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Книги з теми "Populism in art"

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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024

Оновлено: 27 липня 2024

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1

Espacio Santa Clara (Seville, Spain), Sala Atín Aya, and CICUS, Centro de Iniciativas Culturales de la Universidad de Sevilla, eds. Aplicación Murillo: Materialismo, charitas, populismo = Murillo aplication : materialism, charity, populism. Sevilla: Instituto de la Cultura y las Artes de Sevilla (ICAS), Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 2019.

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2

editor, Perrier Danièle, and Goodrow Gérard A. translator, eds. Art criticism in times of populism and nationalism: Proceedings of the 52nd International AICA Congress, Cologne-Berlin 1-7 October 2019. [Heidelberg]: Arthistoricum.net, Heidelberg University Library, 2021.

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3

Pirkl, Bernhard. Der Alt-Right-Komplex: Über Rechtspopulismus im Netz = The alt-right complex : on right-wing populism online. Dortmund: HMKV, Hartware MedienKunstVerein, 2019.

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4

Rotterdam, Kunsthal, ed. Respectabel populisme: Kunsthal Rotterdam. Zwolle: Waanders, 2003.

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5

London College of Printing and Distributive Trades. BTEC HND in Typographic Design special study: Is film art, populist and arty. London: LCPDT, 1992.

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6

Sala de Exposiciones del Canal de Isabel II., ed. Roma S.P.Q.R.: Senatus Populus Que Romanus. [Madrid]: Canal de Isabel II, 2007.

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7

Sala de Exposiciones del Canal de Isabel II., ed. Roma S.P.Q.R.: Senatus Populus Que Romanus. [Madrid]: Canal de Isabel II, 2007.

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8

Sala de Exposiciones del Canal de Isabel II., ed. Roma S.P.Q.R.: Senatus Populus Que Romanus. [Madrid]: Canal de Isabel II, 2007.

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9

Ashin, G. K. V tiskakh dukhovnogo gneta: Chto populi□a□rizirui□u□t sredstva massovoi□ informat□s□ii SShA. Moskva: "Mysl"□, 1986.

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10

Wolf, Gerhard. Salus populi romani: Die Geschichte römischer Kultbilder im Mittelalter. Weinheim: VCH Acta Humaniora, 1990.

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11

The Populism Catalogue. Lukas & Sternberg, 2009.

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12

The Populism Reader. Lukas & Sternberg, 2005.

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13

Knight, Cher Krause. Public Art: Theory, Practice and Populism. Wiley & Sons, Limited, John, 2008.

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14

Knight, Cher Krause. Public Art: Theory, Practice and Populism. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2011.

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15

Knight, Cher Krause. Public Art: Theory, Practice and Populism. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2011.

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16

Public Art: Theory, Practice and Populism. Wiley-Blackwell, 2008.

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17

Kaizen, William. Against Immediacy: Video Art and Media Populism. Dartmouth College, 2016.

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18

Against Immediacy: Video Art and Media Populism. Dartmouth College, 2016.

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19

Kaizen, William. Against Immediacy: Video Art and Media Populism. Dartmouth College, 2016.

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20

Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Populism. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.34.

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Анотація:

This chapter presents the state of the art of the scholarship on populism. It offers a concise history of populism and the current scholarship on the topic. It argues that the substantial body of work that now exists has entered the mainstream of the political science discipline. However, this work has too often been fragmented and regionally specific. The chapter then offers an empirical analysis of the development of the scholarship since the 1990s by examining the work on populism in political science journals. We lay out the organization and rationale for the chapters in the Handbook and conclude with some reflections on the future research agenda on populism.

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21

Laikismos stēn historia, tēn technē, tēn politikē: (20 kai 21 Noemvriou 2015). [Athens, Greece]: Hetaireia Spoudōn Neoellēnikou Politismou & Genikēs Paideias, 2015.

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22

Popularization and Populism in the Visual Arts: Attraction Images. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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23

Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.001.0001.

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Анотація:

Populist forces are increasingly relevant, and studies on populism have entered the mainstream of the political science discipline. However, no book has synthesized the ongoing debate on how to study the phenomenon. The main goal of this Handbook is to provide the state of the art of the scholarship on populism. The Handbook lays out not only the cumulated knowledge on populism, but also the ongoing discussions and research gaps on this topic. The Handbook is divided into four sections. The first presents the main conceptual approaches and points out how the phenomenon in question can be empirically analyzed. The second focuses on populist forces across the world with chapters on Africa, Australia and New Zealand, Central, Eastern, and Western Europe, East Asia, India, Latin America, the post-Soviet States, and the United States. The third reflects on the interaction between populism and various issues both from scholarly and political viewpoints. Analysis includes the relationship between populism and fascism, foreign policy, gender, nationalism, political parties, religion, social movements, and technocracy. The fourth part encompasses recent normative debates on populism, including chapters on populism and cosmopolitanism, constitutionalism, hegemony, the history of popular sovereignty, the idea of the people, and revolution. With each chapter written by an expert in their field, this Handbook will position the study of populism within political science and will be indispensable not only to those who turn to populism for the first time, but also to those who want to take their understanding of populism in new directions.

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24

Cvoro, Uros, and Kit Messham-Muir. Trump Effect in Contemporary Art and Visual Culture: Populism, Politics, and Paranoia. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2023.

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25

Cvoro, Uros, and Kit Messham-Muir. Trump Effect in Contemporary Art and Visual Culture: Populism, Politics, and Paranoia. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2023.

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26

Orly-bogatyri: Rossiĭskie narodniki v iskusstve. Saratov: Nauka, 2009.

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27

Ernst, Bloch. Volksfronten: Popular Fronts. Hatje Cantz Verlag GmbH & Co KG, 2019.

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28

Kunst Im Kreuzfeuer : Documenta, Weimarer Republik, Pariser Salons: Moderne Kunst Im Visier Von Extremisten und Populisten. Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, Franz, 2020.

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29

Open 20: The Populist Imagination. NAi Uitgevers / Publishers Stichting, 2011.

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30

Culture, guerra, strategie e contesti da Machiavelli al Novecento. Manziana (Roma): Vecchiarelli editore, 2021.

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31

Kenny, Paul D. Populism and Patronage. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.001.0001.

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Анотація:

Populist rule is bad for democracy, yet in country after country, populists are being voted into office. Populism and Patronage shows that the populists such as Indira Gandhi and Narendra Modi win elections when the institutionalized ties between non-populist parties and voters decay. Yet, the explanations for this decay differ across different types of party system. Populism and Patronage focuses on the particular vulnerability of patronage-based party systems to populism. Patronage-based systems are ones in which parties depend on the distribution of patronage through a network of brokers to mobilize voters. Drawing on principal agent theory and social network theory, this book argues that an increase in broker autonomy weakens the ties between patronage parties and voters, making the latter available for direct mobilization by populists. Decentralization is thus a major factor behind populist success in patronage democracies. Populists exploit the breakdown in national patronage networks by connecting directly with the people through the media and mass rallies, avoiding or minimizing the use of deeply institutionalized party structures. Mrs Gandhi herself famously promised to go “once more direct to the people” in her populist election campaign of 1971. This book not only reinterprets the recurrent appeal of populism in India, but also offers a more general theory of populist electoral support that is tested using qualitative and quantitative data on cases from across Asia and around the world, including Indonesia, Japan, Venezuela, and Peru.

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32

Pappas, Takis S. Populism and Liberal Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837886.001.0001.

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Анотація:

Based on an original definition of modern populism as “democratic illiberalism” and many years of meticulous research, Takis Pappas marshals extraordinary empirical evidence from Argentina, Greece, Peru, Italy, Venezuela, Ecuador, Hungary, the United States, Spain, and Brazil to develop a comprehensive theory about populism. He addresses all key issues in the debate about populism and answers significant questions of great relevance for today’s liberal democracy, including: • What is modern populism and how can it be differentiated from comparable phenomena like nativism and autocracy? • Where in Latin America has populism become most successful? Where in Europe did it emerge first? Why did its rise to power in the United States come so late? • Is Trump a populist and, if so, could he be compared best with Venezuela’s Chávez, France’s Le Pens, or Turkey’s Erdoğan? • Why has populism thrived in post-authoritarian Greece but not in Spain? And why in Argentina and not in Brazil? • Can populism ever succeed without a charismatic leader? If not, what does leadership tell us about how to challenge populism? • Who are “the people” who vote for populist parties, how are these “made” into a group, and what is in their minds? • Is there a “populist blueprint” that all populists use when in power? And what are the long-term consequences of populist rule? • What does the expansion, and possibly solidification, of populism mean for the very nature and future of contemporary democracy? Populism and Liberal Democracy will change the ways the reader understands populism and imagines the prospects of liberal democracy.

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33

Panizza, Francisco. Populism and Identification. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.19.

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Анотація:

This chapter discusses relations between populism, identity, and identification, defining populism as a mode of political identification that constructs and gives meaning to “the people” as a political actor. It critically adopts a discursive approach to populism represented, among others, by the works of Ernesto Laclau, as well as the socio-cultural approach of Pierre Ostiguy, in order to show how populist identities are created and how populist interventions shape politics differently in different political contexts. It argues that political identities are complex, relational, and incomplete, challenging binary classifications of political actors as either populists or not, and introducing the notion of populist interventions as a political appeal to be used alongside other political appeals. The notion of incomplete and permanently dislocated institutions is then used to show how populist interventions can be employed in highly institutionalized political settings to change the boundaries of what is sayable and hence doable in a given political order.

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34

Newman, Saul, and Tihomir Topuzovski. Postanarchism and Critical Art Practices. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350410374.

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Анотація:

Engaging with contemporary debates about the political role of art in an era of total market subsumption, this book shows how artists respond to the challenges of political authoritarianism, police violence, right-wing populism, ‘post-truth’ discourse, economic inequality, pandemics, and the environmental crisis, transforming the public sphere in new and unexpected ways. Going beyond sterile debates about identity politics, diversity and representation that beset the mainstream media, university campuses and other cultural domains, the volume illustrates the ways in which artists are opening up alternative sites of contestation, occupation, and autonomous political thought and action. Newman and Topuzovski examine here the artistic practices of multiple collectives and individuals deeply engaged with social and political activities such as Grupo de Arte Callejero (GAC) and Voina, arguing that the best way to understand these new critical discourses and practices is through an updated political theory of anarchism - or what we call postanarchism - where the insurrection against power and the politics of singularity are central. Featuring, for instance, an examination of significant movements such as Black Lives Matter, as well as its use of artistic tactics such as graffiti, graphic design and movement art, the book launches itself into a vibrant discussion of the extent to which art can produce a multiplicity of practices through the deconstruction of existing legal, political, and cultural identities. By developing an alternative way of exploring the nexus between art and politics through the idea of postanarchism, this book bridges the gap between the two, promoting an understanding of the political role that art can play today and introduces a theory of postanarchism to a non-specialist audience of artists, activists and those generally interested in new sites and directions for radical politics.

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35

Espejo, Paulina Ochoa. Populism and the Idea of The People. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.30.

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Анотація:

The idea of “the people” motivates populist politics, but scholars are often skeptical that it can justify the populists’ claims. Who then are “the people” that both populists and democrats invoke? This chapter describes the logical paradoxes that arise when defining a democratic people and a long-standing debate on the nature and function of the demos in a democracy. These show that scholars’ definitions and judgments of populism depend on whether they conceive of the people as a historical fact (as populists do) or as a hypothetical ideal for guiding legislation (the liberals’ view). The chapter proposes instead an account of the democratic “people as process.” This account explains why populists betray the democratic ideals they claim to endorse.

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36

McDonnell, Duncan, and Annika Werner. International Populism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197500859.001.0001.

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Анотація:

The 2014 European Parliament elections were hailed as a “populist earthquake” with parties like the French Front National, UKIP and the Danish People's Party topping the polls in their countries and commentators warning about the consequences of a large radical right populist bloc in the Parliament. But what happened after the elections? Based on policy positions, voting data, and interviews conducted over more than four years with senior figures from fourteen radical right populist parties and their main partners, this is the first major study to explain these parties' actions and alliances in the European Parliament. International Populism answers three key questions: Why have radical right populists, unlike other ideological party types, long been divided in the European Parliament? Why, although divisions persist, are many of them now more united than ever? And how does all of this inform our understanding of the European populist radical right today? Arguing that these parties have entered a new international and transnational phase, with some attempting to be “respectable radicals” while others have instead embraced their shared populism, McDonnell and Werner shed new light on the past, present and future of one of the most important political phenomena of twenty-first-century Europe.

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37

Carrión, Julio F. A Dynamic Theory of Populism in Power. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197572290.001.0001.

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Анотація:

The relationship between populism and democracy is a hotly debated topic. Some believe that populism is inherently bad for democracy because it is anti-pluralist and confrontational. Others argue that populism can reinvigorate worn-out democracies in need of an infusion of greater popular participation. This book advances this debate by examining the empirical relationship between populism in power and democracy. Does populism in power always lead to regime change, that is, the demise of democracy? The answer is no. The impact of populism on democracy depends on the variety of populism in power: the worst outcomes in democratic governance are found under unconstrained populism. This book discusses the conditions that explain how populism becomes unconstrained, and advances a dynamic theory of change that shows how the late victories of populists build on early ones, resulting in greater power asymmetries. The book analyzes five populist presidencies in the Andes. In four of them (Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela), populism became unconstrained and regime change followed. In one case, Colombia, populism in power was contained and democracy survived. The concluding chapter places the Andean cases in comparative perspective and discusses how unconstrained populism in other cases (Nicaragua and Hungary) also lead to the end of electoral democracy. Where populism in power was constrained (Honduras and the United States), regime change did not materialize. This book advances a theory of populism that help us understand how democracies transition into non-democracies. To that extent, the book illuminates the processes of democratic erosion in our time.

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38

Kenny, Paul D. Understanding Populism and Why It Matters. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.003.0002.

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Анотація:

This chapter discusses the concept of populism in greater detail and also describes how party systems are measured and classified. Rather than conceive of populism as a type of thin political ideology, this book understands populism as a distinctively personalistic type of political movement or organization in which charismatic leaders look to directly mobilize mass constituencies through the media and other means. The chapter next distinguishes between programmatic, patronage, and populist party systems, based on which type of party is most common. Finally, the chapter provides a quantitative analysis of the consequences of populist electoral success for democracy across a number of indicators. It shows that populist rule has generally negative consequences for the functioning of liberal democracy, which makes the effort to understand populist electoral success all the more pressing.

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39

Hawkins, Kirk, Madeleine Read, and Teun Pauwels. Populism and Its Causes. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.13.

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Анотація:

Studies of populism increasingly theorize about its causes. Most arguments highlight the rational, material side of populist appeals or their connection to political identity. However, these arguments focus on regional varieties of populism, give little attention to the individual level of voter cognition, and overlook the role of populist ideas. In this chapter, we outline and critique these theories while offering a new approach. This theory builds on the ideational definition championed by other contributors to the Handbook, arguing that populism is a normative response to perceived crises of democratic legitimacy. Populist attitudes are not invented by politicians to fill a gap in the citizens’ psyche, but constitute a pre-existing set of beliefs that can be activated under certain contexts.

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40

Stavrakakis, Yannis. Populism and Hegemony. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.26.

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Анотація:

How can theories of hegemony advance our understanding of populism? Against the background of Gramsci’s work, this chapter draws on Laclau, Mouffe, and other theoretical resources in order to illuminate what shapes and animates populist discourse, what overdetermines its hegemonic potential. We focus on populist articulatory practices as political interventions operating within a broader socio-symbolic as well as psycho-social terrain that both facilitates their formation and—at the same time—limits their scope. The chapter highlights thus the need to take into account the broader terrain of populism/anti-populism antagonisms in order to effectively identify and inquire into the political performance and hegemonic effects of populist movements. Finally, a series of empirical examples are used to illustrate the argument.

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41

Roberts, Kenneth M. Populism and Political Parties. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.20.

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Анотація:

Populism and party politics are often studied separately, yet neither can be understood in isolation from the other. Any explanation for the rise of populism must inevitably address the deficiencies of party-based modes of political representation for which populism claims to offer a corrective. Indeed, populism thrives where mainstream parties are in crisis, or at least where they exclude or ignore major currents of opinion in the body politic. The study of populism, therefore, must be situated in the larger domain of political representation, and it is necessarily intertwined with the study of party politics. To enhance this theoretical integration, this chapter begins with an analysis of the representational deficiencies that are conducive to the rise of populist challengers, giving special attention to the recent European and Latin American experiences. It then explores the construction of populist parties and their transformative effects on national party systems.

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42

Eatwell, Roger. Populism and Fascism. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.14.

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Анотація:

Populism and fascism are identified by their foundational ideologies. In the case of “thin” populist ideology the core matrices are: (1) the plain people, (2) self-serving elites, and (3) rule by popular will. In the case of fascism they are the creation of: (1) the holistic nation, (2) a “new man,” and (3) a third way authoritarian state. These are then used to assess contested later manifestations, including Peronism, Donald Trump, and the French Front National. A problem in categorization is that whilst populism and fascism differ notably ideologically, in practice the latter has borrowed aspects of populist discourse and style, and populism can degenerate into leader-oriented authoritarian and exclusionary politics.

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43

Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira. Populism and the Question of How to Respond to It. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.21.

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Анотація:

Given that populist forces maintain a difficult relationship with democracy, there is an open debate about how to respond to their rise. This contribution addresses this question by developing a framework for analysis that identifies who are the actors that at the domestic and external level can try to deal with the populist challenge. Moreover, different types of responses to the emergence of populism are depicted. In addition, this contribution maintains that advancing a radical approach against populism might generate more harm than good, since “fighting fire with fire” can end up giving more validity and visibility to the discourse advanced by populist forces.

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44

March, Luke. Populism in the Post-Soviet States. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.9.

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Анотація:

In the former Soviet Union (FSU), sustained instances of populism are rare. The demand side does not represent an equally propitious “breeding ground” for populist backlash as in East Central Europe. However, the supply side is still more problematic, given the consolidation of authoritarian tendencies across the region. Without a minimal level of pluralism, it is extremely difficult to develop genuine and stable populist forces, except in (usually temporary) cases of regime breakdown or elite infighting. Anti-populist leaders (such as Vladimir Putin) have become the rule. Such leaders may employ populist rhetoric, but their fundamental impulse is elitist. They co-opt, mimic, or simply oppress social mobilization, making stability their watchword and regarding genuine populism as a dangerous threat to their rule.

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45

Tushnet, Mark, and Bojan Bugaric. Power to the People. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197606711.001.0001.

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Self-described populist leaders around the world are dismantling their nation’s constitutions. This has led to a widespread view that populism as such is inconsistent with constitutionalism. We disagree. Some forms of populism are inconsistent with constitutionalism, others aren’t. Context and detail matter. We begin with a thin definition of constitutionalism that people from the progressive left to the conservative right should be able to agree on even if they would supplement the thin definition with other more partisan ideas. We follow with a similarly thin definition of populism. Comparing the two, we argue that one facet of populism—its suspicion of institutions that are strongly entrenched against change by political majorities—is sometimes inconsistent with constitutionalism thinly understood. We then provide a series of case studies, some organized by nation, others by topic, to identify more precisely when and how populist programs are inconsistent with constitutionalism—and, importantly, when and how they are not. The book concludes with a discussion of the possibilities for a deeper and, we insist, populist democracy. After examining some recent challenges to the idea that democracy is a good form of government, we explore some possibilities for new, albeit revisable institutions that can determine and implement a majority’s views without always threatening constitutionalism.

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46

Verbeek, Bertjan, and Andrej Zaslove. Populism and Foreign Policy. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.15.

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This chapter discusses the impact of international politics on the rise of populist parties as well as the impact of populism on the foreign policy of the countries in which populist parties are present. It argues that the end of the Cold War, the advent of globalization, and the impact of regional organizations (e.g. the European Union) presented opportunity structures that facilitated the rise of populist parties. Similarly, the chapter argues that the effect of populist parties on their countries’ foreign policy is largely due to their attaching ideology. The chapter thus distinguishes between four types of populist parties, each attaching salience to different foreign policy issues: the populist radical right, the populist market liberal, the populist regionalist, and the populist left.

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47

Mueller, Jan-Werner. Populism and Constitutionalism. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.28.

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Many scholars hold that populism and constitutionalism cannot go together: populists, it is claimed, are against institutions in general, and against checks and balances as provided for in constitutions in particular. Instead, so the conventional wisdom goes, they assert an unrestrained popular will, or an unmediated relationship between a charismatic leader and the people. This chapter disputes this picture, building on a definition of populism whereby populists are not just anti-elitists, but also necessarily anti-pluralists, in order to argue that populists can coherently write constitutions to fix a supposed foundational popular will. In that sense, populists do not have to be uncomfortable with a usage of constitutions as a set of constraints; but they are opposed to constitutions as pluralism-enabling and pluralism-preserving devices (and, more particularly, as offering democracy-constitutive rights which could be used to change the populists’ preferred constitutional identity).

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48

Hellmann, Olli. Populism in East Asia. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.10.

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Based on a strict interpretation of the ideological definition of populism, this chapter argues that populist politicians are a rare breed in the electoral democracies of Northeast and Southeast Asia. In fact, multiparty politics have only thrown up three true cases of populism in the past: Joseph Estrada in the Philippines, Thaksin Shinawatra in Thailand, and Prabowo Subianto in Indonesia. Through the analytical framework of discursive institutionalism, the chapter explains the general absence of populist politicians by highlighting the distinctiveness of East Asia as an ideological setting. Specifically, the ideational context that is East Asia does not provide broader frameworks that would allow politicians to draw a moral distinction between “the people” and “the elite” in ways that are meaningful to voters.

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49

Frank, Jason. Populism and Praxis. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.29.

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This chapter argues that contemporary democratic theory’s approach to populism has been unduly influenced by Carl Schmitt’s theory of political identification. Both liberal critics and radical democratic admirers of populism have focused attention on the question of who the people are (“the boundary problem”) while neglecting the related question of how the people act (“the enactment problem”). This framework obscures the central importance of populism’s experimentation with different forms of egalitarian praxis, and how these forms come to shape political subjectivity. The formative praxis of populism is clearly indicated in the nineteenth-century American case.

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50

Communicating Populism. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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