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1
Kubota, Yuichi. "Reconsidering the settlement of civil conflict." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 2 (June 2018): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118779281.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The settlement of civil conflict is highly relevant to both policy agendas and academic research. It is often difficult to bring to the negotiation table conflict parties who have long harbored hostility towards each other during the conflict. Even if the parties come to negotiation, it is often an arduous task to reach an agreement because the post-conflict embarkation comes with political uncertainty for the future. This special issue is aimed at addressing civil-conflict settlement from two different angles. First, it attempts to understand the requisite conditions for the successful settlement of armed civil conflicts. Second, it has a particular interest in the post-conflict design of political institutions. The academic contribution of the articles lies in theoretical advancement as it applies to the settlement of civil conflict. Each contribution adds a nuanced understanding of civil-conflict settlement to the relevant literature. The articles provide insight into the successful conditions of conflict settlement and post-conflict institutional design, such as power-sharing and the management of resources.
2
Muharma Putra, Ikhsan, Rinel Fitlayeni, Marleni Marleni, Afrizal Afrizal, and Indraddin Indraddin. "Third Party Involvement in The Settlement of Pasar Raya Conflict Post-earthquake 2009." mamangan 8, no. 1 (June 2019): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.2950.
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Muharma Putra, Ikhsan, Rinel Fitlayeni, Marleni Marleni, Afrizal Afrizal, and Indraddin Indraddin. "Third Party Involvement in The Settlement of Pasar Raya Conflict Post-earthquake 2009." mamangan 8, no. 1 (June 2019): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.2950.
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Muharma Putra, Ikhsan, Rinel Fitlayeni, Marleni Marleni, Afrizal Afrizal, and Indraddin Indraddin. "Third Party Involvement in The Settlement of Pasar Raya Conflict Post-earthquake 2009." mamangan 8, no. 1 (June 2019): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.2950.v8.i1.
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Matanock, Aila M. "Bullets for Ballots: Electoral Participation Provisions and Enduring Peace after Civil Conflict." International Security 41, no. 4 (April 2017): 93–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00275.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why does fighting recur following some civil conflict peace settlements, but not others? What kind of agreements are associated with more enduring peace? Post-conflict elections can often complicate and even undermine peace agreements. Agreements that contain “electoral participation provisions,” however, may help stabilize settlements and produce more enduring peace. Electoral participation provisions mandate that rebel groups be allowed to compete alongside the government in post-conflict elections. Such provisions encourage external actors, such as intergovernmental organizations and foreign donors, to become engaged in post-conflict elections. As part of this engagement, they can provide incentives to the parties to adhere to the terms of the settlement, as well as detect and sanction instances of noncompliance. New cross-national data suggest that conflict after peace settlements recurs less often when electoral participation provisions are included than when they are not. The data also suggest that this pacifying relationship holds when combatants expect international engagement.
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Dabaieh, M., and M. Andriasyan. "VERNACULAR REHABILITATION AND REBUILDING FOR POST-CONFLICT MIGRATION AND RESETTLING." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLIV-M-1-2020 (July 24, 2020): 901–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xliv-m-1-2020-901-2020.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract. Internal and external migration from vernacular settlements is not a new phenomenon. However, the scale and scope increased when forced migration is becoming exacerbated due to both armed conflicts and climate change. Political tensions are one of the most common threats to vernacular dwellings in conflict areas. Not only do destruction and vandalism cause harm to vernacular architecture, but people living in vernacular buildings are often forced to leave their homes in order to seek safety. On the other hand, vernacular architecture can help refugee crises in hosting countries. Billions of dollars are invested in establishing temporary refugee camps, yet we know for a fact they are rarely temporary. People stay in such camps for decades, commonly Cons located on the outskirts of cities, where vernacular settlements also tend to be. Investments in rebuilding, restoring and reusing vernacular settlements can be a win-win situation. The time and cost of the rehabilitation process might also not be suitable to many camps, or camp-like, contexts. Also, encounters some regulations for listed vernacular heritage sites that cannot be used as dwellings and must be kept as open museums. In this study, a proposal for reusing and rehabilitating vernacular settlements will be discussed together with reflections on challenges and obstacles. The case study chosen for this research is in the Middle East, where the majority of refugees settled after the Arab Spring. This paper demonstrates a methodology in which algorithmic modelling is applied to refugee settlement site planning.
7
Korhonen, Outi. "International Governance in Post-Conflict Situations." Leiden Journal of International Law 14, no. 3 (September 2001): 495–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156501000267.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
International organisations have recently assumed a more intrusive role in settling conflicts in all continents. At the same time, post-conflict or post-settlement tasks seem to be emerging as an important function, encompassing the conduct of democratic elections, the guarantee of security, development of civil society, etc. In order to operationalise such wide-ranging and deeply intrusive social aims it is not sufficient to have peace-keepers or elections monitoring missions sent into the conflict-torn territories. Concentrated and centrally planned efforts of international governance are needed. In the present day, however, there is no such systematic scheme to which to refer. Yet institutional structures are needed to administer the extensive tasks and functions assigned in certain post-conflict situations. Therefore many questions of legitimacy and fundamental accountability arise.
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Olson Lounsbery, Marie, and Frederic S. Pearson. "Conflict Settlement and Outcomes of Post‐Cold War International Military Interventions." Peace & Change 45, no. 4 (August 19, 2020): 543–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pech.12427.
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Edith Ruth, Natukunda-Togboa. "Peace, Culture and Communication: “Languaging” Post-conflict Disputes." English Linguistics Research 6, no. 4 (December 18, 2017): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v6n4p79.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Language, which is rarely neutral, shapes perception and behavior. Consequently, it plays an important role in relation to conflict and peace. The language of conflict usually functions on the basis of using differences to promote violence. Interviews conducted on land disputes in the post-conflict context of Northern Uganda, showed that language can be used to reduce these differences and affirm dignity thus diffusing tensions. Our preceding studies of conflict discourse within returnee communities have endeavored to show how language use, by imposing certain misrepresentations as legitimate, undermines efforts of social reintegration, perpetuates conditions of negative peace and can pose a threat of returning to conflict.In this study of Gulu elders dealing with post-conflict disputes, language is perceived as a tool of positive peace. Borrowing from the sociocultural theory of mind and its application to concepts of language, the paper shows how language can foster open and inclusive communication and support the pursuit of peaceful cohabitation within returnee communities. It goes on to demonstrate how language, within the cultural institutions of returnee communities, constitutes power that can be used in “languaging” conflict resolution. According to the study, language has embedded within it actual relations of power, so much so that those who control it exercise an enormous influence on how the communities perceive conflict and peace-building and what behaviors they accept in relation to resolving post-conflict disputes.Consequently, the quick revitalization of traditional arrangements of dispute settlement has been possible in the area of Gulu because language is a strong social institution which has enhanced the efforts of peace maintenance in the Acholi post conflict context. Languaging or talking through disputes as an alternative discourse to conflict should be embraced as a strategy of empowering the voiceless. It is an effective and sustainable cost effective strategy for dealing with cyclic disputes especially when applied as complementary to other dispute settlement approaches.
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Lewis, David G., and Saniya Sagnayeva. "Corruption, patronage and illiberal peace: forging political settlement in post-conflict Kyrgyzstan." Third World Quarterly 41, no. 1 (August 5, 2019): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2019.1642102.
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Kosolapov, Mikhail. "Internationalization of constitutions in the context of the post-conflict settlement process." Право и государство: теория и практика, no. 9 (2021): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1337_2021_9_57.
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Karasova, Tatiana A. "Biden Priorities and Possible Strategy for Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Settlement." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2021): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017648-9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Israeli-U.S. relations are an important factor in U.S. policy in the Middle East. USA maintain Israel as a strategic ally and Israel was granted American “major non-NATO ally” status. United States actively influenced the Israeli regional policy. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement was always America’ the most priority area. Israelis and Americans share the view that the United States has a predominant role and responsibility in the Palestinians - Israeli dispute peace-making. The two-state outcome and critical issue over Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem was a topic of American concerns for a long time relied on bipartisanship support of Democrats and Republicans. During Osama’s presidency D. Biden held post of deputy president and supported no new ideas for restarting negotiations between the sides of the conflict but its policies have failed, from Israel’s refusal to freeze settlement. The next Trump administration however was the “most pro-Israel ever”. Trump’s White House led a radical departure from the U.S.’s traditional role as the honest broker between Israelis and Palestinians. Biden’s victory in 2021 signals restructure Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts, rehabilitating a durable two-state formula that establishes political, territorial, and demographic separation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). But uunlike the Obama and Trump administrations, the Biden administration doesn't see the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a foreign policy priority. The question is: what really a Biden presidency might mean for the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?
13
Melnychenko, N. "International legal support of post-conflict settlement (on the example of the UN practice)." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 69 (April 15, 2022): 451–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.69.74.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article considers the legitimate possibilities of involving the UN in a post-conflict settlement. The history of formation of the institute of peacebuilding in the system of bodies of this organization is analyzed. Institutional and regulatory mechanisms for the application of peacekeeping operations have been identified. The peculiarities of the creation of the UN police force with the functions of monitoring the observance of the ceasefire regime in conflict zones are revealed. The definition of peacekeeping operations is described and the mechanism of their establishment by the adoption of UN Security Council resolutions is described. The article states that it was the UN that helped end the war in the Congo (1964), Iran and Iraq (1988), El Salvador (1992) and Guatemala (1996). The United Nations has made significant contributions to peace in Mozambique (1994), Sierra Leone (2005), and the declaration of independence of East Timor (2002). If the parties to the conflict do not comply, "all necessary measures" may be taken, including military action as carried out to restore Kuwait's sovereignty (1991), to deliver humanitarian aid to Somalia (1992), to restore the democratically elected Government of Haiti (1994) or to restore peace and security in East Timor in 1999.
It is determined that in the practice of the UN such means of peacekeeping as preventive diplomacy, peace-making, peace-keeping, peace-keeping, peace-enforcement and peacebuilding in the post-conflict period have been formed. -building). The article focuses on the Peacebuilding Commission, which serves as an intermediate link between peacekeeping and post-conflict operations. The main tasks of the Commission are to establish links between all parties to coordinate actions and ensure genuine post-conflict activities. Currently, several countries are on the agenda of the Peacebuilding Commission: Burundi, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the Central African Republic.
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TUMOV, A. A. "ILLIBERAL PEACEBUILDING AND REGIONAL POLITICAL DYNAMICS IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA." Kavkazologiya, no. 4 (2021): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2021-4-205-232.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the post-Soviet period, the North Caucasus has been in the focus of Russian peacebuilding practices. Analysing the developments in Kabardino-Balkaria, we demonstrated the causal relationship between stabilisation by the federal centre and regional political dynamics. We used the framework drawn from conflict studies to interpret the strategies implemented by the national government and political settlement analysis to describe the dominant political settlements that emerged under the successive heads of the republic. The first political settlement was a result of institutional arrangement within a broad elite coalition with the late-Soviet nomenklatura in its foundation. Indirect rule by Moscow amounted to transfers of budget subventions in exchange for the provision of relative stability in the region. In the early 2000s, this political settlement failed to effectively respond to internal political problems; amidst federal recentralisation, the new political settlement was established in the republic. It was marked by reduced inclusivity of elites and greater dependence on the federal centre. This political settlement lacked success in tackling complications of elite cleavages and religious violence. In 2013, Moscow replaced the republican governor and constructed a new institutional arrangement with larger subservience to federal elites and substantial attention to security matters. Thus, peacebuilding practices implemented by the centre sought to stabilise the situation in the region; it resulted in a successful tightening of vertical elite control but at the cost of reducing the inclusiveness of the political system within Kabardino-Balkaria.
15
SUTEU, SILVIA. "Eternity clauses in post-conflict and post-authoritarian constitution-making: Promise and limits." Global Constitutionalism 6, no. 1 (March 2017): 63–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381716000265.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract:The literature on entrenchment as a means to achieve constitutional endurance has grown in recent years, as has the scholarship on unamendable provisions as a mechanism intended to safeguard the constitutional project. However, little attention has been paid to the promise and limits of eternity clauses in transitional settings. Their appeal in this context is great. In an effort to safeguard hard-fought agreements, drafters often declare unamendable what they consider the fundamentals to the political deal: the number of presidential term limits, the commitment to human rights and to democracy, the form of the state (whether republican or monarchical), the territorial integrity of the state, the territorial division of power, secularism or the official religion. This article explores the distinctive role and problems posed by eternity clauses in transitional constitution-building, as guarantees of the pre-constitutional political settlement in such fragile periods. The article also compares unamendability to other techniques of constitution-making in uncertain times, such as sunset clauses, deferring hard choices and other forms of constitutional incrementalism.
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Watson, Alison M. S. "Resilience is its own resistance: the place of children in post-conflict settlement." Critical Studies on Security 3, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2015.1014687.
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Muthama, Dennis Mbugua, Michael Barry, and Brian Ballantyne. "Improving Land Tenure Administration Effectiveness in a Post-Conflict Peri-Urban Mombasa Settlement." Urban Forum 31, no. 2 (December 13, 2019): 237–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12132-019-09382-4.
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Putra, Ikhsan Muharma, Rinel Fitlayeni, Marleni Marleni, Afrizal Afrizal, and Indraddin Indraddin. "Third Party Involvement in The Settlement of Pasar Raya Conflict Post-earthquake 2009." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Mamangan 8, no. 1 (June 29, 2019): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.v8i1.2950.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The market is a place for socio-economic activities in the regional economic growth. The existence of the main market began to be disrupted since the September 30th, 2009 earthquake, resulting in damage to the buildings of Pasar Raya Padang. Rapid handling was made by the Padang City Government through the construction of emergency stalls in the form of stalls along Jalan Sandang Pangan. The construction of emergency kiosks was opposed by some traders because of declining income and lack of visitors. This condition triggered a prolonged conflict for five years (2009-2014). The length of this conflict process makes it important to be explored further with regard to the involvement of third parties in resolving the post-2009 earthquake market conflict. This study uses a qualitative approach with the type of descriptive research. Informants in this study were determined by intentional (purposive). Informants who contributed to this finding were 14 people with 5 women and 9 men. This research shows that the third party is the Regional Representative Council of the City of Padang and the National Commission on Human Rights (KOMNASHAM) of the Republic of Indonesia. The third party involvement carried out by the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) was hearing to the traders of Pasar Raya Padang and involving their representatives at hearings, working meetings of DPRD which discussed issues related to commission II. The next role is the role as the guardian of the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction process and striving for the realization of the budgeting in the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget (APBD) in accordance with the needs of traders. Whereas the KOMNASHAM has a position and commitment not in line with the conflicting parties, but its role as a human rights guard positions it structurally as a neutral mediator.
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Lieberfeld, Daniel. "Political leadership, peacemaking, and post-conflict reconciliation: Xanana Gusmão and East Timor." Leadership 14, no. 1 (November 3, 2015): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715015614090.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How and to what extent can individual leaders affect policy making during and after violent political conflicts? Why are some motivated to prioritize settlement and reconciliation? The article addresses these questions through a case study of Xanana Gusmão, who led the 24-year struggle against Indonesian military occupation in East Timor and became president. It assesses Gusmão’s influence on conflict and post-conflict policy takes a trait-based approach to understanding the motivations and capabilities of Gusmão and other “reconciliation-oriented leaders.”
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Nokhrin, I. M. "ABKHAZ-GEORGIAN ETHNOPOLITICAL CONFLICT AS A COMPLEX CONFLICT AND PROSPECTS FOR ITS SETTLEMENT." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-57-64.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper addresses the issue of Abkhaz-Georgian ethnopolitical conflict treating it as not a single process but as the complex case that consists of several consecutive self-sufficient conflicts or sub-conflicts during which different parties had various goals and escalated the situation trying to achieve miscellaneous aims. Although each of these sub-conflicts are looking like historical phases of one conflict, each of them has its own logic and, therefore, requires to be analyzed separately. The first sub-conflict of 1991-1994 can be quite accurately explained from the structuralist perspective as an attempt of the Abkhaz to reconsider their status and break the discriminative social structures developed during imperial and Soviet rule. The second phase 1994-2008 was the period of nationalist mobilization and the new clashes and atrocities were the result of the Georgian and Abkhaz elites’ intention to strengthen their legitimacy and power. Russia's role in this case fits well with the concept of "humanitarian intervention" and does not correspond to the Roger Brubaker’s famous “triadic nexus” (1996). Finally, the last phase of conflict since 2008 can be hardly called an ethnopolitical conflict itself since peace and the military status quo were established after the war of 2008 which neither side can challenge. Therefore, after 2008, it is more appropriate to speak about the need of post-conflict reconciliation instead of Abkhaz-Georgian ethnopolitical conflict. However, none of the parties has taken steps towards this reconciliation yet because the settlement of the conflict is impossible while it continues to be used for nationalist mobilization.
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Roussellier, Jacques Eric. "Quicksand in the Western Sahara? From Referendum Stalemate to Negotiated Solution." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 311–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741010.
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AbstractThe thirty-year old proxy conflict that has pitted Morocco against Algeria over the status of the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara, together with indigenous independence aspirations, continues to challenge conventional wisdom in conflict resolution. Largely ignored by the international community, the question of Western Sahara's future continues to have increased strategic relevance in geopolitical and economic terms. Not merely a standard post-colonial conflict among territorial integration, independent statehood, and partition, the Western Sahara issue elicits a deeper resonance of clashing national and ideological identities. No lasting settlement of the Western Sahara question seems imminent unless the current negotiation process factors in post-independence nation-building dynamics that underpin the conflict, feeds its resilience, and informs its complexity.
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Megiddo, Tamar, and Eyal Benvenisti. "Inclusion and Representation: The Settlement of Property Claims of the Dispossessed in the Aftermath of an Armed Conflict." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 21, no. 2 (July 28, 2020): 397–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2020-0019.
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AbstractThis Article examines the authority of states to settle individual private property claims in post–conflict negotiations towards settlement. We analyze this question by exploring the limits of states’ authority to take or limit private property rights for the public good. We argue that this authority rests on two cumulative justifications: the inclusion of the property owners among the public that stands to benefit from the public good, and their representation by the government that decides on the taking of the property. In post–conflict settlement, the negotiating states may redistribute both private property and the public good between and within their respective communities. Their authority to redistribute continues to rests on the same justifications of inclusion and representation. Hence, their authority extends only to the redistribution of property of owners who are members of the respective communities that negotiate the agreement, and who are represented by a negotiating government.
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Cristescu, Roxana. "The osce’s Mediation in the Transdniestrian Settlement Process." Security and Human Rights 27, no. 3-4 (September 9, 2016): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02703012.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article focuses on challenges to peace mediation in the post-Soviet context by looking at the the case study of the Transdniestrian (td) settlement process. It offers a brief overview of the osce led td process and aims to explain why the conflict has failed to “respond” to the osce (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) led mediation efforts. Highlighting key process design shortcomings, the article offers a series of recommendations to practitioners to improve mediation processes in the osce context.
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Dixon, William J. "Third-party techniques for preventing conflict escalation and promoting peaceful settlement." International Organization 50, no. 4 (1996): 653–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033543.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although agents employ a wide range of conflict management techniques in practice, scholars have evaluated only a few of these. A more complete empirical analysis of the spectrum of third-party procedures used to manage international crises reveals that two techniques in particular are most effective: mediation efforts and third-party activities to open or maintain lines of communication. The endpoints of preventing escalation and promoting peaceful settlement take into account the notion of conflict as a dynamic evolutionary process, consisting of several phases, which in turn affect the outcome of third-party management. Crisis management methods that have proved successful in a bipolar world may be similarly successful in the post-cold war environment, an issue future work must address.
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Gegelashvili, N. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Positions of Turkey and of the West." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2022): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-1-111-122.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article reveals Turkey’s new priorities after the events happened in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone in October 2020. For the first time in the history dealing with the settlement of ethno-political conflicts in the post-Soviet space, a precedent was created when Ankara, being not a post-Soviet country, but a regional power, got involved in the conflict and won. This dramatically changed the configuration of the entire Transcaucasus in the field of security, where, on the one hand, Armenia was involved in rivalry between Russia, Turkey and Iran, while on the other - Russia and Turkey launched competitive cooperation in the region.
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Owsiak, Andrew P., Allison K. Cuttner, and Brent Buck. "The International Border Agreements Dataset." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (July 8, 2016): 559–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216646978.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We introduce a dataset that focuses on the delimitation of interstate borders under international law—the International Border Agreements Dataset (IBAD). This dataset contains information on the agents involved in (e.g. states, third-parties, and colonial powers), methods used during (e.g. negotiation, mediation, arbitration, adjudication, administrative decrees, post-war conferences, and plebiscites), and outcomes of (e.g. full and intermediate agreements) the border settlement process during the period 1816–2001. Our focus on international legal agreements and the process that produces them makes the IBAD valuable for those that study not only territorial conflict, but also international conflict, cooperation, law, and conflict management.
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Doyle, Jessica Leigh, and Monica McWilliams. "What Difference Does Peace Make? Intimate Partner Violence and Violent Conflict in Northern Ireland." Violence Against Women 26, no. 2 (March 13, 2019): 139–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801219832902.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article investigates how the transition from violent conflict to peaceful political settlement has shaped intimate partner violence (IPV) in Northern Ireland focusing on three issues, which are policing, paramilitarism, and firearms. It does so on the basis of comparative analysis of interview findings with more than 100 women victims of IPV from across Northern Ireland conducted at two junctures: first in 1992 during a period of violent conflict, and later in 2016 at a time of enduring peace. The findings trace the changes that have occurred across these areas and highlight any problems that remain in the post-conflict environment.
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Kirkland, Richard. "Visualising Peace: Northern Irish Post-conflict Cinema and the Politics of Reconciliation." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 1, no. 2 (March 10, 2017): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v1i2.1426.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article seeks to build upon the range of critical work in this area that has identified the unique contours of the Northern Irish settlement and aims to interrogate some areas of policy and practice that encapsulate its contradictions, silences, and ellipses. Following this it will discuss two recent films, Kari Skogland’s Fifty Dead Men Walking (2008), and Oliver Hirschbiegel’s Five Minutes of Heaven (2009), that are in different ways shaped by the peace process as a historical event and which grant its abstract negotiations a material form. These films ultimately endorse, albeit in qualified ways, the peace process as it is currently constituted, but they also demonstrate a willingness to explore alternative ways of imagining the post-conflict condition and the relationship to violence that preceded it.
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Todorovski, Dimo, and Jossam Potel. "Exploring the Nexus between Displacement and Land Administration: The Case of Rwanda." Land 8, no. 4 (March 29, 2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land8040055.
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In conflict situations, many people are displaced because of hostility and arms in the area. Displaced people are forced to leave behind their properties, and this in turn interrupts the relationship between people and their land. The emergency period in particular has been identified as a weak point in the humanitarian response to land issues in post-conflict situations. In addition, during this period of response, most post-conflict governments do not prioritize land administration as an emergency issue due to other social, economic, security, and political challenges, which countries face in the immediate aftermath of the conflict. In the longer run, this results in post-conflict illegal land occupation, secondary occupation, numerous disputes and claims over land, and dysfunctional government institutions that legalize these illegal and secondary occupations. This research explores the nexus between displacement and land administration in a post-conflict context. It uses empirical data from fieldwork in Rwanda, and discusses how government interventions in land administration in emergency and early recovery periods of post-conflict situations affect future land administration during the reconstruction phase. The post-conflict Rwandan government envisaged proper land administration as a contributor to sustainable peace and security as it enhances social equity and prevents conflicts. Thus, it embarked on a nationwide systematic land registration program to register land all over the country with the aim of easing land administration practices and reducing successive land-related claims and disputes. However, the program faced many challenges, among which were continuous land claims and disputes. Our research anticipates these continued land claims and disputes are due to how land issues were handled in the emergency and early recovery period of the post-conflict Rwanda, especially during land sharing initiatives and Imidugudu (collective settlement policy).
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Shevchuk, N. V., and A. A. Sachik. "Germany’s Approaches to the Settlement of Contemporary International Conflicts in the post-Soviet Space." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 16, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 138–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2022-01-138-146.
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The article analyzes the mediation activity of Germany in the context of the common European approaches to the peaceful settlement of international conflicts.Aim. To identify the importance of German mediation for foreign policy and its impact on the promotion of peace initiatives in the Eurasian space. Compare the current mediation tactics used by Germany today.Tasks. To analyze the foreign policy instruments of the State in question to promote the peaceful settlement of conflicts in regions of political importance to it, including the post-Soviet space.Methods. The paper uses logical and comparative analysis, a method of working with regulatory legal acts.Results. Mediation serves as an important foreign policy tool of the state in question to promote the peaceful settlement of conflicts in regions of political importance to it, such as the post-Soviet space.Conclusion. The authors show the main approaches of the German Federal Government to crisis prevention, which are based on a broad concept of security. The article provides a categorization of the main instruments of Germany’s participation in mediation processes, namely: participation in formal formats of conflict resolution; participation in informal formats of conflict resolution; confidencebuilding measures. Analyzing the experience of Germany’s participation in peace processes in the postSoviet space, the authors come to the conclusion that the state tries to remain in the shadows, playing the role of a mediator in conflicts, while coordinating its actions with other active actors involved in the region.
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Latif, Ikhwan Rahmatika, Dyah Mutiarin, and Achmad Nurmandi. "The Quality of Peace in Post-Conflict Situation: A Comparative Study Between Armed Conflicts in Aceh and Bangsamoro." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.430.
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This article investigates the quality of peace in armed conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asia region. The authors compared the cases of Aceh, where the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement or GAM and the government of Republic Indonesia ended peacefully with the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding, with the conflict in the southern Philippines, where a peace agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, was successfully achieved between the government of Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This research employed document analysis to analyse the peace settlement documents of both parties and the derivative laws of the agreed settlements, as well as other relevant sources as the secondary data. All documents and sources were processed through the NVivo 12 application. The findings revealed that in both Aceh and Bangsamoro, the quality of peace is far from significant, for not all the terms of the agreements had been realised and there was still mutual suspicion prevailing between the two fighting parties. Therefore, what had been agreed upon in the Aceh and Bangsamoro post-conflict agreements must be accomplished as they should be in order to create a lasting peace, thereby allowing the people to experience a sufficient quality peace together.
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Drucza, Kristie. "Social inclusion in the post-conflict state of Nepal: Donor practice and the political settlement." Global Social Policy 17, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 62–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018116633559.
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Fragile states constitute a challenging operating environment. Yet, the role of development partner engagement on issues of social inclusion, identity politics, or horizontal inequalities in such fragile environments has not received the attention these complex issues warrant. The attitudes of development actors, their level of commitment, bias, risk management, and understanding of the political settlement can have a real bearing on the effectiveness of such efforts to promote inclusion. In Nepal, certain development partners have faced elite backlash for their engagement on social inclusion, while others have been more successful. This article asks what lessons can be learned from these experiences for those interested in promoting social inclusion in fragile states through development assistance.
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Bahinskyi, Andrii. "Mechanisms of transitional justice in overcoming the consequences of armed conflict." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(45) (December 14, 2020): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.1(45).226354.
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The article examines transitional justice as a set of post-conflict settlement measures. Today, transitional courts, truth commissions, amnesties, and reparations are transitional justice mechanisms that are widely and relatively effectively used to resolve conflicts around the world. Today, the mechanisms of transitional justice are also being improved to meet the needs of victims of armed conflict. Sociological research confirms that the combination of international and local dimensions of responsibility is an important demand on the part of victims of armed conflict.At the same time, the prosecution of perpetrators of crimes committed during armed conflict in modern conditions concerns individual prosecution, which often goes beyond public prosecution. The state retains the obligation to bring perpetrators of crimes to justice, but this can be done through mechanisms of international law.The practice of post-conflict settlement is due to the fact that not all courts are equally effective in punishing those guilty of crimes and criminal prosecution is not always successful. Formal truth-seeking processes involving the investigation of past violations involve truth commissions. Another important mechanism of transitional justice is the politics of memory. The politics of memory as an element of transitional justice encompasses the work of states with a historical past.The combination of transitional state justice measures with the use of ad-hoc institutions allows for the restoration of justice in the most controversial dimensions of armed conflict. Peace is accelerating in the direction of autonomy and expansion of the mandates of transitional justice institutions, organized memory policy, effective cooperation of national and international institutions to determine their jurisdiction in human rights, sociological research on the needs of victims of armed conflict. Evaluation of the effectiveness of transitional justice mechanisms is possible only if their interconnectedness, interaction with civil society and the state are taken into account.
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Pant, Sambid Bilas. "Mediation Practices in Post-Conflict Situation in Nepal: The Way Forward." Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research 2, no. 2 (November 26, 2020): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sijssr.v2i2.33080.
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This paper aims to critically examine the increasing role of community mediation in the post-conflict situation in Nepal. The practice of community mediation at the professional level is in a preliminary stage in Nepal. Regardingthe peace settlement process and the state of community mediation in different countries, various efforts have been made in Nepal regarding community mediation. The country is gradually advancing towards community mediation practices in ensuring access to justice. Community mediation has been practiced for resolving disputes or conflict through the judicial committees (JCs) formed under the local government. The practices of conflicts or disputes resolution through community mediation have begun in Nepal at the individual or family level, school or community level, or at workplace. It is, therefore, vital to prevent the recurrence of conflicts or disputes through community mediation to ensure sustainable peace. Various efforts have been made to build the capacity of individuals and agencies to settle disputes and to ensure mutual trust and cooperation in Nepal. In the changing context, confronting COVID 19, building awareness, providing education and training to the mediators for community mediation is vital to execute JC practice in Nepal. Community mediation as an important aspect in ensuring sustainable peace in the spirit of the local government act is, therefore, very essential in Nepal.
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Bremer, Björn, and Sean McDaniel. "The ideational foundations of social democratic austerity in the context of the great recession." Socio-Economic Review 18, no. 2 (February 14, 2019): 439–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwz001.
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AbstractThe ‘austerity settlement’ has come to define the post-crisis European political economy. Since 2010, parties from across Europe’s political mainstream have implemented austerity and despite the apparent conflict with the interests of their traditional constituents, even social democratic parties have acquiesced to this settlement. However, within the existing literature ‘social democratic austerity’ is currently under-theorized as it is assumed to involve a rather straightforward adaptation of social democrats to neo- and/or ordoliberal ideas. Utilizing rich and original evidence from over 60 elite interviews with key social democratic stakeholders in France, Germany and the UK, this article contests this view. It demonstrates instead that a distinct set of ideas based on New Keynesianism, supply-side economics, and the social investment paradigm provide the ideational foundations for social democratic austerity post-crisis. Understanding this, it is argued, is critical in order to fully appreciate how and why austerity has become dominant in post-crisis Europe.
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Popescu, Nicu. "EU and the Eastern Neighbourhood: Reluctant Involvement in Conflict Resolution." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 4 (November 1, 2009): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009034.
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Abstract. The article deals with the European Union (EU) policy toward the post-Soviet secessionist conflicts in Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-arabakh. The article argues that, in order to understand the EU as a crisis management actor, one has to study not just the patterns of EU intervention in conflict resolution and the impact of its actions but also EU decision not to intervene. These have a huge explanatory potential for the understanding of the EU as a foreign policy actor. Thus the article analyses in detail not just what the EU does vis-à-vis the post-Soviet secessionist conflicts but also what it failed to do. It analyses EU decisions to appoint special envoys, send civilian crisis management operations and offer assistance to the conflict zones, but also draws lessons from EU’s refusal to consider the deployment of peacekeepers or the avoidance of conflict resolution strategies, which might upset Russia. The article concludes that EU intervention in conflict resolution is primarily driven by external constraints or opportunities rather than strategic design. When faced with a choice for possible intervention in conflict settlement, the EU tends to opt for the easier, rather than the necessary, foreign policy measures and tends to work around the hard issues of conflict resolution.
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Krasheninnikova, Elena Andreevna. "Religious Diplomacy in the Settlement of the Afghan Conflict: Opportunities and Limitations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 533–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-533-544.
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The article analyzes the potential of religious diplomacy in the settlement of the Afghan conflict. The Russian and foreign research discourses highlight the importance and examples of using religious channels as a tool of reducing tensions and resolving conflicts. However, the emphasis is mainly done on the Western practice of specialized (mainly Christian) institutions in preventing the escalation of existing conflicts. This article, in turn, is focused on the analysis of the latest, previously not studied examples of foreign policy initiatives of Islamic religious leaders in post-conflict Afghanistan. Current examples of the activity of Afghan theologians in national and international formats in mobilizing international condemnation of the methods of force against the government of the IRA are discussed. Based on the analysis of expert comments and reports of the media, it is concluded that the main task of the Afghan religious diplomacy to attract the support of the official Afghan authorities in Kabul from the Muslim world was only partially reached, since it was not possible to achieve a unanimous condemnation of the Taliban movement activities. However, in assessing the prospects for further use of religious channels to reduce mistrust and international tension, the author concludes that this tool is in demand in establishing a constructive dialogue with the societies of the Islamic world, overcoming the crisis of trust and preparing a favorable environment for future political dialogue. The author argues that the use of the peacekeeping potential of Islam in the settlement of the Afghan conflict has both potential and limitations due to the current international political situation around Afghanistan.
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TRUEVTSEV, K. M. "MIDDLE EAST: MORPHOLOGY OF AND POST-CONFLICT DESIGN." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-2.
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This article looks at the structure and the dynamics of the Middle Eastern crisis set in motion by the events of the Arab Spring. At the heart of the crisis was Syria, where antigovernment protests broke out in early 2011, almost in parallel with other countries also affected by the Arab Spring. Starting from late March 2011, the unrest morphed into a civil war, leading to a large-scale crisis engulfing the country by the end of the year. At first, the opposition to the Syrian regime consisted of numerous groups with varying political affiliations – from liberals to Islamists – however, by early 2012, radical Islamism came to dominate the opposition forces. And by the end of the same year, the opposition was spearheaded by an openly terrorist organization – the al-Nusra Front, an outgrowth of the Syrian branch of Al-Qaeda. Over the same period, regional and international forces were becoming more and more involved in the Syrian crisis. Since 2012, in parallel with the Syrian crisis, there has been another internal conflict raging in the Middle East, namely in Iraq, with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) taking the foreground and combining groups of Iraqi al-Qaeda militants with Baathist underground forces. In 2014–2015, ISIL took hold of large swaths of territory in Syria and Iraq, effectively turning the Syrian civil war into a regional conflict. In addition to Syria and Iraq, the ongoing crisis has involved – either directly or indirectly – such actors as Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and a number of other regional powers. Turkey has been indirectly involved in the Syrian crisis since its very beginning, but starting from 2016 its engagement in the conflict has become much more active – not only in Syria, but also in Iraq. In 2013, Iran started to interfere in the Syrian crisis directly, using its Shia allies, and expanded its presence onto Iraq in 2014. Saudi Arabia and Qatar’s participation in the Syrian conflict has been indirect, mainly through military and financial assistance provided to their clients inside the country. However, Saudi Arabia’s activities in Syria have started to decline in 2015, due to its military involvement in Yemen, which – in a broader context – can be perceived as a peripheral component of the large regional conflict. In addition to the above mentioned components, one could also name a number of other equally important factors to the crisis. One of them is that the ranks of al- Nusra and ISIL militants have been reinforced not only by people coming from the Arab countries, but also from the citizens of Western Europe, North America and the former USSR. Another factor has been the growing role of Kurdish groups in the confrontation with the terrorists, especially with ISIL. This has led to the creation of a Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria. At the same time, an armed confrontation began in Turkish Kurdistan, which Turkey views as a threat to its territorial integrity. The Syrian crisis has also been marked by involvement of global powers, such as the US and Russia. The US-led international coalition has not succeeded in changing the course of the conflict – on the other hand, Russia’s involvement since the second half of 2015 has made a significant difference. With the end of the campaign against ISIL already in view, and with the prospects for a successful intra- Syrian settlement, it would seem reasonable to raise the question of the post-conflict configuration of the region, which is discussed at the end of the article.
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Guelke, Adrian. "Managing Hatred and Distrust: the Prognosis for Post-Conflict Settlement in Multiethnic Communities in the Former Yugoslavia." Nations and Nationalism 11, no. 4 (October 2005): 653–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2005.00223_11.x.
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Georgieva, Lidija. "Peace Governance and Multiculturalism: What role for Peace Education in the Balkans." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 10, no. 2 (May 19, 2017): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v10i2.p153-166.
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This article will focus on theoretical and practical dilemmas related to the concept of peace governance, and within this context on the possible transformative role of peace education trough facilitation of contact between communities in conflict. The basic assumption is that violent conflicts in the Balkans have been resolved trough negotiated settlements and peace agreements. Yet, education strategy including peace education and its impact on post-conflict peacebuilding and reconciliation are underestimated. Peace governance is recognized as a dynamic but challenging process often based on institutional and policy arrangements aimed to at least settle conflict dynamics or in some cases even to provide more sustainable peace after signing of negotiated settlement in multicultural societies. We will argue that education in general is one of the critical issues of peace governance arrangements that could facilitate peacebuilding and create a contact platform between communities. The first question addressed in this article is to what extend peace agreements refer to education as an issue and the second one relate to the question if education is included in peace agreement to what extent it contributes for contact between different conflicting communities. Although it is widely accepted that contacts between former adversaries contributes for multicultural dialogue it is less known or explained if and in what way peace agreements provisions on education facilitate contact and transformation of conflicting relations.
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Abur, William, and Charles Mphande. "Mental Health and Wellbeing of South Sudanese-Australians." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 3 (October 16, 2019): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619880294.
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The majority of South Sudanese-Australians arrived in Australia, and other host countries outside Africa, after spending a greater part of their lives in refugee camps or conflict-affected areas. In addition, refugees are often not able to return to their home countries because the causes of their departure (wars, insecurity, hunger) continue to apply in their country of origin. The purpose of this paper is to examine some of the mental health and wellbeing issues some South Sudanese-Australians experience as a result of settlement difficulties and their earlier experience of conflict. The study looks at experiences of resettlement and settlement difficulties, and, more importantly, mental health and wellbeing issues in the wake of the aforesaid challenges. The data was collected from a qualitative method which comprised a series of semi-structured, one-on-one interviews with a total of 20 South Sudanese-Australians living in Melbourne. There were 11 males and nine females, with ages ranging from 18 to 64 years, who volunteered to participate in this study. Findings indicated that, as with many other people from refugee backgrounds, South Sudanese-Australians face a range of settlement-related challenges, and a host of post-resettlement adaptation experiences such as limited change of gender roles, language proficiency, unemployment, host society unacceptance or intolerance, constrained recreational opportunities, lack of community connectedness and overall mental health and general wellbeing issues. Experiencing conflict can be traumatic and refuge in neighbouring countries that are socio-culturally different can be challenging. In conclusion, these issues can not only be troublesome on a day-to-day basis, but also adversely affect the long-term mental health and wellbeing of refugees.
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HÖGLUND, KRISTINE, and MIMMI SÖDERBERG KOVACS. "Beyond the absence of war: the diversity of peace in post-settlement societies." Review of International Studies 36, no. 2 (April 2010): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000069.
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AbstractThis article introduces a novel way of conceptualising variations of peace in post-war societies. The most common way of defining peace in the academic literature on war termination is to differentiate between those cases where there is a continuation or resumption of large-scale violence and those cases where violence has been terminated and peace, defined by the absence of war, has been established. Yet, a closer look at a number of countries where a peace agreement has been signed and peace is considered to prevail reveals a much more diverse picture. Beyond the absence of war, there are striking differences in terms of the character of peace that has followed. This article revisits the classical debates on peace and the notion of the Conflict Triangle as a useful theoretical construction for the study of armed conflicts. We develop a classification captured in a Peace Triangle, where post-settlement societies are categorised on the basis of three key dimensions: issues, behaviour, and attitudes. On the basis of such a differentiation, we illustrate the great diversity of peace beyond the absence of war in a number of post-settlement societies. Finally, we discuss the relationship between the different elements of the Peace Triangle, and the challenges they pose for establishing a sustainable peace, as well as the implications of this study for policy makers concerned with peacebuilding efforts.
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Krivov, Sergei Valer'evich, Tat'yana Vladimirovna Baranova, Larisa Vsevolodovna Grekhneva, and Sergey Valer'evich Starkin. "Settlement of the conflict in the Southeast of Ukraine: contradictions in terminological approaches." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2021): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2021.2.34941.
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The successful implementation of the Minsk Protocol has been impugned from the moment of its signing due to ambiguous interpretations of its nature and intentions. The main issues pertain to understanding of the conflict in the Southeast of Ukraine as an intergovernmental, internationalized or domestic political one, the legitimacy and status of the parties to agreement, as well as the role of the international community in settlement of the conflict. The indicated contradictions are also reflected in the difference of approaches towards definition of the conceptual apparatus, as well as its interpretation. The problem at hand goes beyond the scope of political science or legal analysis, and requires comprehensive examination based on the variety of theoretical and methodological approaches. The author agrees with the characterization of conflict in the Southeast of Ukraine as a formalized political unsettled situation. From the political and legal perspectives, the agreements on halting the war demonstrate typical examples of challenges and problems that emerge during negotiations and implementation of the internationalized peace treaties of the post-Cold War period. The refusal of one of the parties, usually the country which territorial integrity is disputed by the non-state party, to meet the other party in the course of peace negotiations is a typical complication of the negotiation processes. Direct negotiations, i.e. meetings where the parties to negotiation make eye contact, can be interpreted as the acts of implicit recognition of non-state parties, their representatives, as well as respective claims. Such different perspective on the mandate, accountability, responsibility, and the status of “direct” and “third” parties in course of negotiation and implementation of peace treaties are typical contradictions. Throughout the entire period of elaboration, signing, and implementation of the agreements, the clash of interests virtually shifted towards the interpretation of terminology.
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Druckman, Daniel. "Settlements and Resolutions: Consequences of Negotiation Processes in the Laboratory and in the Field." International Negotiation 7, no. 3 (August 14, 2002): 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-00703004.
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In their 1994 study of divorce mediation, Kressel and his colleagues distinguished between a problem-solving and a settlement-oriented style of mediation. The former led to more integrative agreements and better long-term relationships between the parties than the latter. This distinction has been a basis for a multi-method research program on negotiation and mediation processes in international relations. We have been exploring the consequences of a variety of indicators for outcomes and post-agreement relations among parties. In the laboratory, we have identified the way that sources of conflict (values and interests) lead to processes with different implications for long-term relationships. In case studies, we have identified the political conditions that produce short-term settlements, or stalemates followed by further escalation. In small-N comparative case studies, we have shown how negotiation process and context operate together to influence post-settlement relations and system change. We used a comparison of the conflicts in Karabakh and Mozambique and three cases of base-rights talks as examples. In large-N aggregate case comparisons, we developed empirical profiles of types of negotiation (e.g., innovation vs. re-distribution) with implications for outcomes and relationships as well as the role played by turning points in projecting a process toward agreement and changing escalatory into de-escalatory processes. The variables identified by these studies are organized in terms of a framework that connects issues and objectives, background factors, and conditions with processes, outcomes, and implementation. The framework shows how these variables can lead to integrative agreements.
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Stirton, Lindsay, and Martin Lodge. "Constitutional legacies of empire in politics and administration: Jamaica’s incomplete settlement." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 71, no. 2 (August 14, 2020): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v71i2.535.
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Constitutionalism is characterised by tensions and ambiguities. The Westminster constitutional framework is no different and, in the UK, these tensions are traditionally mitigated through informal institutions, underpinned by what Leslie Lipson called a ‘mutually beneficial bargain’. While the existing literature has pointed to a ‘transplant effect’ in which only the formal but not the informal institutions are transplanted, little is understood about the legacy effects of such transplants, how they are mediated by the presence, absence or modification of such a bargain, and the impact on the conduct and effectiveness of government. Using the case of Jamaica, this paper explores these issues by examining the constitutional tension between principles of responsible and representative government as they operate on the relationship between politics and civil service in the colonial and immediate post-colonial period. We argue that the constitutional legacy is one of a ‘mutually suspicious bargain’ between politicians and civil servants, which emerged under the era of colonial rule, but persisted into the post-colonial era, becoming, in the 1970s, a central flashpoint of constitutional conflict. As a result of this colonial legacy, there has been an unresolved tension in the operation of the Jamaican constitution regarding the appropriate balance between constitutional principles of responsibility.
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Pazzanita, Anthony G. "The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1991): 83–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020759.
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Of the dozens of conflicts in the Third World which have occurred in the post-war era, few have been of greater duration and bloodshed or have attracted the attention of as many outside actors, including the superpowers, as Angola. It has only been since the mid-1980s that the conflict began moving towards eventual settlement, with the prospects for peace often seeming to depend largely on the attitudes of Cuba, South Africa, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Further affecting the overall environment was the state of East–West relations, the internal situation in Angola, and South Africa's occupation of Namibia. A short historical background will serve as prelude to an extensive examination of the dynamics which fuelled the war in Angola for such a long period of time.
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Boone, Catherine. "Land Conflict and Distributive Politics in Kenya." African Studies Review 55, no. 1 (April 2012): 75–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0010.
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Abstract:This paper argues that even with the incorporation of land policy provisions into Kenya's new constitution, there is every reason to believe that in the near future, highly politicized land conflict will continue. This is because land politics in Kenya is a redistributive game that creates winners and losers. Given the intensely redistributive potential of the impending changes in Kenya's land regime—and the implications of the downward shift in the locus of control over land allocation through decentralization of authority to county governments—there is no guarantee that legislators or citizens will be able to agree on concrete laws to realize the constitution's calls for equity and justice in land matters. This article traces the main ways in which state power has been used to distribute and redistribute land (and land rights) in the Rift Valley, focusing on post-1960 smallholder settlement schemes, land-buying companies, and settlement in the forest reserves, and it highlights the long-standing pattern of political contestation over the allocation of this resource. It then traces the National Land Policy debate from 2002 to 2010, focusing on the distributive overtones and undertones of the policy and of the debate over the new constitution that incorporated some of its main tenets.
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Shad, Muhammad Riaz, and Sajid Iqbal. "FROM INTERVENTION TO EXIT: AN ANALYSIS OF POST-9/11 US STRATEGIES IN AFGHANISTAN." Margalla Papers 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.25.2.70.
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Following the US exit from Afghanistan, the debate revolves around why US intervention in Afghanistan, the longest and one of the most expensive in its history, has failed in defeating the Taliban and realising a durable state-building. The debate considers endogenous factors that explore US and Taliban strategies and exogenous factors that underline the role of regional and extra-regional actors in determining the outcome of the Afghan conflict. This paper, therefore, focuses on faults and inconsistencies within and across US strategies in Afghanistan, i.e., the use of military force, political settlement, and state-building. It also examines US strategies vis-à-vis conflict in Afghanistan under four US administrations – from Bush to Biden – to ascertain why these strategies proved ineffective. These strategies have been analysed by following the conceptual framework of Game Theory. The paper argues that US strategies for entering Afghanistan were detached from the ground realities, which was the critical factor for its failure to achieve the desired outcome of the conflict. Bibliography Entry Shad, Muhammad Riaz, Sajid Iqbal. 2021. "From Intervention to Exit: An Analysis of Post-9/11 US Strategies in Afghanistan." Margalla Papers 25 (2): 23-34.
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Shad, Muhammad Riaz, and Sajid Iqbal. "FROM INTERVENTION TO EXIT: AN ANALYSIS OF POST-9/11 US STRATEGIES IN AFGHANISTAN." Margalla Papers 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.25.2.70.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Following the US exit from Afghanistan, the debate revolves around why US intervention in Afghanistan, the longest and one of the most expensive in its history, has failed in defeating the Taliban and realising a durable state-building. The debate considers endogenous factors that explore US and Taliban strategies and exogenous factors that underline the role of regional and extra-regional actors in determining the outcome of the Afghan conflict. This paper, therefore, focuses on faults and inconsistencies within and across US strategies in Afghanistan, i.e., the use of military force, political settlement, and state-building. It also examines US strategies vis-à-vis conflict in Afghanistan under four US administrations – from Bush to Biden – to ascertain why these strategies proved ineffective. These strategies have been analysed by following the conceptual framework of Game Theory. The paper argues that US strategies for entering Afghanistan were detached from the ground realities, which was the critical factor for its failure to achieve the desired outcome of the conflict. Bibliography Entry Shad, Muhammad Riaz, Sajid Iqbal. 2021. "From Intervention to Exit: An Analysis of Post-9/11 US Strategies in Afghanistan." Margalla Papers 25 (2): 23-34.
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Bagus Sholihin, Eko. "Why have Anti-Offshore Tin Mining Movements Failed in Bangka but Succeeded in East Belitung? Political Opportunity Structures and Political Settlement in the Context of Indonesia's Democratic Future." PCD Journal 8, no. 2 (March 24, 2021): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v8i2.1483.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Civil society movements have occupied an important position in Indonesia's democratisation. This article seeks to determine why anti-offshore tin mining movements in the post-authoritarian era failed in Bangka but succeeded in East Belitung, an area where tin mining has historically been important. By analysing the political opportunity structures and political settlement mechanisms involved, this article argues, first, that the movement's success in East Belitung can be attributed to open political access, fragmentation within elite circles, and alliances with influential elites; such political opportunities were not available in Bangka. Second, in Bangka, the local bourgeoisie and brokers used clientelistic approaches in their political settlement and prevented resistance by co-opting local communities within the extraction chain. In East Belitung, meanwhile, such efforts were stymied by the lack of local bourgeoisie, the strength of environmental awareness, and the availability of alternative economic resources. It may thus be concluded that, while a clientelistic approach to settlement may prevent conflict, it also limits the political participation of civil society movements—an important element of democracy.