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Статті в журналах з теми "Postcolonial Army"
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Roper, Danielle, and Traci-Ann Wint. "The Tambourine Army." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8604466.
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In 2017 the radical women’s rights group known as the Tambourine Army emerged in response to gender-based violence, sexual abuse, and structures of impunity in Jamaica. The group used hashtags, organized marches, and teach-ins to encourage women to speak out against their abusers, to break the silence surrounding sexual abuse, and to advocate for survivors. Situating the Tambourine Army within traditions of women’s protest and contemporary forms of cyberactivism in the Caribbean, this essay examines the ways the group enacted a sonic disruption to the public and cyber spheres. It chronicles the rise of the movement, explores the centrality of the digital in the members’ activism, and assesses the methods deployed in the group’s contestation of postcolonial ideals of respectability.
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Maringira, Godfrey. "Politics, Privileges, and Loyalty in the Zimbabwe National Army." African Studies Review 60, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.1.
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Abstract:In postcolonial Africa, the military has become an actor in politics, often in ways that can be described as unprofessional. This paper focuses on the manner in which the Zimbabwean National Army (ZNA) has become heavily politicized since independence, directly supporting the regime of President Robert Mugabe while denigrating the opposition political party. The military metamorphosed, to all intents, into an extension of President Mugabe’s political party, the ZANU-PF. I argue that even though the military is expected to subordinate itself to a civilian government, the ZNA is highly unprofessional, in- and outside the army barracks. The ways in which politics came to be mediated by army generals, as “war veterans” serving in the military, directly influenced not only how soldiers who joined the army in postindependence Zimbabwe were promoted and demoted, but how they lived their lives as soldiers in the army barracks. This article is based on fifty-eight life histories of army deserters living in exile in South Africa.
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Galal, Ehab. "Egyptian imaginaries of resistance: Cinematic remembrance of the Suez crisis." Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 14, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00033_1.
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Current politics in Egypt has revived the idea of a strong connection between the army, the Egyptian people and its leaders. This imaginary was introduced by Egyptian cinema about the time of the 1952 revolution. In the early days of national independence, the Suez crisis of 1956 in particular holds the symbols and images needed to create the set of semantics supporting this imaginary. Based on theories on national and postcolonial imaginaries, I analyse two Egyptian films on the Suez crisis: Port Said from 1957 and Maliqat al-Bihar (Giants of the Sea) from 1960 including shorter references to other films from the period. By examining the postcolonial semantics of these films, I identify three elements that together retell the Egyptian nation. First, the Suez crisis is pictured as eliminating the colonial enemies due to the actions of strong leaders. Second, a pan-Arab alliance is installed. Third, enemies from within are disconnected from the true Egyptian assessed by loyalty to the nation. The result is a strong imaginary of the correlation between the army, people and in particular its leaders.
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Danang Bagus Juliantono and Taufik Nurhadi. "RESISTENSI TERHADAP KOLONIALISME DALAM NOVEL GERHANA MERAH KAJIAN POSTKOLONIAL." Buana Bastra 6, no. 2 (February 3, 2022): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36456/bastra.vol6.no2.a5040.
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This study aims to describe the form of resistance to colonialism in the Red Eclipse novel . The theory used in this study is postcolonialism to see the forms of resistance contained in the novel. In postcolonial theory there are elements of resistance, namely passive resistance and radical resistance, namely hybridity, ambivalence, decolonization and anticolonialism carried out by characters in novels who experience colonialism. The method used in this study, namely a qualitative approach. Data from this study are in the form of words, sentences and paragraphs that describe colonialism in the novel . The data source in this study is the Red Eclipse novel written by Muhammad Sholihin. Data collection in this study uses documentation techniques. The step of analyzing by reading, interpreting and concluding. The results of this study were postcolonial not as something that came after colonialism and signaled the death of colonialism, but more loosely regarded as a resistance to colonial domination, and in the Red Eclipse novel there were two forms of resistance to colonialism namely passive resistance and radical resistance. Passive resistance is shown by the natives with the manifestation of themselves to refuse, namely a resistance that uses other means to maintain cultural identity and ownership. While Radical Resistance acts like an army or combat army, the struggle to liberate the nation from colonialism. organized movement plans, which are carried out by attacking directly.
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Salar Abdulqadr, Kezhan, and Kawthar Hiwa Mohammed. "The Binational Interpreter in Kachachi’s The American Granddaughter: A Postcolonial Study." Arab World English Journal 1, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awej/kust.13.
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This research paper is an attempt at describing and applying the postcolonial theory to the novel titled The American Granddaughter(2021) by the Iraqi novelist Inaam Kachachi. This is achieved by examining the main character in the novel, Zeina, who works as an interpreter for the American army. Zeina experiences a complex anxiety in America. Her anxiety has come from the differences between the Iraqi and American nationalities which mislead her to be a binational character in the work. She confronts trauma in the story and struggles to know where she really belongs. She wants to find her roots based on postcolonialism, identity crisis, heritage, tradition, and so on. These issues constitute all the causes of the traumatization that Zeina faces as she embarks on the journey of confirming her nationality.
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Raitses, Rebecca. "A Harki History Lesson: Dalila Kerchouche’s Filiation Narrative Mon père, ce harki." European Journal of Life Writing 11 (April 21, 2022): AN11—AN27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ejlw.11.38656.
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This article reads Dalila Kerchouche’s Mon père, ce harki (My Father, this Harki) as a postcolonial filiation narrative, which blends memoir and biography, the personal and collective, the past and present. Lack of knowledge and a desire to see for herself the camps her parents and older siblings experienced prompts Kerchouche to adopt an investigative posture characterized by in situ exploration in conjunction with interviews and the consultation of archives. This allows the author to achieve a polyphonic account of the past. At the same time, her family serves as the prism through which she confronts the stigma attached to Harkis (Algerian soldiers hired by the French Army) and examines their unjust treatment in France.
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Popiel-Machnicki, Wawrzyniec. "Bronisława Grąbczewskiego postrzeganie Orientu w aspekcie rozważań postkolonialnych." Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 8 (July 22, 2021): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.8.17.
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The relations between Poland and Russia have been significantly affected by national liberation conflicts. After the 1863 January uprising, approximately 40,000 Poles were sent into remote parts of Russia. Bronisław Grąbczewski was a January insurgent’s son for whom history delivered a very different fate. As a young man, he voluntarily joined the tsar’s army, which allowed him to serve far from his motherland. Central Asia was his second home for almost twenty years as he explored it during numerous Russian expeditions, including the two he led himself. Travel diaries are his testimony of these expeditions which show the way he presents the Orient. The analysis of these diaries constitutes excellent material for postcolonial studies.
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Kim, Han Sang. "My Car Modernity: What the U.S. Army Brought to South Korean Cinematic Imagination about Modern Mobility." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 1 (January 8, 2016): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815001606.
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This article examines the cultural logic of mobilization in postcolonial South Korea, promoted through American cinematic representations. In early 1946, the U.S. Army Military Government in Korea started importing and distributing American propaganda films. These audiovisual textbooks for “free people” praised private car ownership and self-determined mobility, attracting audiences with scenes of automobiles and expressways. This might have encouraged audiences to imagine a self-regulating and untrammeled unit where they could choose their own destination, speed, and companions, symbolized in the ideal type of car-owning nuclear family. Such representational expressions of “maik'a” (my car) were closely linked with the global transition after World War II, such as the nuclearization of the family, the rise of the automobile industry, and the emergence of small screens at home. This shows how South Koreans were exposed to a new, liberal technology of government under U.S. hegemony, after the cessation of Japanese railway imperialism.
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Islam, Dr MD Rakibul, and DR Nazia Hasan. "Kim and Kip in the Mirror of Mimicry: A Postcolonial Study." Grove - Working Papers on English Studies 27 (December 14, 2020): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/grove.v27.a2.
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The research paper aims to give an accurate account of how Kirpal Singh/Kip in The English Patient by Michael Ondaatje copies the socio-cultural and linguistic norms of the Europeans (colonizers) unlike Kipling’s Kim who emulates the Eastern people (colonized) and their culture. They are examples of going through a long drawn process of growing up, looking into the mirror of mimicry. Kip joins the English army as a grown up, learns the need to show affinity to the new culture by way of imitation, adopting their ways to weave a comfort zone. Being different could be an assaulting fact for both sides, Kip is quick to realize that. But his childish view of looking down upon his native culture is the irony of mimicry. It wipes out the original being to rewrite a new identity. Kip leaves the small community sprouted accidentally in the Italian monastery, showing traces of a stricken conscience. Kim, by the virtue of living in close company of Indians, adopts their habits and manners without any qualm, in a most unconscious manner. He never worries to look or sound his original self which he has not experienced for long. Thus, a kind of reverse mimicry is his fate and character when we look at him as an outsider living as an Indian native. The ambivalence of their characters, presented by both, is an interesting aspect of mimicry. In the paper, we have used the views of postcolonial and cultural literary theorists on mimicry, deliberating upon how with the effect of both the processes, Kip and Kim, consciously or unconsciously, get their national identity peeled off, affixing new hybrid identity.
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Basu, Subho. "Local Alignments and Global Politics: Military Bureaucratic Axis, Subaltern Protests and Political Reversals in PostColonial Pakistan." Making of Contemporary Maldives: Isolation, Dictatorship and Democracy 2, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52823/zlud5785.
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In the Cold War environment of the 1950s, Pakistan army sought an alliance with the United States and the United Kingdom while they searched for allies in the Middle East and South Asia. At the same time, the military-bureaucratic establishment of Pakistan denied a democratic constitutional regime in the country and slowly transformed East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, into an internal colony. In East Pakistan, the pro-democracy movement was headed by Awami League (AL), a board coalition of constitutional autonomist and radical socialists and communist. Within the AL, Maulana Bhashani, a radical cleric, and his left wigs followers read into the global politics of Cold War alignment between the Pakistan and the USA to be a critical hindrance toward the democratization of politely, but constitutional autonomists within AL remained committed toward the Cold War military alliance. This lead to a split in the AL Consequently, In the wake of Suez War, global politics impinged upon local political alignment as much as local political alignment informed and influenced global politics in Pakistan.
Дисертації з теми "Postcolonial Army"
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Fitch-McCullough, Robin James. "Imperial Influence On The Postcolonial Indian Army, 1945-1973." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2017. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/763.
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The British Indian Army, formed from the old presidency armies of the East India Company in 1895, was one of the pillars upon which Britain’s world empire rested. While much has been written on the colonial and global campaigns fought by the Indian Army as a tool of imperial power, comparatively little has been written about the transition of the army from British to Indian control after the end of the Second World War. While independence meant the transition of the force from imperial rule to that of civilian oversight by India’s new national leadership, the Dominion of India inherited thousands of former colonial soldiers, including two generations of British and Indian officers indoctrinated in military and cultural practices developed in the United Kingdom, in colonial India and across the British Empire.
The goal of this paper is to examine the legacy of the British Empire on the narrative, ethos, culture, tactics and strategies employed by the Indian Army after 1945, when the army began to transition from British to Indian rule, up to 1973 when the government of India reinstituted the imperial rank of Field Marshal. While other former imperial officers would continue to serve in the army up to the end of the 20th century, the first thirty years after independence were a formative period in the history of the Indian Army, that saw it fight four major wars and see the final departure of white British officers from its ranks. While it became during this time a truly national army, the years after independence were one in which its legacy as an arm of imperial power was debated, and eventually transformed into a key component of military identity in the post-colonial era.
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Antoniuk, Darusia Zoriana. "Postcolonial theory and the Soviet-Ukrainian context, reading Iurii Andrukhovych's 1989 collection of army tales as a post-colonial text." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape2/PQDD_0002/MQ59708.pdf.
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Lozano, Thierry. "Général GOUPIL : aléas, contingences et opportunités d’un parcours d’officier dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022REN20025.
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Cette thèse poursuit deux objectifs. Le premier est de présenter la biographie de Bernard Goupil, Saint-Cyrien de la promotion « Leclerc » 1946-1948. A titre d’exemplarité, elle participe au développement d’une prosopographie du groupe des officiers de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Le deuxième objectif est d’étudier la singularité d’un parcours de ses continuités, de ses ruptures et bifurcations. Entre idéaltype et exceptionnalité, l’observation de ce parcours révèle les processus et logique de sélection à l’œuvre au sein de l’institution militaire pour récompenser les meilleurs éléments. Cependant cette sélection n’est pas toujours rationnelle et dépend fortement des contextes politico-militairesThis thesis has two objectives. The first is to present the biography of Bernard Goupil, Saint-Cyrien of the "Leclerc" class 1946-1948. As an example, it will be a question of participating in the development of a prosopography of the group of officers of the second half of the 20th century. The second objective is to study the singularity of a journey of its continuities, its ruptures and bifurcations. Between ideal-type and exceptionality, the observation of this pathway reveals the processes and logic of selection in action within the military institution to reward the best elements. However, this selection is not always rational and highly depends on politico-military contexts
Книги з теми "Postcolonial Army"
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Nuclear Desire: Power and the Postcolonial Nuclear Order. Univ Of Minnesota Press, 2014.
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Ryan, Eileen. Essay on Sources. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673796.003.0008.
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In 1978 the Centre for Libyan Studies in Tripoli began organizing the collection and preservation of oral testimonies from former mujahidin, those who had taken up arms against the Italian occupation. The collection provides an invaluable source of memories of warfare and resistance in colonial North Africa. At the same time, however, it poses certain challenges to historians. The structure of the interviews emphasized military history over daily life in colonial Libya, and the context of Qadhafi’s Libya required a myopic focus on armed resistance that obscures the wide variety of responses to Italian occupation. Nevertheless, the collection provides a rich source of colonial history and postcolonial memorialization.
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Rossdale, Chris. Resisting Militarism. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474443036.001.0001.
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In the past 15 years, anti-militarist activists in the UK have auctioned off a tank outside an arms fair, superglued themselves to Lockheed Martin’s central London offices and stopped a battleship with a canoe. They have also challenged militarism on an everyday level in many other ways. This book tells the story of their resistance. It explores why anti-militarists take part in such actions, considers the politics of different tactics and examines the tensions and debates within the movement. Resisting Militarism draws on a range of critical theoretical traditions including anarchist, feminist, postcolonial, poststructural and queer theory. These are engaged to both animate and interrogate anti-militarist politics, with particular emphasis placed on activists’ use of prefigurative direct action. As it explores the multifaceted, imaginative and highly subversive world of anti-militarism, the book also makes two overarching arguments. First, that anti-militarists can help us to understand militarism in novel and useful ways. And secondly, that the methods and ideas used by anti-militarists can be a potent force for radical political change.
Частини книг з теми "Postcolonial Army"
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Elliott, Denielle. "The Walter Reed Project/US Army Research Unit." In Reimagining Science and Statecraft in Postcolonial Kenya, 121–23. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge contemporary Africa series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315163840-19.
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Wyss, Marco. "Conclusion." In Postcolonial Security, 294–302. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843023.003.0010.
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In the early hours of 15 January 1966, the so-called majors’ coup was set in motion in Nigeria. Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was first kidnapped, and then murdered by the roadside when the insurgents had to flee Lagos in the face of advancing loyal army units. Many of the Nigerian prime minister’s closest political associates and high-ranking military leaders shared the same or at least a similar destiny....
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Wyss, Marco. "A French Prerogative." In Postcolonial Security, 187–222. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843023.003.0007.
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In contrast to Nigeria, there had not been any real planning for the creation of national armed forces in Côte d’Ivoire in the late 1950s. Houphouët-Boigny relied on the protection of the French-led Community army, and de Gaulle continued to expect Ivorian contributions in manpower. The situation changed, however, in the wake of the abrupt end of the Community and Houphouët-Boigny’s sudden march towards independence. Despite Franco-Ivorian frictions during the transfer of power, however, the Ivorian leader expected and could eventually count on French military assistance. But France’s exclusive military assistance role nevertheless came to be challenged from unexpected quarters, with the Ivorian civic service being built up with Israeli assistance. But even though the French were at the time probably the Israelis’ closest Western security partners, and retained control of the purely military assistance to the Ivorian armed forces, they actively and successively sought to reduce Israel’s involvement.
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"Chapter 3 A Chameleonlike Army: Civic Action, a Postcolonial Strategy." In Silenced Communities, 68–90. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781785336881-006.
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Saxena, Akshya. "Sound." In Vernacular English, 124–47. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691219981.003.0005.
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This chapter looks at the English language as part of global protest vocabulary where it is used to speak back to the Indian state. In a 2004 landmark protest against years of army presence in the state of Manipur in Northeast India, twelve women stood naked in front of the army base to protest the rape and murder of a young woman named Manorama by members of the armed forces. Raising the English-language slogan of “Indian Army Rape Us / We Are All Manorama's Mothers,” they used the language of the democratic state to challenge its authority. Northeast India as a geopolitical category and Northeast Indian literature as a body of work both become legible in the postcolonial state's use of English. The chapter argues that the women's political and phonological—figurative and literal—voice offers a decolonial lineage of a mother tongue in English. With a discussion of contemporary literature by northeastern writers like Temsula Ao and Yumlembam Ibomcha, it also reveals the emergence of the English language as specifically aural—an instance of speaking English, of Anglophony—as it represents the nonvocal and vocal soundscapes of military violence and human suffering.
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Stavrianakis, Anna. "Towards a Postcolonial, Anti-Racist, Anti-Militarist Feminist Mode of Weapons Control." In New Directions in Women, Peace and Security, 153–68. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529207743.003.0010.
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The last decade has seen some notable feminist successes in the regulation of the international arms trade, one of the ‘hardest’ areas of international security. Nonetheless, they have not been straightforward or clear-cut gains. Feminist critiques of militarism indicate the scale of the ongoing challenges around weapons control. Furthermore, feminist analysis has long had an ambivalent relationship with anti-racist and postcolonial politics. The argument of this chapter is that efforts to integrate gender into initiatives to regulate or abolish the arms trade are inadequate unless they also centre racial and postcolonial politics within and between states and unless they address more directly the question of when the use of force is justified. The chapter discusses the overlapping imperatives of postcolonial, anti-racist and anti-militarist politics for feminist modes of weapons control as a contribution to the next generation of WPS scholarship.
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Stump, Roger W. "Religion and the Geographies of War." In The Geography of War and Peace. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195162080.003.0014.
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Religious meanings and concerns have had a prominent role in a wide variety of political conflicts in recent decades. After the Six-Day War in 1967, for example, religious Zionists interpreted Israel’s victory in explicitly religious terms and saw Israeli occupation of the ancient lands of Judea and Samaria in the West Bank and of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem as evidence that the divine redemption of the Jewish people was at hand. Muslims, in contrast, saw Israeli occupation of the Old City of Jerusalem as a threat to al-Haram al-Sharif, the sacred compound atop the Temple Mount and one of Islam’s most revered sites. Radical Islamists have cast many other conflicts in religious terms, including the war against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan during the 1980s, the civil war in Bosnia in the early 1990s, and the conflict between Chechen separatists and Russia that started in the mid-1990s. Interpreting these conflicts as attacks on the global Muslim community, radicals from various Muslim countries took up arms in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Chechnya in defense of Islam. Out of these contexts, al-Qaeda emerged in the late 1980s and 1990s as a transstate terrorist army that focuses on more dispersed, symbolic targets in its war against Western antagonists. On a regional scale, tensions between India and Pakistan have contained an overt religious dimension since independence, exacerbated by the rising influence of Hindu and Muslim fundamentalisms in the region. This religious dimension found symbolic expression in the late 1980s and 1990s through military nomenclature, with Pakistani missile systems that bore names linked to the early Muslim conquests of northern India (Ghauri, Ghaznavi), and India’s deployment of missile systems named after principal Vedic deities (Agni, Surya) and a Hindu hero in the wars against Muslim conquest (Prithvi). In Africa, political violence has arisen in various states out of postcolonial competition among traditional animists, Muslims, and Christians. In Sudan, for example, conflict between the Muslim majority in the north and animist and Christian minorities in the south has provoked a devastating civil war. These examples illustrate the persistent complexity of the intersection of religious meanings and war.
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Khadraoui-Fortune, Sophia. "The Abolition of Slavery." In Postcolonial Realms of Memory, translated by Andrea Lloyd, 195–203. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620665.003.0018.
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April 24th 1998, a two-meter-high iron statue of a slave, arms raised towards the sky, breaking free from his/her chains, was erected clandestinely in Nantes, the primary French slave port of the eighteenth century. Faced with the local government’s refusal to erect a statue commemorating the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery, the Mémoire de l’Outre-Mer association decided, in secret, to commission a sculpture. Following the organization’s initial success of hijacking the inauguration, the statue was vandalized. It soon became a performative monument, a memorial palimpsest, and a centre stage of a symbolic combat where opponents and supporters clashed. This essay reveals the democratic praxis at the heart of this commemoration debate. With both the pressure of citizens on the political body, and the triple practice of diversion, subversion, and taking hostage of (public) space, the association thwarts the writing and power strategies of the city of Nantes and its culture of silence. Mémoire de l’Outre-Mer not only resists official discourse but subsequently imposes its own version of French history on the whitened pages of France’s colonial narrative, thus reclaiming a past, a story, an identity, by bringing to light existences and testimonies, and defining new lieux de parole.
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Ellis, Stephen, Solofo Randrianja, and Jean-François Bayart. "The Roots of African Corruption." In Charlatans, Spirits and Rebels in Africa, edited by Tim Kelsall, 509–22. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197661611.003.0020.
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Abstract This chapter argues that in broad swaths of Africa, many types of corrupt practice are not the deviant behavior of a small minority--they are a standard mode of transacting political and financial business. The article traces the historical roots of this phenomenon, explaining how hollowed out institutions of the postcolonial state have been used by secret services, money launderers, offshore bankers, corporate lawyers, sanctions busters, drug traffickers, arms smugglers, political elites and others for personal gain. Underlying this is the imposition of legal-rational institutions by colonial powers on indigenous societies, the economic decline that has beset the continent since the 1970s, and a perception on the part of African leaders that the international system is rigged against them. As long as this mood prevails, corruption in Africa will continue.