkers and helped prevent strikes. This outcome required an effective enterprise-level trade union that was nevertheless able to influence and manage members’ somewhat ambiguous acceptance of its role. Ultimately, workers’ interests were partially represented and their acquisition of associational power—in the form of trade unions—increased.

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31

Jabbar, Huriya, Jesse Chanin, Jamie Haynes, and Sara Slaughter. "Teacher Power and the Politics of Union Organizing in the Charter Sector." Educational Policy 34, no. 1 (October 15, 2019): 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904819881776.

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Despite the growing media attention paid to charter-school unions, comparatively little empirical research exists. Drawing on interview data from two cities (Detroit, MI, and New Orleans, LA), our exploratory study examined charter-school teachers’ motivations for organizing, the political and power dimensions, and the framing of unions by both teachers and administrations. We found that improving teacher retention, and thus school stability, was a central motivation for teacher organizers, whereas, simultaneously, high teacher turnover stymied union drives. We also found that charter administrators reacted with severity to nascent unionization drives, harnessing school-as-family metaphors and at-will contracts to prevent union formation. As the charter sector continues to grow, understanding why teachers want unions and how those unions differ from traditional public school unions is crucial to analyzing the long-term viability of these schools and the career trajectories of the teachers who work in them.

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32

Stirling, John. "Power in Practice: Trade union education in Sierra Leone." Articles 48, no. 3 (January 29, 2014): 531–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021918ar.

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This article presents an analysis of the development of a trade union education program in Sierra Leone in the geo-historical context of British colonialism. It places the argument in relation to the contradictory trends of trade unionism more generally and alongside their antagonistic cooperation with capitalism. It discusses the limits and potentialities of a radical pedagogy when trade unions are constrained to engage with existing power structures that use English as the dominant language. It places more theoretical arguments within the context of a country characterized by major inequalities and facing the neo-liberal challenges of globalization and a trade union movement seeking to be representative of an informal workforce but rooted in the formal economy.

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33

Camfield, David. "Renewal in Canadian Public Sector Unions." Articles 62, no. 2 (July 13, 2007): 282–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016089ar.

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Challenges from employers and governments and the limited success of public sector union responses suggest the need for renewal in Canadian public sector unions. This article engages with discussions of union renewal by way of theoretically conceptualizing the modes of union praxis relevant to Canadian unions. It then examines the nature of neoliberal public sector reform and assesses the experiences of Canadian public sector unions under neoliberalism. In this difficult context, unions that are able to make progress in the interconnected development of greater democracy and power will be more capable of channelling workers’ concerns into union activity. This, along with international and Canadian evidence, highlights the significance of the praxis of social movement unionism to union renewal in the public sector.

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34

Kóczy, László Á. "Brexit and Power in the Council of the European Union." Games 12, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/g12020051.

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The exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union has had profound economic and political effects. Here, we look at a particular aspect, the power distribution in the Council of the European Union. Using the Shapley–Shubik power index, we calculate the member states’ powers with and without the United Kingdom and update earlier power forecasts using the Eurostat’s latest population projections. There is a remarkably sharp relation between population size and the change in power: Brexit increases the largest members’ powers while decreasing the smallest ones’ powers.

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35

Giraud, Baptiste. "The changing face of union action put to the test by neo-liberal reforms in France." Tempo Social 32, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.164063.

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This article reviews how French trade union are coping with the neo-liberal policies since the early 1980s. It shows their divergent reactions, and how these liberal reforms are implemented in a context of transformation of trade union action: the use of strikes is more difficult at the same time as the relationship between trade unions and collective bargaining is transformed in a logic of depoliticizing their strategies of action. These developments did not prevent a resurgence of strikes in the 2000s. It reveals the limits of the trade unions’ power of political influence, that implies the use of collective action. However, strikes have declined further in recent years, revealing the weakening of trade union mobilisation power.

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36

Lambert, R. "State of the Union: An Assessment of Union Strategies." Economic and Labour Relations Review 2, no. 2 (December 1991): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469100200201.

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Accelerating global economic change reflected in the high degree of capital mobility and integrated global markets has intensified investment competition between states. The union movement reacted through a commitment to strategic unionism and award restructuring. However, the impact of the latter has been limited by the occupationally divided structure of Australian unions. The paper analyses attempts to change this structure through union amalgamations and considers the impact inter-union power struggles, shaped by factional alignments, have had on the process. The paper assesses the organizational problems of conglomerate unionism and evaluates possible counters to likely tendencies.

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37

Carrillo, Marc. "Sobre el Tribunal de Luxemburgo y la tutela de derechos." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 39 (January 1, 2017): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.39.2017.19166.

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La cuestión prejudicial se ha convertido en un instrumento para la participación de los jueces nacionales en la interpretación del Derecho de la Unión Europea. Por su parte, el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión ha extendido su poder jurisdiccional sobre la tutela derechos fundamentales y, en cierto modo, ha desplazado a los tribunales constitucionales.The question referred for a preliminary ruling has become an instrument for the participation of national judges in the interpretation of European Union law. For its part, the Court of Justice of the Union has extended its jurisdictional power over the protection of fundamental rights and, to a certain extent, has displaced the constitutional courts.

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38

Günther, Wolfgang. "Defending institutional power? Unions’ positions towards the extension of collective agreements in Finland, Germany, and the Netherlands." Zeitschrift für Sozialreform 67, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 333–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zsr-2021-0012.

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Abstract Statutory bargaining extensions of collective agreements are an effective instrument to stabilise multi-employer bargaining. For unions, this means tensions between the logic of influence and membership. On the one hand, the extension constitutes a central institutional power resource. On the other hand, it might impede collective action if workers are covered without contributing. This article analyses unions’ preferences for extensions in Germany, the Netherlands and Finland, three countries that differ in union power and the trajectories of their bargaining institutions. The article has two findings. First, unions value extensions as a power resource because they prevent wage dumping. Second, union-supporting institutions counteract free-riding. Given new legislative efforts at the EU level, statutory extensions could become more important in the future.

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39

Gavin, Mihajla, Scott Fitzgerald, and Susan McGrath-Champ. "From marketising to empowering: Evaluating union responses to devolutionary policies in education." Economic and Labour Relations Review 33, no. 1 (February 10, 2022): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10353046221077276.

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Major reforms in education, globally, have focused on increased accountability and devolution of responsibility to the local school level to improve the efficiency and quality of education. While emerging research is considering implications of these changed governance arrangements at both a school and system level, little attention has been afforded to teacher union responses to devolutionary reform, despite teaching being a highly union-organised profession and the endurance of decentralising-style reforms in education for over 40 years. Drawing upon a power resources approach, this article examines union responses in cases of devolutionary reform in a populous Australian state. Through analysing evolving policy discourse, from anti-bureaucratic, managerialising rhetoric to a ‘post-bureaucratic, empowerment’ agenda, this article contributes to understandings of union power for resisting decentralising, neoliberal policy agendas by exposing the limits of public sector unions mobilising traditional power resources and arguing for strengthening of discursive and symbolic power. JEL Code: J5

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40

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46

Morin, Annaïg. "Cyclicality of wages and union power." Labour Economics 48 (October 2017): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.labeco.2017.06.001.

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49

Steunenberg, Bernard, Dieter Schmidtchen, and Christian Koboldt. "Strategic Power in the European Union." Journal of Theoretical Politics 11, no. 3 (July 1999): 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951692899011003005.

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Kazin, Michael. "There Is Power in This Union." Dissent 66, no. 1 (2019): 73–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2019.0012.

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