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1
Wright, Tony. "‘Decent populism’ where art thou?" Political Quarterly 88, no. 4 (September 15, 2017): 726–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12422.
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O'Callaghan, Simone. "Public art: Theory, practice and populism." Visual Studies 24, no. 2 (September 8, 2009): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725860903106245.
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Šešić, Milena Dragićević, and Mirjana Nikolić. "The Mediatization and Culturalization of Populist Political Communication." Cultural Management: Science and Education 4, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30819/cmse.4-1.04.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Researching the impact of populist political communication on media, art, and the cultural sphere in Serbia, the authors investigate various different phenomena that are rising under the pretext of market liberalisation and identity politics. Deregulation of media may have brought “independence” from power, but also complete market-dependence. In the cultural sphere, pressures on the arts from right-wing populism have lead to extreme nationalism in Serbian media and cultural practices while simulta-neously seeing a commercialisation of programming. “National discussions” regarding the status of real-ity show programmes on commercial television and accusations of anti-patriotism against most promi-nent Serbian artists have been lead by right-wing populists. At the same time, this research takes into account several forms of left-wing populism, mostly developed within the independent scene.
4
Wodak, Ruth, and Michał Krzyżanowski. "Right-wing populism in Europe & USA." Right-Wing Populism in Europe & USA 16, no. 4 (September 13, 2017): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17042.krz.
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Abstract In recent years and months, new information about the rise of right-wing populist parties (RWPs) in Europe and the USA has dominated the news and caused an election scare among mainstream institutions and politicians. The unpredictable successes of populists (e.g. Donald Trump in the USA in 2016) have by now transformed anxieties into legitimate apprehension and fear. This Special Issue addresses the recent sudden upsurge of right-wing populism. It responds to many recent challenges and a variety of 'discursive shifts' and wider dynamics of media and public discourses that have taken place as a result of the upswing of right-wing populism (RWP) across Europe and beyond. We examine not only the nature or the state-of-the-art of contemporary RWP but also point to its ontology within and beyond the field of politics and argue that the rise and success of RWP is certainly not a recent or a momentary phenomenon.
5
Zulianello, Mattia. "Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a Novel Classification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries." Government and Opposition 55, no. 2 (July 24, 2019): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2019.21.
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AbstractDespite the explosion of populism research, there is a shortage of comprehensive analyses of the ideational varieties of populist parties and of the different roles they play in contemporary party systems. In order to overcome such limitations, I provide a state-of-the-art review of the literature on the classification of populist parties and make three innovative contributions to populism research. First, by adopting a truly pan-European perspective to cover, in addition to EU member countries, contexts that are generally overlooked, including but not limited to Liechtenstein, Russia, Serbia and Ukraine, this review article provides an empirical application of the ideational approach to populism to 66 contemporary parties. Second, it highlights the major shortcomings of common approaches to the study of populist parties in contemporary party systems, which almost invariably treat them as ‘challengers’ or ‘outsiders’. Finally, it pushes the agenda further by providing a classification and empirical overview of the three interactive patterns characterizing the 66 populist parties under analysis: non-integration, negative integration and positive integration.
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Blokker, Paul. "Response to “Public law and populism”." German Law Journal 20, no. 2 (April 2019): 284–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.17.
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AbstractThe populist challenge to constitutional democracy—and constitutionalism as its modus operandi—is significant and raises deep questions regarding the nature of modern democracy. A crucial question pertains to the challenge that our existing (but eroding) democratic systems faces. The way we perceive this challenge is essential for our descriptive and prescriptive contributions. The first, perhaps most widely embraced view, is to perceive populism as a ‘disease’, ‘deviation’, or ‘pathology’ of existing democracy. A second view understands contemporary ‘neo-populisms’ rather as one particular instance of a rather profound, complex, and long-term set of transformations of democracy. Where we stand on this matter is of great importance, as the feasibility and potential success of our responses and solutions depend on our description of the problem. Many of the contributions to this special issue clearly go beyond the current state-of-the-art, in which populism and constitutionalism are often seen as mutually exclusive categories. The special issue provides ample reflection on intrinsic problems in constitutional democracy itself, and, taken as a whole, stimulates a self-reflexive and historically informed scrutiny of the modern projects of liberal democracy and constitutionalism, so as to provide due acknowledgement of the political and conflictive origins of the project, as well as of its current deficits.
7
Hamilton, A. "Scruton's Philosophy of Culture: Elitism, Populism, and Classic Art." British Journal of Aesthetics 49, no. 4 (September 24, 2009): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aesthj/ayp035.
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Way, Lyndon C. S. "Protest music, populism, politics and authenticity." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 4 (October 7, 2016): 422–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.4.03way.
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Abstract Political discourses are found not only in speeches and newspapers, but also in cultural artefacts such as architecture, art and music. Turkey’s June 2013 protests saw an explosion of music videos distributed on the internet. This paper uses these videos as a case study to examine the limits and potential of popular music’s articulation of popular and populist politics. Though both terms encompass what is “widely favoured”, populism includes discourses which construct “the people” pitted against “an elite”. Past research has shown how popular music can articulate subversive politics, though these do not detail what that subversion means and how it is articulated. This paper uses specific examples to demonstrate how musical sounds, lyrics and images articulate populist and popular politics. From a corpus of over 100 videos, a typical example is analysed employing social semiotics. It is found that popular music has the potential to contribute to the public sphere, though its limits are also exposed.
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Protas, Maryna. "Critique of Cultural Populism: An Overview of Reflections on the Western Analytical Thought." ARTISTIC CULTURE. TOPICAL ISSUES, no. 19(1) (June 13, 2023): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31500/1992-5514.19(1).2023.283135.
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The postmodern age, which, like the age of contemporary art, is considered by most analysts to have started in the period after Second World War, can be viewed as an umbrella term that encompasses many competing paradigmatic stratagems and diatribe definitions, including the terminologically instable definitions of“postmodernism,” “post-postmodernism,” “metamodernism,” which some critics prefer to consider “high,” “late,” “distorted,” “pseudo-modernism” or “digi-modernism.” In the process of this ongoing discussion, society is periodically informed about the “death” or “end” of art and art criticism. In this context of raging discourses that openly compete with each other, there is one rather significant contextual layer related to the critique of cultural populism, the subject of which is the confrontation between two social constructs: democracy and biopower. The acuteness of the discussion is amplified by the situation of almost total crisis of the modern cultural activity, in particular, of the neoliberal visual practices, which since the millennium have come under the strict patronage of the transnational art business, whose creative projects are corrected by market and benchmarking policies. The latter has completely supplanted/replaced the politics of aesthetics, so all this has a negative impact on the current development of global art, calling into question the future of the national image of Ukraine, which can be annihilated in the “post-ethnic” substratum of global public art. Therefore, in the difficult conditions of resistance to the Russian invasion, Ukrainian humanities and art must thoroughly study this huge cluster of problems, in particular in the context presented by Western European analytical thought, in order to strengthen its own self-identification potential of the cultural and artistic narrative, offering the West its own position and vision of creative liberation activity from the manipulative pressure of the culture industry.
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Maurer, Peter, and Trevor Diehl. "What kind of populism? Tone and targets in the Twitter discourse of French and American presidential candidates." European Journal of Communication 35, no. 5 (March 6, 2020): 453–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323120909288.
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Insurgent candidates from across the political spectrum are increasingly turning to social media to directly engage the public. Social media offer a platform that favours affect and personality, both key components of populist-style rhetoric, a label that is often attached to politicians outside the political establishment. Despite noteworthy exceptions, few cross-national studies of high-profile candidates’ use of social media exist, and even less is known about how candidates representing various political ideologies employ affect alongside populism. To advance the state-of-the-art, this study examines the sentiment and rhetorical targets of attack in the Twitter feeds ( N = 25,825 tweets) of six presidential candidates in the United States and French election campaigns of 2016 and 2017. Employing dictionary-based quantitative analysis, the study finds variation among the candidates’ rhetoric in terms of how they employ populist themes, affect and ideology. The findings suggest that scholars should consider a more nuanced approach to populism in late-modern democracies.
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Marino, Angela, and Jason Luger. "Populism, art and the city: An interdisciplinary pedagogy for our time." Journal of Urban Cultural Studies 5, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jucs.5.3.351_1.
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Roberts, Sara. "FIREWORKS, FLAGS AND SIGNS: VOICES FROM THE STREETS OF POST-BREXIT BRITAIN." Trabalhos em Linguística Aplicada 59, no. 1 (April 2020): 491–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/01031813684991620200408.
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ABSTRACT In this article, Sara Roberts, a former BBC researcher and journalist - currently teacher and writer, offers her personal impressions of the recent rise of populism in Britain, based on her experiences in Oxford, where she lives. This essay offers empirical evidence that Brexit has had a profoundly divisive effect on British society from the micro to the macro level, and threatens the very union of nations that makes up the United Kingdom. The campaign for the UK to leave the EU (‘Brexit’) in the 2016 referendum exploited xenophobic and racist sentiment, thereby creating linguistic and symbolic violence which has managed to pervade popular discourse and consciousness, and which may foreshadow an increase in actual violence. It is suggested here that violence and fear lie at the heart of populism and that all populist movements rely on them, as well as ignorance, to first gain and then maintain support. Acting against the global trend towards populism, the current younger generation; education; civil society and Art are offered as avenues of hope for the future.
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Kompatsiaris, Panos. "Contemporary art and left-wing populism: theArtist Taxi Driveras working class ideology." Journal of Visual Art Practice 17, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702029.2017.1381008.
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Rich, Danny. "The Art of Doubting." European Judaism 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2020.530108.
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Many will agree that the world around them changes at a faster pace than perhaps one might be able to follow, and politically the world seems to have moved into a constant battle between truth, lies and the in-between. Many seek to distinguish three types of statement – first, the true; second, the matter of faith with a possibility of truth; and third, the absurd – and there is much of this grappling within the sphere of religion. Doubt is very much an integral part of grappling with Judaism, and Jewish identity, and it is certainly worth considering whether this religious doubt can help break the spell of political stalemate and unpleasant populism.
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Vallejo Campos, Álvaro Pablo. "Platón, las pasiones y la crítica del populismo = Plato, passions and criticism of the populism." ΠΗΓΗ/FONS 4, no. 1 (June 4, 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/fons.2019.4909.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Resumen: La tesis principal de este artículo es que la trascendencia política de las pasiones determina en Platón sus planteamientos éticos y políticos. La primera vez que se ocupa de ellas más sistemáticamente, como ocurre en el Gorgias, aparecen directamente involucradas en la crítica del imperialismo y de los procedimientos retóricos propios de la democracia ateniense, y su tratamiento debe ser uno de los ingredientes esenciales de la política concebida como un arte. Pero en la República el estado ideal surge de una reflexión sobre la necesidad de realizar una purgación de las pasiones en la ciudad lujosa y afiebrada que se trata de reformar. La importancia de la cuestión se deriva del hecho de que una teoría de la justicia en el individuo y en el estado consiste, en definitiva, en formular un ideal normativo de las relaciones que deben establecerse entre la razón y las pasiones del alma. A consecuencia de ello, las formas degeneradas del estado ideal pueden interpretarse como una secuencia en sentido creciente de la ilegítima irrupción de las pasiones en la sociedad enferma que se opone a aquel.Palabras clave: Platón, pasiones, política, retórica, estado ideal, justicia, populismo.Abstract: The main thesis of this paper is that the political transcendence of passions determines Plato’s ethical and political points of view. The first time that he deals systematically with passions, as occurs in the Gorgias, they are directly implicated in the critic of imperialism and the rhetorical procedures of Athenian democracy. They are also an essential part of politics conceived as an art. In the Republic , the ideal city emerges as the necessity of practicing a purge of passions in the luxuriant or feverish city that has to be purged. The importance of this issue derives from the fact that the theory of justice in the individual and the city consists of a normative ideal on the relations that have to be established between passions and reason. As a consequence, the sequence of the degenerated forms of the ideal state can be interpreted as an increasing model of the illegitimate irruption of passions in the ill society opposed to it.Keywords: Plato, passions, politics, rhetoric, ideal state, justice, populism.
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Bensel, Richard. "Comment on “Populism, Paranoia, and the Politics of Free Silver”." Studies in American Political Development 25, no. 2 (August 12, 2011): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x11000071.
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Let me begin with the bottom line: Samuel DeCanio has addressed a very important topic, skillfully crafted an argument, and marshaled an impressive body of evidence behind his thesis. The result is a significant addition to the literature on American political development on several different levels. And that is so despite the fact that I believe his interpretation extends beyond the evidence in some respects. This comment addresses both these extensions and, as a collateral objective, suggests that the way in which we reconstruct political situations and causal relationships is inevitably an art, not a science.
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Rodner, Victoria, and Finola Kerrigan. "From Modernism to Populism – art as a discursive mirror of the nation brand." European Journal of Marketing 52, no. 3/4 (April 9, 2018): 882–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ejm-12-2016-0707.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the role played by the visual arts in expressing and shaping the nation brand. In doing so, it establishes the centrality of visual discourse in nation branding; illustrating that discursive strategies can directly alter the nation brand’s perception. Design/methodology/approach This single case study drawing on in-depth interviews, field observation and secondary/historical material, applies mediated discourse analysis and critical discourse analysis to capture a transitional period in the cultural policies and nation branding rhetoric across a time frame of 60 years. Findings This study establishes the visual arts as a significant carrier of meaning, thus reflecting changes in the national discourse. This analysis illustrates that publicly supported visual arts can articulate policy aspirations and provide insight into the power of competing national discourse which co-exists, thereby shaping the internal and external nation brand. Research limitations/implications The study focuses on the visual arts and the context of Venezuela. Future research could expand this to look at the visual arts in other national or regional contexts. Practical implications The paper establishes visual art as central to expressing national identity and policy, and a tool for examination of national identity and policy. More broadly, the paper establishes public support for the (visual) arts as central to nation-branding projects providing insight for those engaged in such campaigns to prioritize arts funding. Originality/value The authors’ study indicates the marketing relevance of visualization of the nation through the arts and establishes the visual arts as a central tenant of the nation brand.
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Nagel, Jack H. "Populism, Heresthetics and Political Stability: Richard Seddon and the Art of Majority Rule." British Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (April 1993): 139–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400009716.
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Because New Zealand's majoritarian political system presents few institutional barriers to change, social choice theory would predict that it should experience frequent change in governments and policies. Although some periods in New Zealand history confirm this expectation, a striking exception is the Liberal era of 1890–1912. To explain the anomaly, this article applies Riker's concept of heresthetics, the strategic manipulation of decision processes and alternatives. The Liberal leader, Richard Seddon, masterfully exploited four main heresthetic devices that offer enduring insight about how to sustain a popular majority. While extending the scope of heresthetics as an explanatory principle, the article rebuts Riker's normative dismissal of populism. In terms compatible with social choice theory itself, Seddon's strategies can be interpreted as having enabled the will of the majority to prevail.
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Maglione, Giuseppe. "Techno-sovereignism: the political rationality of contemporary Italian populism." Theory and Society 50, no. 5 (February 7, 2021): 791–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-021-09429-1.
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AbstractThis article provides an original exploration of the self-identified populist coalition leading the Italian government between 2018 and 2019. The analysis, informed by a governmentality approach, starts by scrutinising the economic, social, and cultural issues framed as political “problems” by the coalition, also highlighting the tensions underlying such constructions. The second step charts how this political subject sought to address those problems by deploying an array of political technologies. From examining these two dimensions, the article then can discern the composite rationality—techno-sovereignism—that drove precariously the coalition’s art of government. Finally, the article sketches out some forms of contestation against the techno-sovereignist operations, whose significance may stretch beyond the Italian borders. Overall, although the Italian populist coalition turned out to be ephemeral, the dynamics that characterized its emergence and functioning could still be used heuristically to understand the interactions and reciprocal adjustments possibly used by right-wing and technocratic populist groups to exert political power conjointly.
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Smith, Ralph A. "A Right to the Best: Or, Once More, Elitism versus Populism in Art Education." Studies in Art Education 26, no. 3 (1985): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1320323.
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Zebracki, Martin, and Jason Luger. "Digital geographies of public art: New global politics." Progress in Human Geography 43, no. 5 (August 9, 2018): 890–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132518791734.
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Responding to geography’s digital and political turns, this article presents an original critical synthesis of the under-examined niche of networked geographies of public-art practices in today’s politicised digital culture. This article advances insights into digital public art as politics, and its role in politicising online public spaces with foci on: how digital technologies have instigated do-it-yourself modes for the co-creation of art content within peer-to-peer contexts; the way art is ‘stretched’ and experienced in/across the digital public sphere; and how user-(co-)created content has become subject to (mis)uses, simultaneously informed by digital ‘artivism’ and a new global politics infused with populism.
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Chan, Paul. "The Cat and the Owl: Remembering Chris Marker." October 149 (July 2014): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00189.
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In October 2010, I emailed Chris to ask if he was interested in taking part in a special issue of E-flux Journal that art critic Sven Lütticken and I were editing. The issue focused on whether contemporary art had addressed the rise of right-wing populism in Europe, the US, and elsewhere, and how these largely nationalistic, homophobic, and xenophobic movements impacted culture and art. With the ascendance of the Tea Party, Sven and I wondered if it were possible to chart a genealogy of right-wing groups on both sides of the Atlantic and illuminate their familial relations.
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Barcaro, Andrea. "Nomadic Art: Decolonising the Human and the Posthuman." New Literaria 04, no. 02 (2023): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.48189/nl.2023.v04i2.020.
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Under the reign of global capitalism, migration is becoming a shared condition for increasingly larger numbers of people across the world. At the same time, nomadic forms of living are often targeted by both left- and right-wing populisms, exacerbating issues around what has been called the “Fortress Europe Syndrome.” Inspired by the work of Rosi Braidotti, this paper examines the creation of new posthuman nomadic subjectivities as a possible solution to the deadlock of populism and neo-fascism. I engage with two Portuguese artists, Grada Kilomba and Welket Bungué, whose transdisciplinary work questions issues of racism and colonial violence by turning memory and the performing body into sites of political action. At the same time, in dialogue with Achille Mbembe’s work on decolonisation and Zahi Zalloua’s intervention on posthuman ontologies’ relation to race, I ask whether it is appropriate to theorise on the move beyond the human and into the posthuman, at a time when European colonial history and attitudes to race still need to be further deconstructed. I see Kilomba and Bungué’s work as prime examples of nomadic art, and advocate for more dialogue among academics, artists and local communities, as a way out of the current deadlock, and toward developing a new view of Europe that is free of intellectual, affective, and physical borders. At the same time, I emphasise the need for a critical, self-reflexive form of posthumanism, tackling not only issues of race and colonialism but also the Eurocentric foundations of Western philosophy.
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Jawad, Rana, Daniel Béland, and Emmanuele Pavolini. "State of the Art: ‘The People’ and Their Social Rights: What Is Distinctive About the Populism-Religion-Social Policy Nexus?" Social Policy and Society 20, no. 2 (January 11, 2021): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746420000664.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aims of this review article are two-fold: (1) to set out the key theoretical trends in the study of religion, populism and social policy as antithetical concepts that also share common concerns; (2) to re-assert the relevance of social policy to the social and political sciences by making the case for studying outlier or indeed rival topics together – in this case populism and religion. Social policy scholars do not necessarily associate these two topics with modern social policy, yet they have a long history of influence on societies all over the world; populism is also especially timely in our current era. The article contributes to the literature by: (a) helping social policy better understand its diverse and at times contradictory constituencies; (b) contributing to a more complex and inclusive understanding of social policy and, therefore, social welfare. In setting out the state-of-the-art, the article also draws upon research on social policy which spans various continents (North America, Europe, the Middle East and North Africa and Latin America) and a preceding paper collaboration by the authors on religion and social policy (Pavolini et al., 2017).
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Battista, Daniele. "Knock, Knock! The Next Wave of Populism Has Arrived! An Analysis of Confirmations, Denials, and New Developments in a Phenomenon That Is Taking Center Stage." Social Sciences 12, no. 2 (February 14, 2023): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12020100.
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Giorgia Meloni has long been one of the most important figures on the political scene. Her strength has been, from the very beginning, clear and effective communication, combined with a populist style based on the credibility of her path. Our contribution will attempt to highlight the interweaving that links this discipline to the complex and varied representation of populism. The analyses are based on extensive documentation of data for a period from July 2020 to September 2022, the month in which the vote was held in Italy. This periodisation allowed us to have a broad view of the phenomenon and a consequent linear picture of the state of the art. Moreover, in this way, we were able to cover three years of particularly intense political debate, allowing us to outline the underlying motivations that led to electoral success. Based on existing research, the phenomena are described and then framed in relation to the social and political context in which they were experienced, taking into account the interconnection with communication. In this sense, this contribution aims to introduce a perspective that corrects most analyses in this field, which assume that populist parties have lost ground in Europe with the advent of the pandemic. In fact, this study argues that the communication strategies linked to some of Giorgia Meloni’s political choices, including all forms of populism, have generally succeeded in attracting greater public interest while maintaining the characteristics of a phenomenon with pop traits that favoured its rise.
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Pasożyt, Arek, and Karolina Wilczyńska. "Obrazy idą na strajk – o strategii aktywistycznej Arka Pasożyta." Czas Kultury XL, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 144–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.61269/wvij5104.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Analyzing Arek Pasożyt’s <i>Obrazy strajkujące</i> [Strike Images] series as a case study of artivististic practices during the rule of Law and Justice, the authors highlight the contemporary challenges, entanglements and opportunities faced by art understood as an instrument of political change at a particular moment of deepening, multi-faceted crisis of neoliberal hegemony. Distinguishing between the concepts of activistic art and artivism, they draw attention to the specificity of today’s artistic activities that are engaged in effecting political change. They incorporate a sense of powerlessness, rage and exhaustion into their deliberations, as well as reflect on the presence of artivistic art online. Key-words: activism, artivism, protest, strike images, populism
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Verma, Neena. "Looking Down." Architectural Research Quarterly 21, no. 2 (June 2017): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135517000379.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Architecture in these times is an architecture at risk. I will argue here that the recent trajectory of the field has been a harbinger of the political populism that generated the Trump administration in the US, Brexit in the UK, the Swiss People's Party, Marine Le Pen's Front National, Germany's Alternative für Deutschland, Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain, and other such inverse majority movements. What might be called an emerging architectural populism has led to a situation where our careful art is at risk of becoming its inverse: an architecture without architects. In response, I will argue that this is our moment – this is when we reclaim our field in the only way we can – this is when we create architecture.
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Nielsen, Henrik Kaare. "Kunstkritikkens senmoderne betingelser." Peripeti 13, no. 24 (January 1, 2016): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/peri.v13i24.109519.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article takes its point of departure in an account of the historical characteristics of the public sphere as a discursive space for civic participation and reflection on common concerns of society. With reference to Kant, the specific role and potentials of art and aesthetic experience in this perspective are outlined, and the classical role of art criticism is presented. Subsequently, contemporary obstacles to the realisation of the cultural public potential of art criticism are identified in tendencies toward cultural particularisation, the contextual framing of the competitive state and the market-oriented development of the mass media, and the dominance of neoliberal populism. These challenges, it is argued, should be countered by a revitalisation of the universal perspective of reflection of the cultural public sphere.
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Pal, Soumik. "Tracing the Kafkaesque in neoliberal India: No Smoking (2007)." Studies in South Asian Film & Media 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/safm_00047_1.
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This article looks at the film No Smoking (2007), as an example of a ‘Kafkaesque’ piece of art which, though a commercial failure, attempts an ingenious critique of the absurdity of the neoliberal order (and impending fascism). The article examines how the film explores the promises (and their non-fulfilment) of urban space and technology, surveillance, censorship, the rise of right-wing populism, and the negotiations of identity in the irrational neoliberal order.
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Vitullo, Alessandra. "The Online Intersection among Islamophobia, Populism, and Hate Speech: An Italian Perspective." Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 10, no. 1 (August 6, 2021): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-bja10028.
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Abstract Online radical Islam is a topic widely studied by scholars and notoriously discussed among non- experts as well (Awan, 2007; Von Behr et al. 2013; Gray & Head 2009). Because of its intrinsic characteristics (i.e. accessibility, anonymity, or users’ identity dissimulation), the internet has always been a useful tool for propagandists of Islamic fundamentalism (Fighel, 2007; Stenersen, 2008; Koehler, 2014). However, in the last decade, studies have questioned the real importance and magnitude of Islamic radicalization online (Gill et al., 2017). In fact, while scholars were focused on observing digital Islamic radicalization, a galaxy of new forms of extremism was growing online (Silva et al., 2017; Roversi, 2008) that no longer made Islam an exceptional case study. Today, Muslim people are one of the groups most aggressively targeted by extremist, intolerant, violent, and radical discourses (Elahi & Khan, 2017; Amnesty International, 2019). Anti-Muslim hate speech has spread online throughout Europe and the United States, reinforced by the propaganda and political discourse of populist right-wing parties (Hafez, 2014; Bakali 2016). This paper introduces some large-scale action-research projects developed in Europe and Italy in the last three years (2016–2019) and aims to reconstruct the most updated Islamophobia state of the art in terms of numbers, characteristics, and phenomenology from the offline to the online context.
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Hulsey, John. "On Institutional Democratization and Reflexive Resistance: A Conversation with Andrea Fraser." October, no. 178 (2021): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00440.
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Abstract In this conversation, Andrea Fraser discusses her recent book, 2016 in Money, Museums, and Politics, which considers the imbricated relationships between plutocracy, political power, and cultural institutions in the United States. She discusses the 2016 election of Donald J. Trump and the rise of right-wing populism; the history of private philanthropy and museum patronage; recent activist campaigns demanding the resignation of museum trustees, such as Warren B. Kanders at the Whitney Museum of American Art; and the concept of “reflexive resistance.”
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Rogov, Kirill. "The Art of Coercion: Repressions and Repressiveness in Putin’s Russia." Russian Politics 3, no. 2 (June 23, 2018): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00302001.
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While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Russia has demonstrated a transition from ‘soft’ electoral authoritarianism to its more ‘hard’ version during Putin’s third term in office, the role of repressions has increased. What are their scope and functions in Russia during this reverse transition? This article offers an analysis of the causes, types and mechanisms of repressions, and presents various ways of measuring their scale as well as the sources and means of their legitimation within the framework of an electoral regime. It shows that the regime prefers to demonstrate its high repressiveness—its willingness and propensity to repress—but in a limited number of cases; it also describes the role of repressive populism, namely presenting repressions as a necessary response to multiplying threats, as well as the scope and function of counter-elite repressions. The latter are seen as no less important than political repressions in the regime’s reverse transition, and as the main leverage of redistribution of power and institutional rearrangement in its course.
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Papastergiadis, Nikos, and Charles Esche. "Assemblies in Art and Politics: An interview with Jacques Rancière." Theory, Culture & Society 31, no. 7-8 (April 12, 2013): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276413476559.
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This interview was conducted on 8 October 2011 at the Van Abbemuseum, Eindhoven. It was held during a symposium that reflected on the work of Rancière and was a part of a broader engagement with the concept of autonomy and its relation to art organized by an umbrella group of universities and arts organizations under the name of ‘The Autonomy Project’. A number of the symposium’s participants – Peter Osborne, Gerald Raunig, Isabell Lorey, Ruth Sondregger, Kim Mereiene and Adrian Martin – contributed questions that formed the basis of this interview. The interview took place at a time when the longer-term possibilities of the Arab Spring and Occupy/Indignados movements were under general scrutiny. It was also a moment when the Van Abbemuseum itself was compelled to reflect on its own position of political autonomy in relation to neoliberal state directives, political populism at the local level and its own critique of aesthetic autonomy. Rancière’s work on aesthetics and politics has been as much appreciated as a clearance strategy against prevailing visual prejudices as it has served as a platform for rethinking the emancipatory potential of creative practice.
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KUZU, Ekin Su, and Ata Yakup KAPTAN. "CHANGING PARADIGMS IN ART AND DESIGN AS A CONSUMPTION OBJECT." TURKISH ONLINE JOURNAL OF DESIGN ART AND COMMUNICATION 11, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 476–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7456/11102100/010.
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In this research, the paradigms changing with globalization on the consumer society, capitalism and information systems; it aims to examined through art and design as a consumption object / commodity. In the research, as a tool of the consumer society, new theories and searches that emerged with the globalization process will be presented in terms of their reflections on art and design. Art and design as a consumption object, consumer behavior, cultural formation, populism, branding etc. observed that it evolves continuously with such concepts. The concept of value that creates this motion, it is shaped around the society in the tendency to commodify. From this perspective; the main problem of the research, is the understanding of Art/ Design as a consumption object, it is shaping by changing paradigms in the social process. As a result, the determination of cultural and social norms in the formation of the consumer society seems to be very important in terms of access to the masses. In this context, to be shape or object of the time period we live in, so how to commodify, it varies according to the formation of paradigms in the process. The research, presented to the subject from this perspective, theoretically it is predicted to contribute to the literature to a great extent.
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Leggott, James. "Come to Daddy? Claiming Chris Cunningham for British Art Cinema." Journal of British Cinema and Television 13, no. 2 (April 2016): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2016.0311.
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Twenty years after he came to prominence via a series of provocative, ground-breaking music videos, Chris Cunningham remains a troubling, elusive figure within British visual culture. His output – which includes short films, advertisements, art gallery commissions, installations, music production and a touring multi-screen live performance – is relatively slim, and his seemingly slow work rate (and tendency to leave projects uncompleted or unreleased) has been a frustration for fans and commentators, particularly those who hoped he would channel his interests and talents into a full-length ‘feature’ film project. There has been a diverse critical response to his musical sensitivity, his associations with UK electronica culture – and the Warp label in particular – his working relationship with Aphex Twin, his importance within the history of the pop video and his deployment of transgressive, suggestive imagery involving mutated, traumatised or robotic bodies. However, this article makes a claim for placing Cunningham within discourses of British art cinema. It proposes that the many contradictions that define and animate Cunningham's work – narrative versus abstraction, political engagement versus surrealism, sincerity versus provocation, commerce versus experimentation, art versus craft, a ‘British’ sensibility versus a transnational one – are also those that typify a particular terrain of British film culture that falls awkwardly between populism and experimentalism.
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Johnston, Matt. "Hamlin Garland's Detour into Art Criticism: Forecasting the Triumph of Popular Culture over Populism at the End of the Frontier." Journal of American Culture 34, no. 4 (December 2011): 346–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.2011.00785.x.
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Moran, Marie, and Jo Littler. "Cultural populism in new populist times." European Journal of Cultural Studies 23, no. 6 (November 3, 2020): 857–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549420960477.
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This article unpacks the concept of ‘cultural populism’ in multiple ways, and explores its value for the critical analysis of new formations and expressions of populism in the current conjuncture. Taking Jim McGuigan’s influential book, Cultural Populism, as our point of departure, we begin by exploring its earlier use in cultural studies as a critical term for apolitical/celebratory modes of analysis, and then argue it may be usefully extended today to refer to popular and political efforts to construct a ‘people’ in overtly cultural terms. Second, we make the case for renewing an expressly ‘critical populist’ stance, one that is attentive to ordinary tastes and pleasures, while also locating and analysing them in relation to the production of needs and desires within a capitalist political economy, and that is attuned to the political possibilities for change. Third, we argue that the resources of cultural studies should be mobilised to redress some of the deficiencies of dominant accounts of populism from political science, and suggest that the twin concepts of cultural and critical populism offer an advance over the elitist and culturally reductive mode of analysis associated with Inglehart and Norris’ conception of ‘cultural backlash’. We conclude by offering an overview of the other contributions to the special issue, as they seek to push the concept of cultural populism in new directions, while also critically engaging with residual, dominant and emergent popular and populist currents in these new populist times.
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Touya de Marenne, Éric. "Introduction." French Politics, Culture & Society 40, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2022.400201.
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What does Covid-19 reveal about France today? What are its effects on culture, politics, and society? One of the contentions of this special issue is that measuring its impacts takes on full significance when approached in the context of other crises that have affected the nation in recent years. These include growing inequality and social and political division, and the rise of populism. This special issue examines how these existing predicaments shed light on the impact of Covid-19. It also seeks to explore ways through which we may give meaning to this tragic moment in French history through art and the public humanities.
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Mede, Niels G., and Mike S. Schäfer. "Science-related populism: Conceptualizing populist demands toward science." Public Understanding of Science 29, no. 5 (June 9, 2020): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662520924259.
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Populism is on the rise in many countries. Scholars have stated that it is characteristic for political populism to describe society as a fundamental struggle between an allegedly virtuous people and political elites which are portrayed negatively. This anti-elitist sentiment not only targets politicians, however, but also other representatives of the alleged establishment—including scientists and scholarly institutions. But the specifics of such science-related populism have not yet been conceptualized. We aim to do so, integrating scholarship on political populism, the “participatory turn,” and alternative epistemologies. We propose to conceptualize science-related populism as a set of ideas which suggests that there is a morally charged antagonism between an (allegedly) virtuous ordinary people and an (allegedly) unvirtuous academic elite, and that this antagonism is due to the elite illegitimately claiming and the people legitimately demanding both science-related decision-making sovereignty and truth-speaking sovereignty.
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Klyuchkovych, Anatoliy. "POPULISM IN SLOVAKIA: PECULIARITIES OF A POLITICAL PHENOMENON." 39, no. 39 (July 10, 2021): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-39-13.
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The article analyzes the party-political aspects of populism in the Slovak Republic. The structural distinction between the parties of systemic mainstream and populism has come to the forefront of Slovakia's party-political development. The aim of the article is to highlight the specifics of the phenomenon of populism, its forms and party representatives in Slovakia. Considering the emergence and electoral success of populist parties, there is a need to emphasize the complexity of the phenomenon of populism in the modern Slovak Republic. Populists do not have clear ideological attitudes. they use the maxims of various ideological doctrines, which are based on practical needs. The distinction between systemic and populist parties is becoming more complicated today, as their positions on a number of important political issues have converged recently In the process of post-communist development in the Slovak Republic there was a transition from radical forms of populist politics through nationalism and authoritarianism to more moderate tendencies. Populist parties in the CEE countries, and in particular in the Slovak Republic, are characterized by the following features: opposition of the elite and the people based on moral grounds, desire to act as defenders of the people’s interests; anti-immigration, Eurosceptic, anti-globalization orientation of the messages; low level of institutionalization, etc. The main forms of manifestation of Slovak populism are determined: social, national, charismatic, centrist, far-right populism. The article emphasizes that the key trend is the growth of populism in the election campaigns of Slovak parties and competition on the market of populist slogans. Protest calls, social demagoguery, and national populism are electorally perceptible issues that are being pursued by both the opposition and ruling political force. The parliamentary elections of 2020, which can be characterized as «triumph of populism», were an important stage for the development of the party system in Slovakia. The success of the populists and the defeat of the liberal parties in the 2020 elections testify to the crisis of systemic politics and democratic institutions in general, which poses risks to the stable development of Slovakia.
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Perloff, Marjorie. "The Aura of Modernism." Modernist Cultures 1, no. 1 (May 2005): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e204110220900001x.
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Marjorie Perloff's wide-ranging essay reflects on the fate of Modernism in the twentieth century. She focuses in particular on claims that it was either elitist and authoritarian, and thus politically reactionary, or was caught up in processes of capitalist commodification, and therefore unable to resist the very alienation it diagnosed. In the period that ran from the 1960s to the early 1990s Modernism was typically seen as a failed project, which was compromised by its complicity with the bourgeois institution of art and by the reification of its art-works, seen now as the dead exhibits of a once resonant cultural moment. But it has become apparent that those who trumpeted the death of Modernism were premature with their obituary notices. Perloff traces some of the major shifts in recent critical work, and her essay questions earlier claims about Modernism's reactionary politics, anti-populism, and rejection of the everyday. She also draws attention to the non-academic interest in Modernism that is rife on the internet, where, in fulfilment of Benjamin's prophecy, the distinction between artist and public has broken down and the “pleasure of the text” takes precedence over concerns with ideology. Perloff suggests that although genres such as poems, paintings, and novels have to some extent been displaced by “differential text”, Modernism's established artefacts continue to “stay news” and to exert their strange auratic power.
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Ponomarev, Evgeny. "The history of Russian literature of the 19th and the early 20th centuries according to Ivan Bunin (a page from the unpublished notebook)." Literary Fact, no. 16 (2020): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-8297-2020-16-80-92.
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The article is a detailed commentary to a page from Ivan Bunin’s unpublished notebook (1944). The page lists the names of writers, poets, critics and publishers from the time of Bunin’s youth. According to the author of the article, this listing gives much more objective information about the influences on Bunin’s own early work recognized by himself than all autobiographical notes and memoirs published by the writer. The list of prose writers is dominated by Narodnik authors (he met many of them thanks to his brother, Yuly Bunin) and the writers close to them, who were considered “progressive”. In the list of poets, the authors of “pure art” are connected with the poets of “civil sorrow”, members of the Surikov circle and some senior Symbolists. The list of critics and publishers brings us back to populism. The article concludes that the list presents an attempt of an objective literary autobiography, in contrast to such official autobiographical texts as “Memoirs”.
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COLLINS, JENNIFER N. "New Left Experiences in Bolivia and Ecuador and the Challenge to Theories of Populism." Journal of Latin American Studies 46, no. 1 (February 2014): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x13001569.
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AbstractThis article explores a paradox at the heart of New Left populism in Bolivia and Ecuador – namely, the election of populist leaders in movement societies. Employing Laclau's theory about the emergence of populism, it demonstrates how social movements, not charismatic leaders, first constructed the popular identities that laid the foundations for these regimes. In re-examining theories of populism in light of these cases, this article suggests that populism's transformative and counter-hegemonic potential needs to be given renewed attention, and that the central role of charismatic leadership should be qualified in terms of the origins of populist identity formation.
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Fernández Pérez, Emilio. "EL POPULISMO PUNITIVO Y LA CRIMINOLOGÍA MEDIÁTICA (PUNITIVE POPULISM AND MEDIA CRIMINOLOGY)." Universos Jurídicos, no. 17 (November 5, 2021): 205–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/uj.v0i17.2601.
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Resumen: En la actualidad los medios masivos de comunicación son el eco de lo mencionado en Facebook, Twitter, Blogs, YouTube, Tik Tok; son una caja de re resonancia de la inseguridad ciudadana hacia las decisiones jurisdiccionales, y principalmente a las instituciones de reacción social; un hecho de inseguridad pasa muchas veces a segundo término, lo que importa es lo que vende o sube el rating, ya que mayoría de las noticias se pretende que la atención solo se fije en lo que representa el autor material de un hecho delictivo y no como el sujeto activo de un acto típico, y en otras ocasiones los medios criminalizan mejor a la víctima, de ella se saca un mejor crédito y posicionamiento ante la opinión pública.Esta forma de trasmitir la información, se maneja en el terreno de lo que conocemos cómo criminología mediática. Sabemos que actualmente la sociedad tiene un grado de hartazgo elevado, esto como resultado de la ineficacia de las autoridades, ya que estas no mitigan las necesidades básicas de seguridad del ser humano; actualmente las noticias se han vuelto una forma mediática para con la sociedad harta, la misma se vuelve un campo fértil para los políticos, jueces y legisladores, los cuales realizan propuestas solo en base al clamor social, claro no se soluciona nada, pero cumple con la petición de la ciudadanía, llamándose a esto populismo punitivo, corriente que tiene su sustrato en el populismo político e ideológico, en donde surgen una íntima complicidad de los medios de comunicación , las conductas antisociales, y la reacción social.Abstract: Currently the mass media are the echo of what is mentioned on Facebook, Twitter, Blogs, YouTube, Tik Tok; They are a resounding box for citizen insecurity towards jurisdictional decisions, and mainly towards institutions of social reaction; an act of insecurity often goes into the background, what matters is what sells or raises the rating, since most of the news is intended to focus attention only on what the perpetrator of a criminal act represents and not as the active subject of a typical act, and many of the times the media better criminalize the victim, from her a better credit and positioning is obtained before the public opinion.This way of transmitting information is handled in the field of what we know as media criminology. We know that society currently has a high degree of satiety, this as a result of the ineffectiveness of the authorities, since they do not mitigate the basic security needs of the human being; Currently the news has become a media form for the fed up society, it becomes a fertile field for politicians, judges and legislators, who make proposals only based on social clamor, of course nothing is solved, but complies with the petition of the citizens, calling this punitive populism, a trend that has its substrate in political and ideological populism, where there is an intimate complicity of the media, antisocial behavior, and social reaction.
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Yaren, Özgür. "Post-Human Aesthetics of Apocalypse." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, no. 19 (September 15, 2019): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i19.309.
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This paper aims to illustrate the transformation of point of view in apocalyptic/dystopian genre films, abandoning the lamenting tone in favor of other species. It also intends to exhibit the aesthetic strategies conforming to the shifting tone of these genre films towards a post-human stance. It can be argued that the conjuncture which is shaped by several coinciding narratives of crisis from the Anthropocene to the more recent political crisis of rising Populism led Posthumanist discourse gain prevalence. The paper will try to link the shifting tone of genre films with the lineages of Posthumanist discourse and contemporary collective anxieties. Through analyzing the voice of narrative and its visual language, this paper will attempt to layout significant characteristics of post-human aesthetics in apocalyptic/dystopian genre films. Article received: April 23, 2019; Article accepted: June 15, 2019; Published online: September 15, 2019; Review articleHow to cite this article: Özgür, Yaren. "Post-Human Aesthetics of Apocalypse." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 19 (2019): 77-83. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i19.309
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Casarões, Guilherme, and David Magalhães. "The hydroxychloroquine alliance: how far-right leaders and alt-science preachers came together to promote a miracle drug." Revista de Administração Pública 55, no. 1 (February 2021): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220200556.
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Abstract Soon after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the world saw far-right leaders uniting to promote hydroxychloroquine despite controversial results. Why have some leaders actively promoted the drug since then, contradicting recommendations made by their own government’s health authorities? Our argument is twofold. First, hydroxychloroquine has been an integral tool of medical populist performance in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. We adopt Lasco & Curato’s (2018) definition of medical populism as a political style based on performances of public health crises that pit ‘the people’ against ‘the establishment’ using alternative knowledge claims to cast doubt on the credibility of doctors, scientists, and technocrats. Second, rather than being an individual endeavor, medical populism addressing the coronavirus crisis has led populists to build an alt-science network. We define it as a loose movement of alleged truth-seekers who publicly advance scientific claims at a crossroads between partial evidence, pseudo-science, and conspiracy theories. It comprises scientists, businesspeople and celebrities united by their distrust of governments and mainstream science. In this article, we look at how the hydroxychloroquine alliance was formed, as well as its political and policy implications. To this end, we compare why and how Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro have appealed to medical populist performances when addressing the health crisis. By mobilizing the concepts of medical populism and alt-science, this paper aims to contribute to the scholarship on the relationship between populist politics and policy-making.
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Léger, Marc James. "Introduction: The struggle before us." Art & the Public Sphere 11, no. 2 (November 1, 2022): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00075_2.
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The introduction to this Special Issue of the journal Art & the Public Sphere, titled ‘The Struggle Before Us’, addresses the aims and outcomes of the project. It reiterates the themes of the call for papers and focuses on the impact of postmodern theory and the cultural turn on socialist class struggle. The political tendencies within radical democracy, Marxist autonomism and left populism are related to the growing influence of the anti-liberal and anti-Marxist – because anti-universalist – academic trends of privilege theory, critical race theory, intersectionality and decoloniality. This is related to political developments since the Cold War and the rise to hegemonic status of a petty-bourgeois mode of cultural appropriation. The introduction takes issue with the notion that post-Fordism represents the termination of the so-called classical phase of socialism and argues instead that contemporary contradictions between identity and class are inscribed within the ongoing struggle between labour and capital. A lecture by Alain Badiou is used to complete the analysis, with definitions of Marxist militancy related to Marx’s class-oriented transformation of German idealism, English political economy and the French workers’ movement.
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Adler, Paul, and Todd Tucker. "Operation Monkey Wrench: Toward a Populist Policy Process?" Populism 2, no. 2 (October 14, 2019): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-02021029.
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Abstract The policy process literature focuses on technocratic insiders, while scholarship on populism hones in on demagogic outsiders. The latter’s distrust of elites, compromise, and nuance makes them potentially effective in opposition or government, but less obviously as intervenors in policy formation between elections. We argue that, under certain conditions, populists can effectively insert themselves into policy processes without seizing power or even reducing the basic polarity they believe exists between “the elite” and “the people.” In particular, populists can “monkey wrench” the policy process by getting maligned elites to act against their own interests, even if the populists themselves can agree on no alternative policies. Using original archival materials, we illustrate how the transnational movement against the Multilateral Agreement on Investment in the late 1990s deployed monkey-wrenching. In so doing, we contribute to an understanding of how Benjamin Moffitt’s conception of the populist style can be deployed to analyze left-wing transnational nongovernmental policy entrepreneurs, instead of the right-wing national government aspirants who are often focused upon in political science research on populism. We conclude that interdisciplinary scholarship between political scientists and historians can identify circumstances when populists’ influence on policy is more likely.
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Zaslavska, O., O. Posvistak, and V. Nalimova. "THE IMPACT OF POPULIST POLITICAL PARTIES ON DEMOCRACY IN THE XX–XXI CENTURIES." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(53) (July 8, 2022): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.1(53).261113.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the problem of populism in modern party and political systems of the world and the study of its impact on democracy. The peculiarities of populist parties are determined: the lack of a clear ideology; opportunity to act in a wide ideological spectrum; drawing attention to the most acute problems of society; populist protests against elites and a simultaneous desire to take their place, and so on. Researchers have found economic (vulnerability of the population through crises; middle class growth; globalization and loss of national control over major political decisions, etc.) and political (crisis of representation of major political parties; more politically aware and mobilized middle class population with high expectations of democracy, political growth, mobilization, protest activity, fragmentation and polarization of the public sphere and politics with the support of social media, transformation of political culture, etc.) factors of growing populism. Researchers have identified the dangers of populism for democracy, as populists often interpret popular support in elections as a mandate that allows them to ignore or disrespect the institutions of democracy. This leads to the usurpation of power by democratically elected governments and the weakening of democratic institutions. The article found that GSoD indices provide empirical evidence of the weakening and undermining of democracy by populist-led governments. These indicators confirm the assumptions about the danger of populism for civil liberties, which underlie the functioning of the media, civil society and the public sphere. The article analyzes the relationship between populism and democratic retreat and finds that low levels of state support for democracy are associated with an increased likelihood of retreat.
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Park, Zin-Wan. "Civic Education in a Democratic Republic- Focusing on the review of populism from the perspective of constitutional theory." Korean Association of International Association of Constitutional Law 28, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 157–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.24324/kiacl.2022.28.2.157.
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Among several important constitutional principles, populist constitutionalism emphasizes the principle of popular sovereignty or popular sovereignty. The principle of popular sovereignty is not only an important ideology of democracy, but also an important ideology of populism. The principle of popular sovereignty in harmony with representative democracy accepts the principle of rule of law as an essential component, whereas the principle of absolute popular sovereignty pursued by populism seems to be incompatible with the principle of rule of law. This is where the incompatibility between populism and liberal constitutionalism begins.
Although populism's critique of liberal constitutionalism provides a very important insight into structural problems in liberal democracy, populist constitutionalism ultimately leads to the completion of an authoritarian or dictatorial ruling system to maintain their permanent maintenance of political dominance. It poses a serious threat to democracy in that it seeks to justify it through constitutional amendment or constitutional enactment.
As the legal-practical approach of populism, the instrumentalist approach holds that the legal values pursued by populism are determined according to how effectively they are useful as a tool for environmental domination that well explains and predicts current social phenomena. This instrumentalist approach can be seen to contain elements of an opportunistic and seditious nature within it. Paradoxically, using the instrumentalist approach of the populists to overthrow the liberal-democratic constitutional system and to realize their political programs, the most used tool is also the constitution.
Populists criticize the liberal understanding of constitutionalism and the rule of law.
Their critique is the constitutional control mechanism for political phenomena based on liberal constitutionalism. What they criticize is the control of politics through the rule of law, that is, the establishment of limits for political domains through the law, that is, the pursuit of depoliticization through the law. Populists prefer the theoretical approach for critique of liberal constitutionalism and the arguments formed through it, and they share and spread their opinions on it through various media as well as various media.
Despite these populists' criticisms of liberal constitutionalism and the rule of law, the starting point of the constitutional evaluation of populism must be evaluated from the perspective of democracy and the rule of law from the point of view of the liberal constitutionalism they criticize.
A democratic constitutional state attempts to find a constitutional theory formed within the framework of a constitutional system in the rule of law, as a clue to solving problems related to various domestic and international political phenomena such as populism. The principle of the rule of law, which has justice, legal stability, and proportionality as its ideological components, is a dynamic constitutional concept that can be continuously developed. Therefore, in relation to the continuous development of the principle of the rule of law and the guarantee of the possibility of formation, the constitutional order is newly formed and developed dynamically in the form of populism in the conceptual framework of the modern rule of law, which has been confirmed through the practice of law and the theory of law. What legal control standards can be established and suggested over the political realities that exist? Otherwise, a democratic constitutional state must be able to develop and develop a new constitutional interpretation that seeks an appropriate and balanced point that can accommodate constitutional-developmental constitutional policies based on populism to some extent within the scope of the constitutional order.