Статті в журналах: "Polynesia"

1

Séguigne, Clémentine, Johann Mourier, Éric Clua, Nicolas Buray, and Serge Planes. "Citizen science provides valuable data to evaluate elasmobranch diversity and trends throughout the French Polynesia’s shark sanctuary." PLOS ONE 18, no. 3 (March 22, 2023): e0282837. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0282837.

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Observers of the Polynesian Shark Observatory (ORP), a citizen science network organized mainly through the Polynesian dive centers, collected an unprecedented amount of data from more than 13,916 dives spanning 43% of the islands of French Polynesia between July 8, 2011, and April 11, 2018. The objective for this type of data collection, which is not accessible within the standard research context, was to provide a unique dataset, and the opportunity to explore the specific diversity, distribution, seasonality and abundance of many elasmobranch species spread out throughout the territory of French Polynesia. Since the data are based on random citizen observations, the spatial distribution was biased toward the most frequented sites and islands where scuba diving is most developed. Overall, the increase in observed abundance of rays and sharks observed in French Polynesia, and the three most sampled islands as well as the high specific diversity recorded for the region, provide first evidence on the effectiveness of the French Polynesia’s Shark Sanctuary, established in 2006. These data, collected randomly by the volunteers, also provide insights into potential movement patterns and site fidelity of some of the more commonly observed species. While no final conclusions can be drawn, it is clear that the network of volunteers that regularly contributes information to the Polynesian Shark Observatory plays a very important role in the delivery of much needed data for conservation and management action, as well as providing perspectives for new directions in research on sharks and rays in French Polynesia.

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2

Moyrand, Alain. "Can the Polynesian Languages be Used in the Proceedings of the Assembly of French Polynesia?" Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2011): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v42i2.5132.

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In 2010 the European Court of Human Rights rejected a petition relating to the right to use a Polynesian language in the Assembly of French Polynesia. This article considers the relationship between the French Constitution and the Organic Law, relating to the status of French Polynesia, and the use of languages other than French in the proceedings of the Assembly of French Polynesia. The consequences of case law for the use of a Polynesian language in the Assembly of French Polynesia are also examined. The article concludes is that there is no right to use a Polynesian language in the French Polynesian Assembly, but that the use of Tahitian and other Polynesian languages is a long established practice of the Assembly and that their use in a number of limited cases does not render the proceedings in which they are used invalid.

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3

Finney, Ben. "Rediscovering Polynesian Navigation through Experimental Voyaging." Journal of Navigation 46, no. 3 (September 1993): 383–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0373463300011838.

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Over the last two decades, my colleagues and I have sailed a modern reconstruction of a Polynesian voyaging canoe some 40 000 nautical miles through Polynesian waters. This programme has been driven by two intertwined goals: one experimental – to test the sailing technology and navigational methods of the ancient Polynesians in order to resolve issues in Polynesian prehistory; and the other cultural – to enable contemporary Polynesians to relearn the means by which their ancestors found and settled their islands, and thereby gain a better sense of their uniquely maritime heritage and, ultimately, themselves. This paper focuses on the effort to rediscover how to navigate without instruments, and how that rediscovery is helping both to change scientific thinking about the colonization of Polynesia and to transform the selfimage of contemporary Polynesians.

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4

McCoy, Mark D., Caroline Cervera, Mara A. Mulrooney, Andrew McAlister, and Patrick V. Kirch. "Obsidian and volcanic glass artifact evidence for long-distance voyaging to the Polynesian Outlier island of Tikopia." Quaternary Research 98 (June 10, 2020): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qua.2020.38.

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AbstractReconstructing routes of ancient long-distance voyaging, long a topic of speculation, has become possible thanks to advances in the geochemical sourcing of archaeological artifacts. Of particular interest are islands classified as Polynesian Outliers, where people speak Polynesian languages and have distinctly Polynesian cultural traits, but are located within the Melanesian or Micronesian cultural areas. While the classification of these groups as Polynesian is not in dispute, the material evidence for the movement between Polynesia and the Polynesian Outliers is exceedingly rare, unconfirmed, and in most cases, nonexistent. We report on the first comprehensive sourcing (using a portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometer) of obsidian and volcanic glass artifacts recovered from excavations on the Polynesian Outlier island of Tikopia. We find evidence for: (1) initial settlement followed by continued voyages between Tikopia and an island Melanesian homeland; (2) long-distance voyaging becoming much less frequent and continuing to decline; and (3) later voyaging from Polynesia marked by imports of volcanic glass from Tonga beginning at 765 cal yr BP (±54 yr). Later long-distance voyages from Polynesia were surprisingly rare, given the strong cultural and linguistic influences of Polynesia, and we suggest, may indicate that Tikopia was targeted by Tongans for political expansion.

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5

Gosden, C., J. Allen, W. Ambrose, D. Anson, J. Golson, R. Green, P. Kirch, I. Lilley, J. Specht, and M. Spriggs. "Lapita sites of the Bismarck Archipelago." Antiquity 63, no. 240 (September 1989): 561–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00076559.

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The Lapita questionThe prehistory of the western Pacific has, for the last 30 years, been dominated by the problem of the origins of the present Polynesian and Melanesian cultures (Terrell 1988). In 1961 Golson drew attention to the distribution of highly decorated Lapita pottery, now known to date from between 3500 BP and 2000 BP, which crossed the present-day division between Melanesia and Polynesia. Furthermore, sites with Lapita pottery represented the first evidence of occupation on Tonga and Samoa, the most westerly Polynesian islands from which it was thought that the rest of Polynesia was colonized. Lapita pottery came to be associated with a movement of people from Melanesia to Polynesia and was seen to represent the founding group ancestral to later Polynesian groups.

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6

Thorsby, Erik. "The Polynesian gene pool: an early contribution by Amerindians to Easter Island." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 367, no. 1590 (March 19, 2012): 812–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2011.0319.

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It is now generally accepted that Polynesia was first settled by peoples from southeast Asia. An alternative that eastern parts of Polynesia were first inhabited by Amerindians has found little support. There are, however, many indications of a ‘prehistoric’ (i.e. before Polynesia was discovered by Europeans) contact between Polynesia and the Americas, but genetic evidence of a prehistoric Amerindian contribution to the Polynesian gene pool has been lacking. We recently carried out genomic HLA (human leucocyte antigen) typing as well as typing for mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and Y chromosome markers of blood samples collected in 1971 and 2008 from reputedly non-admixed Easter Islanders. All individuals carried HLA alleles and mtDNA types previously found in Polynesia, and most of the males carried Y chromosome markers of Polynesian origin (a few had European Y chromosome markers), further supporting an initial Polynesian population on Easter Island. The HLA investigations revealed, however, that some individuals also carried HLA alleles which have previously almost only been found in Amerindians. We could trace the introduction of these Amerindian alleles to before the Peruvian slave trades, i.e. before the 1860s, and provide suggestive evidence that they were introduced already in prehistoric time. Our results demonstrate an early Amerindian contribution to the Polynesian gene pool on Easter Island, and illustrate the usefulness of typing for immunogenetic markers such as HLA to complement mtDNA and Y chromosome analyses in anthropological investigations.

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7

Anderson, Atholl. "Polynesian Seafaring and American Horizons: A Response to Jones and Klar." American Antiquity 71, no. 4 (October 2006): 759–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035888.

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The hypothesis presented by Jones and Klar (2005) that elements of prehistoric Chumash technology and language arrived from East Polynesia is considered. Trans-oceanic diffusion in general should not be rejected out of hand, but in this case it is improbable that it involved East Polynesia. There are substantial differences in the sewn-plank canoes at issue and the compound hooks are of a general form that is not confined to Polynesia. The chronology of East Polynesian colonization is probably too late for diffusion to southern California before A.D. 700. East Polynesian seafaring may have been inadequate to reach the Californian coast. If the explanation is diffusionary, then a source in East Asia is more plausible.

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8

Thomson, Lex A. J., Paul A. Geraghty, and William H. Wilson. "Hawaiian seascapes and landscapes: reconstructing elements of a Polynesian ecological knowledge system." Journal of the Polynesian Society 129, no. 4 (December 2020): 407–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15286/jps.129.4.407-446.

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Kaute and its derivatives koute, ʻoute and ʻaute are Polynesian names for a red-flowered Hibiscus. Since its first botanical collection on Tahiti by Banks and Solander (1769), this hibiscus has been referred to as H. rosa-sinensis L. and assumed to have been introduced by the bearers of the archaeological culture known as Lapita. Lapita people settled West Polynesia around 2800 BP and spoke a language derived from Proto-Oceanic, the common ancestor of almost all the Austronesian languages of Island Melanesia and Micronesia as well as Polynesia. However, whereas Proto-Oceanic names can be reconstructed for many plants found in East Polynesia, the term kaute cannot be attributed to Proto-Oceanic, the name likely being locally derived in East Polynesia from that of paper mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera (L.) L’Hér. ex Vent.). On the basis of linguistic evidence, we contend that kaute was domesticated in a high island area of Central Eastern Polynesia and then dispersed in relatively recent pre-European times (ca. 500–700 BP) westwards through West Polynesia, to nearby islands such as the Fiji archipelago and Rotuma and to Polynesian Outliers in Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. Dissemination occurred before the -au- sequence changed to -ou- and k sporadically changed to ʻ, so that kaute rather than contemporary Marquesan koute and ʻoute was the term that was carried westward from the Marquesas. Kaute is here suggested to be an endemic East Polynesian species, different from H. rosa-sinensis L. Further field and genetic research is needed to definitively determine the phylogenetic relationships of kaute and a taxonomic description is required for formal recognition.

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9

Cattermole, Jennifer. "Sounding out the ‘Hawaiki zone’: What musical instruments reveal about the immediate geographical origins of the peoples who became Māori in Aotearoa." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2023): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00166_1.

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A range of linguistic, genetic and archaeological evidence supports the immediate ancestors of Māori having come from central Eastern Polynesia, and this is borne out through a comparative study of central Eastern Polynesian and Māori musical instruments. An examination of Māori musical instruments also shows, however, that a few instrument names, types and usages may be adoptions or adaptations from elsewhere in Oceania – from Hawai‘i, or from Western Polynesia or Eastern Melanesia. While the possibility of convergent evolution cannot be ruled out, these similarities are quite striking and raise some intriguing questions. Are these similarities the result of cultural transmission to central Eastern Polynesia from Hawai‘i and Western Polynesia (and/or Eastern Melanesia) prior to the departure of the ancestors of Māori to Aotearoa? Could they be the result of a limited amount of direct voyaging from Western Polynesia and/or Eastern Melanesia to Aotearoa prior to the Little Ice Age (c.1400), or from later cultural transmission? Are they the vestiges of practices that, in historical times, had been discontinued in central Eastern Polynesia but preserved in marginal Polynesia (as per the ‘stone in the pond’ model of cultural diffusion)? These questions are discussed in this article, which aims to shed further light on the possible origins of Māori musical instruments and, in so doing, the immediate geographical origins of Māori ancestors.

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10

Magelssen, Scott. "White-Skinned Gods: Thor Heyerdahl, the Kon-Tiki Museum, and the Racial Theory of Polynesian Origins." TDR/The Drama Review 60, no. 1 (March 2016): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00522.

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Thor Heyerdahl’s 1947 performative experiment, to sail a raft from Peru to Polynesia, was lauded as a feat of ingenuity and endurance. Largely undertreated is the racially motivated theory undergirding Heyerdahl’s Kon-Tiki project—that the first settlers in Polynesia were a race of bearded, white-skinned supermen who remained deities in both South American and Polynesian mythology. Contemporary commemorations, however, emphasize feel-good stories of human achievement over Heyerdahl’s racist performance.

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11

Morris, Paul. "Polynesians and Mormonism." Nova Religio 18, no. 4 (2014): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2015.18.4.83.

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Polynesia has a particular place in the history of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church). The region that heralded the Church’s first overseas missions includes seven of the world’s top ten nations in terms of the proportion of Mormons in the population, and it is home to six Mormon temples. The Polynesian Latter-day Saint population is increasing in both percentage and absolute numbers, and peoples in the Pacific “islands of the sea” continue to play a central role in the Mormon missionary imaginary. This article explores Polynesians in the LDS Church and critically evaluates different theories seeking to explain this growing religious affiliation. Scholars of Mormonism and commentators explain this growth in terms of parallels between Mormonism and indigenous Polynesian traditions, particularly family lineage and ancestry, and theological and ritual affinities. After evaluating these claims in light of scholarly literature and interviews with Latter-day Saints, however, I conclude that other reasons—especially education and other new opportunities—may equally if not more significantly account for the appeal of Mormonism to Polynesians.

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12

KLAUTAU, MICHELLE, MATHEUS VIEIRA LOPES, BRUNA GUARABYRA, ERIC FOLCHER, MERRICK EKINS, and CÉCILE DEBITUS. "Calcareous sponges from the French Polynesia (Porifera: Calcarea)." Zootaxa 4748, no. 2 (March 6, 2020): 261–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4748.2.3.

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Although the French Polynesian reefs are among the most well studied reefs of the world, sponges are still poorly known, with only 199 species or OTUs of sponges having been described from French Polynesia, 167 at an OTU level and 32 at a species level. From those 199 species, just five are calcareous sponges. As it is possible that this number is underestimated, the aim of the present work was to study the diversity of calcareous sponges from French Polynesia. Hence, different French Polynesian archipelagos were surveyed by SCUBA from 3 to 60 m of depth. Identifications were performed using morphological and molecular (ITS and C-LSU) tools. We found a total of nine species of Calcarea, comprising five different genera. Five species are new to science: Clathrina fakaravae sp. nov., Clathrina huahineae sp. nov., Ernstia variabilis sp. nov., Leucascus digitiformis sp. nov., and Leucandra tahuatae sp. nov. With the present work, the number of identified sponges from French Polynesia at a species level increased from 32 to 41. The only calcareous sponge previously known from French Polynesia that was recollected by our group was Leucetta chagosensis. Our results suggest that the Eastern Indo-Pacific Realm shows more affinity with the Central and the Western Indo-Pacific Realms. Four species supported these affinities: Ascandra cf. crewsi, previously known only from Papua New Guinea, Leucascus simplex from South Australia, and Leucetta chagosensis and L. microraphis, both widespread species in the Indo-Pacific. These two Leucetta species, however, most likely represent species complexes. Once again the molecular markers ITS and C-LSU helped in the identification of calcareous sponges, showing how important is an integrative taxonomy. Although our work has increased in 250% (6 spp to 15 spp) the diversity of calcareous sponges in French Polynesia, it is most possible that this number is still underestimated.

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13

Kirch, P. V., T. L. Hunt, and Jason Tyler. "A Radiocarbon Sequence from the Toaga Site, Ofu Island, American Samoa." Radiocarbon 31, no. 1 (1989): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200044568.

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The Samoan Archipelago occupies a critical position for understanding the dispersal of early Austronesian-speaking peoples into the southwestern Pacific, including the initial colonization by humans of the Polynesian triangle. To date, the most easterly reported site of the Lapita cultural complex (Green, 1979; Kirch, 1984; Kirch & Hunt, 1988) is the Mulifanua site on Upolu Island, Western Samoa (Green & Davidson, 1974). Lapita colonists settled the larger, western Samoan Islands by the end of the second millennium bc. Archaeologic and linguistic evidence also suggest that the islands of Eastern Polynesia (eg, Marquesas, Society and Cook Islands) were settled, at least in part, from Samoa. However, the timing of this movement into Eastern Polynesia has not yet been dated to earlier than ca 150 bc on the basis of radiocarbon dating of cultural materials from the Marquesas Islands (Kirch, 1986; Ottino, 1985). This has raised the issue of whether there was a “long pause” between the settlement of Samoa (and the other islands of Western Polynesia, such as Tonga, Futuna, and ‘Uvea) and that of Eastern Polynesia (Irwin, 1981; Kirch, 1986; Terrell, 1986).

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Coote, Trevor, Eric Loeve, Jean-Yves Meyer, and Dave Clarke. "Extant populations of endemic partulids on Tahiti, French Polynesia." Oryx 33, no. 3 (July 1999): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-3008.1999.00065.x.

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AbstractThe current distribution of endemic partulid snails on Tahiti in French Polynesia reflects the danger of ignoring expert advice and introducing an alien species into a fragile island ecosystem. The endemic tree-snail fauna of the island now faces extinction. Although the extinction of the native species of Partula (Partulidae; Polynesian tree snails) on Moorea in French Polynesia is well known in the world of conservation biology, losses on other Pacific islands are less well described. This paper presents an update on the status of partulid snail populations on Tahiti in the light of fieldwork undertaken between 1995 and 1997. Native snails still exist in good numbers in two areas, at opposite ends of the island. In other areas, sightings of single or a few individuals indicate remnant populations now on the edge of extinction. Efforts to protect these populations and others in French Polynesia are being planned in collaboration with local government authorities.

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15

Jones, Terry L., and Kathryn A. Klar. "Diffusionism Reconsidered: Linguistic and Archaeological Evidence for Prehistoric Polynesian Contact with Southern California." American Antiquity 70, no. 3 (July 2005): 457–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035309.

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While the prevailing theoretical orthodoxy of North American archaeology overwhelmingly discourages consideration of transoceanic cultural diffusion, linguistic and archaeological evidence appear to indicate at least one instance of direct cultural contact between Polynesia and southern California during the prehistoric era. Three words used to refer to boats - including the distinctive sewn-plank canoe used by Chumashan and Gabrielino speakers of the southern California coast - are odd by the phonotactic and morphological standards of their languages and appear to correlate with Proto-Central Eastern Polynesian terms associated with woodworking and canoe construction. Chumashan and Gabrielino speakers seem to have borrowed this complex of words along with the sewn-plank construction technique itself sometime between ca. A.D. 400 and 800, at which time there is also evidence for punctuated adaptive change (e.g., increased exploitation of pelagic fish) and appearance of a Polynesian style two-piece bone fishhook in the Santa Barbara Channel. These developments were coeval with a period of major exploratory seafaring by the Polynesians that resulted in the discovery and settlement of Hawaii - the nearest Polynesian outpost to southern California. Archaeological and ethnographic information from the Pacific indicates that the Polynesians had the capabilities of navigation, boat construction, and sailing, as well as the cultural incentives to complete a one-way passage from Hawaii to the mainland of southern California. These findings suggest that diffusion and other forms of historical contingency still need to be considered in constructions of North American prehistory.

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16

Millar, Alan J. K. "Algues de Polynesie française – Algae of French Polynesia." Phycologia 40, no. 4 (July 2001): 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2216/i0031-8884-40-4-386.1.

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17

Vieira, Christophe, Myung Sook Kim, Antoine De Ramon N’Yeurt, Claude Payri, Sofie D’Hondt, Olivier De Clerck, and Mayalen Zubia. "Marine Flora of French Polynesia: An Updated List Using DNA Barcoding and Traditional Approaches." Biology 12, no. 8 (August 11, 2023): 1124. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/biology12081124.

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Located in the heart of the South Pacific Ocean, the French Polynesian islands represent a remarkable setting for biological colonization and diversification, because of their isolation. Our knowledge of this region’s biodiversity is nevertheless still incomplete for many groups of organisms. In the late 1990s and 2000s, a series of publications provided the first checklists of French Polynesian marine algae, including the Chlorophyta, Rhodophyta, Ochrophyta, and Cyanobacteria, established mostly on traditional morphology-based taxonomy. We initiated a project to systematically DNA barcode the marine flora of French Polynesia. Based on a large collection of ~2452 specimens, made between 2014 and 2023, across the five French Polynesian archipelagos, we re-assessed the marine floral species diversity (Alismatales, Cyanobacteria, Rhodophyta, Ochrophyta, Chlorophyta) using DNA barcoding in concert with morphology-based classification. We provide here a major revision of French Polynesian marine flora, with an updated listing of 702 species including 119 Chlorophyta, 169 Cyanobacteria, 92 Ochrophyta, 320 Rhodophyta, and 2 seagrass species—nearly a two-fold increase from previous estimates. This study significantly improves our knowledge of French Polynesian marine diversity and provides a valuable DNA barcode reference library for identification purposes and future taxonomic and conservation studies. A significant part of the diversity uncovered from French Polynesia corresponds to unidentified lineages, which will require careful future taxonomic investigation.

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18

Ho, Raimana, Taivini Teai, Denis Loquet, Jean-Pierre Bianchini, Jean-Pierre Girault, René Lafont, and Phila Raharivelomanana. "Phytoecdysteroids in the Genus Microsorum (Polypodiaceae) of French Polynesia." Natural Product Communications 2, no. 8 (August 2007): 1934578X0700200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1934578x0700200803.

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A chemical survey of the six species of Microsorum in French Polynesia has been performed to determine and quantify the phytoecdysteroids. The content and composition of these compounds in the fronds of each of the six species were established. The highest concentrations of ecdysteroids were found in M. membranifolium (1.6% w/w) and M. scolopendria (0.47%), used in Polynesian traditional medicine. Seven phytoecdysteroids were quantified in these species and the major components were ecdysone, 20-hydroxyecdysone, and 2-deoxy-20-hydroxyecdysone, besides the minor ones (inokosterone, makisterone A, makisterone C, and 2-deoxyecdysone). Both the fronds of M. membranifolium and the rhizomes of M. scolopendria grown in French Polynesia could be considered as uncommonly rich sources of ecdysteroids.

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Peres, Jean. "La Nouvelle Repartition des Competences entre l'Etat et la Polynésie Française." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 35, no. 2 (August 1, 2004): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v35i2.5647.

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On 27 February 2004 the French government completed the process of giving French Polynesia the new status of Pays d'outre mer (overseas country). This article sets out the new division of powers between the French State government, and the French Polynesian government. Jean Peres analyses the areas that the French government has expressly retained in its sphere of competence, in order to assess the true extent of French Polynesian autonomy. He also compares the new arrangement with the law of 12 April 1996 to see how much the French Polynesian authority has been increased.

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Heard, Emma, Lisa Fitzgerald, Maxine Whittaker, Sina Va’ai, and Allyson Mutch. "Exploring Intimate Partner Violence in Polynesia: A Scoping Review." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 21, no. 4 (August 20, 2018): 769–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838018795504.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major, global public health concern with significant impacts, particularly for women, worldwide. There is an immediate need to develop comprehensive understandings of the complex drivers of this multifaceted issue in diverse cultural and social contexts. This scoping review used a systematic approach to gather a broad scope of peer-reviewed, publisher-controlled, and gray literature investigating IPV in Polynesia, a region of the Pacific experiencing high rates of IPV. A total of 181 articles were identified through a comprehensive search that included five cross-disciplinary databases; government, intergovernmental, and nongovernment websites; and consultation with community organizations. Thirty-three articles met the inclusion criteria related to IPV in a Polynesian country or community abroad and were included in this review. Narrative synthesis, which included summarizing and sorting key findings into common themes, was conducted to provide an overview of what is currently known about IPV in Polynesia and Polynesian communities living aboard. Key themes, which arose from the data analysis included: high prevalence of IPV, attitudes supporting IPV, urbanization and migration, traditional protective factors, and formal leadership and laws. The paucity of rigorous literature highlights an immediate need for IPV prevention research and intervention within Polynesian communities. This review includes a discussion of the limitations of this small body of literature and makes recommendations for future research, policy, and program development to include intersectionality in order to deepen understandings and enhance inclusive and meaningful intervention and policy implementation.

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Barber, Ian G., and Thomas F. G. Higham. "Archaeological science meets Māori knowledge to model pre-Columbian sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) dispersal to Polynesia’s southernmost habitable margins." PLOS ONE 16, no. 4 (April 14, 2021): e0247643. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0247643.

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Most scholars of the subject consider that a pre-Columbian transpacific transfer accounts for the historical role of American sweet potato Ipomoea batatas as the kūmara staple of Indigenous New Zealand/Aotearoa Māori in cooler southwestern Polynesia. Archaeologists have recorded evidence of ancient Polynesian I. batatas cultivation from warmer parts of generally temperate-climate Aotearoa, while assuming that the archipelago’s traditional Murihiku region in southern South Island/Te Waipounamu was too cold to grow and store live Polynesian crops, including relatively hardy kūmara. However, archaeological pits in the form of seasonal Māori kūmara stores (rua kūmara) have been discovered unexpectedly at Pūrākaunui on eastern Murihuku’s Otago coast, over 200 km south of the current Polynesian limit of record for premodern I. batatas production. Secure pit deposits that incorporate starch granules with I. batatas characteristics are radiocarbon-dated within the decadal range 1430–1460 CE at 95% probability in a Bayesian age model, about 150 years after Polynesians first settled Te Waipounamu. These archaeological data become relevant to a body of Māori oral history accounts and traditional knowledge (mātauranga) concerning southern kūmara, incorporating names, memories, landscape features and seemingly enigmatic references to an ancient Murihiku crop presence. Selected components of this lore are interpreted through comparative exegesis for correlation with archaeological science results in testable models of change. In a transfer and adaptation model, crop stores if not seasonal production technologies also were introduced from a warmer, agricultural Aotearoa region into dune microclimates of 15th-century coastal Otago to mitigate megafaunal loss, and perhaps to support Polynesia’s southernmost residential chiefdom in its earliest phase. A crop loss model proposes that cooler seasonal temperatures of the post-1450 Little Ice Age and (or) political change constrained kūmara supply and storage options in Murihiku. The loss model allows for the disappearance of kūmara largely, but not entirely, as a traditional Otago crop presence in Māori social memory.

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22

Anderson, Atholl. "Subpolar settlement in South Polynesia." Antiquity 79, no. 306 (December 2005): 791–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00114930.

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Archaeological research in the Auckland Islands, south of New Zealand, has disclosed earth ovens, middens and flaked stone tools dating to the thirteenth–fourteenth centuries AD. This is the first site of prehistoric settlement in the outlying islands of the Subantarctic. Polynesians and their dogs survived on seals and seabirds for at least one summer. The new data complete a survey of colonisation in the outlying archipelagos of South Polynesia and show that it occurred contemporaneously, rapidly and in all directions from mainland New Zealand.

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Robie, David. "NOTED: Lost in translation." Pacific Journalism Review 20, no. 1 (May 31, 2014): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v20i1.205.

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Reviewed book by Tim HoganNew Zealand media and journalists largely equate the ‘Pacific’ with Polynesia. The focus of reportage and understanding the region begins with the Cook islands and ends with Niue, Samoa and Tonga, with a limited grasp of Fiji. Anything west of Nadi, the Melanesian nations, gains cursory attention and Tahiti Nui (Polynesian) and Kanaky (Melanesian) are all but ignored.

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Weisler, Marshall I., Robert Bolhar, Jinlong Ma, Emma St Pierre, Peter Sheppard, Richard K. Walter, Yuexing Feng, Jian-xin Zhao, and Patrick V. Kirch. "Cook Island artifact geochemistry demonstrates spatial and temporal extent of pre-European interarchipelago voyaging in East Polynesia." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 29 (July 5, 2016): 8150–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1608130113.

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The Cook Islands are considered the “gateway” for human colonization of East Polynesia, the final chapter of Oceanic settlement and the last major region occupied on Earth. Indeed, East Polynesia witnessed the culmination of the greatest maritime migration in human history. Perennial debates have critiqued whether Oceanic settlement was purposeful or accidental, the timing and pathways of colonization, and the nature and extent of postcolonization voyaging—essential for small founding groups securing a lifeline between parent and daughter communities. Centering on the well-dated Tangatatau rockshelter, Mangaia, Southern Cook Islands, we charted the temporal duration and geographic spread of exotic stone adze materials—essential woodworking tools found throughout Polynesia— imported for more than 300 y beginning in the early AD 1300s. Using a technique requiring only 200 mg of sample for the geochemical analysis of trace elements and isotopes of fine-grained basalt adzes, we assigned all artifacts to an island or archipelago of origin. Adze material was identified from the chiefly complex on the Austral Islands, from the major adze quarry complex on Tutuila (Samoa), and from the Marquesas Islands more than 2,400 km distant. This interaction is the only dated example of down-the-line exchange in central East Polynesia where intermediate groups transferred commodities attesting to the interconnectedness and complexity of social relations fostered during postsettlement voyaging. For the Cook Islands, this exchange may have lasted into the 1600s, at least a century later than other East Polynesian archipelagos, suggesting that interarchipelago interaction contributed to the later development of social hierarchies.

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Sage, Yves-Louis. "Observations sur la situation politique de la Polynesie Francaise au travers de quelques principies de bonne Gouvernance enonces par le PNUD 1997 et le Pacific Plan 2006-15." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 39, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v39i4.5482.

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Since 2004, the political situation in French Polynesia has been marked by chronic instability. Waves of electoral reform initiatives undertaken by the government in order to improve political life have not been successful. This is not surprising since these reforms have been adopted without appropriate consultations with the population and often against the wishes of the local assembly. As a result, these reforms have in fact accentuated the problems they were supposed to resolve. This situation, criticised by a large majority of Polynesian voters, is the result of the violation by the principal political actors in French Polynesia of the principles of good governance developed by the United Nations Development Programme in 1997 and by the Pacific Islands Forum in the Pacific Plan 2006-15. Yet, these are not unsolvable problems should the political actors show the will to tackle them efficiently.

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DE FORGES, BERTRAND RICHER, and PETER K. L. NG. "New records of deep-sea spider crabs of the genus Cyrtomaia Miers, 1886, from the Pacific Ocean, with description of a new species (Crustacea: Decapoda: Brachyura: Majidae)." Zootaxa 1861, no. 1 (September 1, 2008): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1861.1.2.

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Recent collections of deep-sea majid crabs from the South Pacific Ocean and Taiwan provide new records of five species of Cyrtomaia Miers, 1886, and a new species from French Polynesia, C. polynesica n. sp. The news species is most similar to the recently described C. micronesica Richer de Forges & Ng, 2007, but differs from this species in the morphology of its carapace and pereopods.

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27

Prebble, Matthew, Atholl J. Anderson, Paul Augustinus, Joshua Emmitt, Stewart J. Fallon, Louise L. Furey, Simon J. Holdaway, et al. "Early tropical crop production in marginal subtropical and temperate Polynesia." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 18 (April 8, 2019): 8824–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1821732116.

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Polynesians introduced the tropical crop taro (Colocasia esculenta) to temperate New Zealand after 1280 CE, but evidence for its cultivation is limited. This contrasts with the abundant evidence for big game hunting, raising longstanding questions of the initial economic and ecological importance of crop production. Here we compare fossil data from wetland sedimentary deposits indicative of taro and leaf vegetable (includingSonchusandRorippaspp.) cultivation from Ahuahu, a northern New Zealand offshore island, with Raivavae and Rapa, both subtropical islands in French Polynesia. Preservation of taro pollen on all islands between 1300 CE and 1550 CE indicates perennial cultivation over multiple growing seasons, as plants rarely flower when frequently harvested. The pollen cooccurs with previously undetected fossil remains of extinct trees, as well as many weeds and commensal invertebrates common to tropical Polynesian gardens. Sedimentary charcoal and charred plant remains show that fire use rapidly reduced forest cover, particularly on Ahuahu. Fires were less frequent by 1500 CE on all islands as forest cover diminished, and short-lived plants increased, indicating higher-intensity production. The northern offshore islands of New Zealand were likely preferred sites for early gardens where taro production was briefly attempted, before being supplanted by sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), a more temperate climate-adapted crop, which was later established in large-scale cultivation systems on the mainland after 1500 CE.

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Montant, Gil. "The determinants of the hotel sector revenues: The case of French Polynesia." Tourism Economics 26, no. 5 (July 17, 2019): 809–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816619863253.

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This article is an empirical analysis focused on the hotel sector in French Polynesia in 2007–2017. One assesses the impact of a set of variables on the French Polynesian hotel sector monthly revenues through a gravity model. First, one specifies a basic model that embeds several potential explanatory variables (the exchange rate (both nominal and real), the rate of unemployment, the geographical distance, some specific historical events, etc.). Next, a second model is specified so as to assess the impact of hotel capacities measured by the number of bedrooms offered. Estimates rest on an unbalanced monthly panel database that embeds main countries from where tourists present in French Polynesia are originated. In order to compare results, each specification is estimated by two methods: classical panel regression (Ordinary least squares /Generalized least squares) and pseudo Poisson maximum likelihood. Both methods lead to coherent results.

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Allen, Melinda S., Tara Lewis, and Nick Porch. "Lost bioscapes: Floristic and arthropod diversity coincident with 12th century Polynesian settlement, Nuku Hiva, Marquesas Islands." PLOS ONE 17, no. 3 (March 30, 2022): e0265224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0265224.

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Knowledge of biodiversity in the past, and the timing, nature, and drivers of human-induced ecological change, is important for gaining deep time perspectives and for modern conservation efforts. The Marquesas Islands (Polynesia) are one of the world’s most remote archipelagos and illustrate the vulnerability of indigenous bioscapes to anthropogenic activities. Characterised by high levels of endemism across many biotic groups, the full spectrum of the group’s flora and fauna is nonetheless incompletely known. Several centuries of Polynesian settlement reshaped biotic communities in ways that are not yet fully understood, and historically-introduced mammalian herbivores have devastated the indigenous lowland flora. We report here on archaeological recovery of a diverse assemblage of plant and arthropod subfossils from a waterlogged deposit on the largest Marquesan island: Nuku Hiva. These materials offer new perspectives on the composition of lowland plant and arthropod communities pene-contemporaneous with human arrival. Bayesian analysis of multiple 14C results from short-lived materials date the assemblages to the mid-12th century AD (1129–1212 cal. AD, 95.4% HPD). Evidence for human activities in the catchment coincident with deposit formation includes Polynesian associated arthropods, microcharcoal, and an adzed timber. Plant macrofossils (seeds, fruits, vegetative structures) and microfossils (pollen, phytoliths) reveal coastal and lowland wet-moist forest communities unlike those observed today. Several apparently extinct taxa are identified, along with extant taxa currently constrained to high altitude and/or interior areas. A diverse inventory of subfossil arthropods—the first pre-18th century records for the islands—includes more than 100 distinct taxa, with several new archipelago records and one previously unreported for eastern Polynesia. The assemblages provide new insights into lowland Marquesan forest communities coincident with human arrival, and portend the considerable anthropogenic transformations that followed. These records also have implications for human colonisation of the Marquesas Islands and East Polynesia at large.

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Newman, Erica A., Carlea A. Winkler, and David H. Hembry. "Effects of anthropogenic wildfire in low-elevation Pacific island vegetation communities in French Polynesia." PeerJ 6 (June 20, 2018): e5114. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.5114.

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Anthropogenic (or human-caused) wildfire is an increasingly important driver of ecological change on Pacific islands including southeastern Polynesia, but fire ecology studies are almost completely absent for this region. Where observations do exist, they mostly represent descriptions of fire effects on plant communities before the introduction of invasive species in the modern era. Understanding the effects of wildfire in southeastern Polynesian island vegetation communities can elucidate which species may become problematic invasives with continued wildfire activity. We investigate the effects of wildfire on vegetation in three low-elevation sites (45–379 m) on the island of Mo’orea in the Society Islands, French Polynesia, which are already heavily impacted by past human land use and invasive exotic plants, but retain some native flora. In six study areas (three burned and three unburned comparisons), we placed 30 transects across sites and collected species and abundance information at 390 points. We analyzed each local community of plants in three categories: natives, those introduced by Polynesians before European contact (1767 C.E.), and those introduced since European contact. Burned areas had the same or lower mean species richness than paired comparison sites. Although wildfire did not affect the proportions of native and introduced species, it may increase the abundance of introduced species on some sites. Non-metric multidimensional scaling indicates that (not recently modified) comparison plant communities are more distinct from one another than are those on burned sites. We discuss conservation concerns for particular native plants absent from burned sites, as well as invasive species (includingLantana camaraandParaserianthes falcataria) that may be promoted by fire in the Pacific.

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ADDISON, DAVID J., and ELIZABETH MATISOO-SMITH. "Rethinking Polynesians origins: A West-Polynesia Triple-I Model." Archaeology in Oceania 45, no. 1 (April 2010): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4453.2010.tb00072.x.

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Butaud, Jean-François, Vincent Gaydou, Jean-Pierre Bianchini, Robert Faure, and Phila Raharivelomanana. "Dihydroxysesquiterpenoids from Santalum insulare of French Polynesia." Natural Product Communications 2, no. 3 (March 2007): 1934578X0700200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1934578x0700200303.

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Two new dihydroxysesquiterpene derivatives, elvirenol (1) and elvirol (2), along with five known compounds, (Z)-2β-hydroxy-14-hydro-β-santalol (3), (Z)-2α-hydroxyalbumol (4), (Z)-campherene-2β,13-diol (5), bisabola-2,10-dien-7,13-diol (6) and 2R-(Z)-campherene-2,13-diol (7) were isolated from the n-hexane extract of Santalum insulare (Santalaceae) from French Polynesia. Elvirol and elvirenol have a new sesquiterpene skeleton named elvirane. The structures were determined by extensive NMR studies. Compounds with antibacterial and antifungal activities identified in S. album heartwood were also present in S. insulare and may contribute to the recognized activities of this material in Polynesian traditional medicine.

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Montenegro, Alvaro, Alexandra Niclou, Atholl Anderson, Scott M. Fitzpatrick, and Cara Ocobock. "Estimated energetic demands of thermoregulation during ancient canoe passages from Tahiti to Hawaii and New Zealand, a simulation analysis." PLOS ONE 18, no. 7 (July 12, 2023): e0287290. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0287290.

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Prehistoric colonization of East Polynesia represents the last and most extensive of human migrations into regions previously uninhabited. Although much of East Polynesia is tropical, the southern third, dominated by New Zealand—by far the largest Polynesian landmass—ranges from a warm- to cool-temperate climate with some islands extending into the Subantarctic. The substantial latitudinal variation implies questions about biocultural adaptations of tropical people to conditions in which most of their familiar resources were absent and their agriculture marginal. Perhaps the most basic question, but one which has never been explored, is the extent to which sailing out of the tropics on long-distance colonizing voyages imposed physiological stress on canoe crews and passengers. In this paper we use trajectories of simulated voyages from Tahiti to New Zealand and Tahiti to Hawaii to obtain along-trip environmental parameters which are then used to model the energy expenditure of these long overseas journeys. Results show that travelers to New Zealand are exposed to much harsher environmental conditions, leading to significantly greater in-trip thermoregulatory demands. For both destinations, travelers with larger body sizes exhibit lower modeled heat loss and hence obtain an energetic advantage, with greater gains for females. Such physiological features, notably of Samoans who probably formed the founding population in East Polynesia, may help explain successful voyaging to temperate latitudes.

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Botti, Laurent, Sylvain Petit, and Linjia Zhang. "Strategic decision concerning tourist origins portfolio: A decision process based on the ELECTRE method and applied to French Polynesia." Tourism Economics 26, no. 5 (December 9, 2019): 830–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816619891323.

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This article presents a two-step framework for the selection of the optimal tourist origins portfolio for a particular destination. The article applies this decision-making process to French Polynesia. The first step of the framework is based on a mean–variance optimization procedure and proposes the subset of portfolios among which the decision-maker must limit her/his choice. Second, the multicriteria ELECTRE method is employed to rank all the portfolios considered on the basis of decision-makers’ preferences exposed in the parameters of the algorithm. Three decision-maker profiles are proposed from a risk-averse profile to a risk-lover profile. This article contributes to the dedicated literature by presenting ELECTRE III as an alternative to the utility function approach used by previous studies. Results of our application to French Polynesia’s tourist attendance data (from 2014 to 2017) highlight the usefulness of the framework exhibited and empirically underline the economic perspectives offered by Chinese tourists. The French Polynesian application follows a clear presentation permitting consideration of applications to other destinations.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 33, no. 1 (2021): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2021.0011.

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Strokirch, Karin von. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 12, no. 1 (2000): 221–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2000.0035.

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Strokirch, Karin von. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 13, no. 1 (2001): 225–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2001.0033.

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Strokirch, Karin von. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 14, no. 1 (2002): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2002.0035.

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Chappell, David A. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 17, no. 1 (2005): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2005.0007.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 18, no. 1 (2006): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2005.0083.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 19, no. 1 (2007): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2007.0012.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 20, no. 1 (2007): 222–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2008.0017.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 21, no. 1 (2009): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2009.0001.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 22, no. 1 (2010): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2010.0046.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 23, no. 1 (2011): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2011.0019.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 23, no. 1 (2011): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2011.0028.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 24, no. 1 (2012): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2012.0012.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 25, no. 1 (2013): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2013.0023.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 26, no. 1 (2014): 192–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2014.0007.

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Gonschor, Lorenz. "French Polynesia." Contemporary Pacific 27, no. 1 (2015): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2015.0010.

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